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TUEKISTAN 


VOL.  ii. 


DERVISHES. 


{Frontispiece  of  Vol.    II. 


CONTENTS 

OF 

THE     SECOND     VOLUME. 


CHAPTER  IX. 


Mikhram  —Approach  to  Khokand — Reception  by  theMekhter — TheAtalyk  — 
The  palace — The  armoury — Breech-loading  guns  and  Berdan  rifles — Paper- 
making — The  bazaar — Dull  waiting — Restrictions  and  impositions  on 
Russian  merchants — The  Khan's  idea  of  a  commercial  treaty — Yevgraf — 
In  pursuit  of  the  Khan — Utch-Kurgan — Our  presentation  to  the  Khan — 
Country  life — Beliefs  and  superstitions — Andijan —The  Khan  Zadeh — 
Ush — Forbidden  to  go  further — Marghilan — Return  to  Tashkent — Sketch 
of  the  Khanate — Its  government — Heavy  taxes — Discontent.     .        .        , 


CHAPTER  X. 

BtTKHAKA. 

From  Samarkand  to  Shahrisabs — A  mountain  pass — Kitab — My  reception  by 
the  Bek — Hospitality  and  amusements — Shaar — TheoldBek — The  Bazaar 
— Recent  history  of  Shahrisabs — Tchiraktchi — Karshi — Its  appearance 
and  its  trade — The  Amir's  son — The  Karshi  steppe — The  Amir's  Camp — 
Interview  with  His  Majesty — Bukhara — The  city — The  Bazaar — Commer- 
cial importance — My  acquaintances — Public  sales  of  slaves — Purchase  of 
a  slave — Consequent  difficulties — Outwitting  the  authorities — Unsuccess- 
ful effort  to  go  to  Tchardjui — The  shrine  of  Bohoueddin — Attempted 
assassination — Kermineh — The  Amir's  favourite  son — Ziaueddin — Katta 
Kurgan.  ...  . 

%*.+ 

v,  z 


VI  CONTENTS   OF 

CHAPTER   XI. 

ISSYK   KTJL   AND   SEMIRETCH. 


PAG  I 


Aulie-ata— Old  ruins — Prester  John — Spiders  and  tarantulas — Cockroaches 
— Tokmak— The  BuamPass — Lake  Issyk  Kul — Submerged  cities — The 
Tian  Shan — No  volcanos — The  road  to  Kashgar — The Muzart  Pass — The 
Kara  Kirghiz — Their  legends — A  court  of  Biis — Bad  interpreters- 
Attempt  to  navigate  the  Tchu — Signal  defeat  of  the  Khokandians  at 
Uzuu-agatch — The  "White  Tsar — Vierny — Chinese  merchants — A  Polish 
refugee — General  Kolpakofsky — Semireteh— Kussian  and  Cossack  coloni- 
sation—Navigation of  the  Hi — Kopal — Lake  Balkash — Through  Siberia  .  119 


CHAPTER  XII. 

KULDJA. 

Altyn-Imel — Borokhudzir — Ruined  towns — Cultivated  country  reverting  to 
steppe — Suidan — A  Dungan  town— The  ruins  of  Hi — Early  inhabitants 
of  Kuldja-  -The.  Usun  and  the  Uigurs  —Rise  of  the  Oirat  or  Kalmuks — 
Jungaria — Attempt  to  restore  the  empire  of  Tchinghiz  Khan — Conquest  of 
Jungaria  by  the  Chinese — New  colonisation — TheTarantchis — The  Solons, 
the  Sibos,  and  the  military  colonists — Return  of  the  Kalmuks  from  the 
Volga — Their  settlements  on  the  Hi- -The  Mantchus  and  the  Chinese — 
The  Dungans — Mutual  hatred  of  all  these  peoples — Difficulty  of  govern- 
ment— The  Dungans  rebel — They  are  joined  by  the  Tarantchis- -Incapa- 
city of  the  Chinese  authorities — Success  of  the  insurrection — Capture  of 
Hi  and  massacre  of  the  garrison — Pillage  and  massacre  of  the  military 
colonists — Disunion  of  the  rebels — The  Dungan  rule  overturned  by  the 
Tarantchis — Attitude  of  the  Russians — The  Tarantchi  Sultan — Border 
difficulties— The  Russian  conquest — A  Chinese  account — Excursion  to 
Lake  Sairam  Nor --Old  Kuldja — The  bazaars — A  Chinese  dinner — A 
dramatic  performance. — A  Chinese  Christian  church — The  up-country — 
Resources  of  the  valley— Cheapness  of  living — The  present  state  of  the 
country.  ....  ........   156 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

THE   RUSSIAN   ADMINISTRATION. 

Difficulties  of  administration — The  Steppe  Commission — Project  for  the  govern- 
ment of  Turkistan — New  projects  proposed — Opposition  to  them — The 
results  of  Russian  rule — Financial  and  economical — Deficits — Cost  of 
government — Effect  of  the  Russian  administration— Character  of  the 
officials — Personal  relations  of  Russians  to  natives — What  has  been  done 
for  the  country — Roads — Schools — Hospitals — Passports  —Too  much  civi- 


THE  SECOND   VOLUME.  vii 


PASS 


lisation — Elective  institutions — Change  and  variability  of  Russian  rule — 
Arbitrariness  of  officials — Influence  of  bad  natives — Corruption  and 
venality— Corrupt  officials  unpunished — Consequent  discontent — Evi- 
dences of  it  in  recent  events.     .........  202 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

THE  KUSSIAN  FOREIGN   POLICY  XT*  ASIA. 

Alleged  -mil  of  Peter  the  Great — Former  Russian  policy— It  cannot  be  in- 
ferred from  the  fact  of  conquest — There  is  really  no  policy — Prince  Gortcha- 
kof's  circular — Difficulties  arising  from  the  constitution  of  the  Government 
— Fear  of  English  remonstrances — Views  against  India — Paul's  proposed 
expedition — The  neutral  zone  and  the  Afghan  frontier — -The  full  powers  of 
General  Kaufmann— Consequent  awkwardness — General  Kaufmann's 
policy — The  Diplomatic  employe — Embassies — Presents — Relations  with 
Khokand — The  commercial  treaty — Karategin — Unquiet  state  of  the 
country — Rebellion  of  1875 — The  war  with  Russia —Violent  struggle — ■ 
Annexation  of  the  Khanate— Bukhara — Disagreeable  relations — The 
Samarkand  campaign— Commercial  treaty — Subsequent  relations — 
Slave-trade — New  treaty  of  1873 — Afghanistan— Kashgar — Difficulties 
attending  friendly  intercourse — Mission  of  Baron  Kaulbars — Treaty — 
Subsequent  relations  —Chinese  frontier  questions 258 


CHAPTER  XV. 

THE  EHIYAN   CAMPAIGN'  AND  ITS   CONSEQUENCES. 

Early  relations  of  Russia  with  Khiva — Expedition  of  Bekovitch — That  of  Pe- 
rovsky — Embassies — Recent  relations — Expedition  of  1873 — Statement  of 
grievances — Real  reasons  for  the  expedition — Its  plan — The  Turkistan 
column — Want  of  provisions — Attitude  of  Bukhara — Change  of  route — 
Khalata — Distress  in  the  desert — Passage  of  the  Amu — The  failure  of 
Colonel  Markozof — The  Mangyshlak  column — March  of  the  Orenburg 
column — It  takes  Khiva  by  storm— Simultaneous  surrender  to  General 
Kaufmann — The  Khan  reinstated — The  Divan — Foraging  forbidden — 
Emancipation  of  the  Persian  slaves — Surveys — Reasons  for  the  Turkoman 
campaign — Butchery  of  the  Turkomans — Story  of  an  eye-witness— The 
treaty  of  peace — Official  explanation  of  it— The  Amu  Darya  district — 
Further  expeditions  against  the  Turkomans  in  1873,  1874,  and  1875 — 
Exploring  expeditions — Navigation  of  the  Amu  Darya — The  Trana- 
Caspian  district — General  Lomakin's  expeditions — The  Turkomans — 
Affairs  with  Persia — Caravans 328 

Conclusion > 887 

YOL.  II.  a 


Till  CONTENTS   OF  THE   SECOND  VOLUME. 

APPENDICES. 

PAOK 

IV.     The  Kussian  Policy   regarding   Central  Asia.      An  Histobical 

Sketch. — By  Professor  V.  Grigorief 391 

V.    Eussia  and  Khiva 416 


INDEX U6 


ILLUSTEATIONS 


THE      SECOND      VOLUME. 


Dervishes  (by  Verestchagin)  ..... 

Seid  Mohammed  Khudayar,  Khan  of  Khokand  {from  a 

photograph)  ...... 

Mozaffar  Eddin,  Amir  of  Bukhara  {from  a  photograph) 

Kirghiz  Huts  near  Aulie-Ata  {by  Verestchagin) 

On  the  Koad  to  Atjlle-Ata  {by  Verestchagin)       .  . 

Tarantchi  Cart  {from  a  photograph)    .... 

A  Batcha  and  his  Admirers  {by  Verestchagin) 

A  Wayside  Tomb  {by  Verestchagin)       .... 

Tarantchi  Aksakab  and  his  Attendants  at  Kuldja  {from  a 
photograph)      ...... 

Dungan  Women  {from  a  photograph)    .... 

The  Sin-Eater  {by  Verestchagin)     .... 

Pulat,  the  Arbakesh  {by  Verestchagin)  ,  , 

A  Barber  in  Suidun  {from  a  photograph)  .  .  , 

Ruins  of  Ili  {by  Verestchagin)  .  . 


Frontispiece 


To  face  p, 

,    25 

t> 

83 

ii 
it 

120 
122 

91 

130 

II 

133 

IJ 

138 

I* 

167 

•1 

178 

' 

• 

28 

' 

• 

10) 

• 

• 

161 
168 

TURKISTAN, 


CHAPTER    IX. 

KHOKAND. 

Makhram- -Approach  to  Khokand — Eeception  by  the  Mekhter — The  Atalyk 
— The  palace — The  armoury — Breech-loading  guns  and  Berdan  rifles — 
Paper-making — The  bazaar — Dull  waiting — Restrictions  and  impositions 
on  Russian  merchants — The  Khan's  idea  of  a  commercial  treaty — Yevgraf 
■ — In  pursuit  of  the  Khan — Utch-Kurgan — Our  presentation  to  the  Khan — 
Country  life — Beliefs  and  superstitions — Andijan — The  Khan  Zadeh — 
Ush — Forbidden  to  go  further  — Marghi Ian—  Return  to  Tashkent — Sketch 
of  the  Khanate — Its  government — Heavy  taxes — Discontent. 

In  one  of  the  letters  I  had  received  from  the  head-quarters  of 
the  Khivan  Expedition,  I  was  told  that  it  would  perhaps  be 
inadvisable  to  go  to  Khokand  while  Mirza  Hakim,  the  Envoy 
of  that  country  resident  at  Tashkent,  and  the  Eussian  Diplo- 
matic Official  were  away,  as  possibly  I  might  not  be  well  re- 
ceived in  their  absence.  This  advice,  taken  in  connection 
with  current  rumours,  made  me  still  more  anxious  to  visit  the 
country  ;  and  as  I  saw  no  chance  of  the  speedy  return  of  these 
gentlemen  from  the  Khivan  Expedition — for  Khiva  had  not 
then  been  captured — I  resolved  to  go  as  soon  as  I  could  find  a 
favourable  opportunity. 

Such   an  opportunity    offered  itself   in  the  proposed  visit 

to  that  Khanate  of  Mr.  F ,  a  retired  Russian  officer,  living 

at  Hodjent,  who  wished  to  buy  timber  for  use  in  the  bridge  he 
was  constructing  over  the  Syr  Darya.  Accordingly,  we  met  at 
Hodjent,  and  started  off  at  five  o'clock  in  the  evening  of 
June  19  in  a  tarantas,  our  horses  having  being  sent  on  with 
our  jigits  and  servants  to  the  village  of  Kastakoz,  as  we  were 

VOL.  II.  B 


2  TURKISTAN. 

desirous  of  postponing  till  the  last  minute  what  we  knew  would 
he  a  wearisome  horseback  journey  over  a  hot  and  dusty  road. 

Passing  the  little  village  of  Ispisar,  we  soon  reached 
Kastakoz,  about  eleven  miles  from  Hodjent,  where  we  had 
supper,  and  passed  the  night  on  the  terrace  in  a  large  court- 
yard of  a  native  merchant. 

We  had  in  our  party  Abdullah,  a  young  Tartar,  the  inter- 
preter of  Mr.  F ,  and  my  own  interpreter  Andrei,  an  active, 

trustworthy,  and  courageous  young  Russian,  who  had  been  in 
this  part  of  the  country  since  he  was  twelve  years  old,  and 
spoke  Turki  and  Kirghiz  perfectly,  and  who,  being  dressed  in 
semi-Tartar  costume,  was  usually  taken  for  a  Mussulman. 
There  were  besides  a  rich  Hodjent  merchant,  Haba  Bai,  acting 

as  Mr.  F 's  agent,  and  three  jig  Us.     We  each  had  a  cart 

for  luggage,  since  in  travelling  in  these  countries  one  must 
take  beds  and  mattresses,  as  well  as  baths,  and  other  necessary 
articles. 

We  left  Kastakoz  at  5.45  next  morning  on  horseback,  and 
after  travelling  over  a  stony  plain,  destitute  of  water  and 
verdure,  we  stopped  for  a  short  time  to  rest  at  the  village  of 
Karatch-Kum, '  the  robber  sands,'  just  across  the  Khokandian 
boundary.  There  are  about  a  hundred  families  only  living  in 
this  village,  but  as  it  was  market-day,  the  bazaar  was  full.  We 
drank  tea  and  ate  melons  in  a  little  court  of  the  Yuzbashi,  or 
centurion,  while  he  sent  a  messenger  to  Makhram,  four  miles 
on,  to  announce  our  arrival,  and  we  soon  after  started  ourselves 
for  that  village,  seventeen  miles  in  all  from  Kastakoz. 

Makhram  is  a  large  square  fort,  with  high  crenelated  mud 
walls,  standing  on  the  steep  bank  of  the  Syr  Darya,  the  other 
three  sides  being  protected  by  a  deep  moat,  then  dry.  To 
reach  the  little  bazaar,  opposite  the  sole  entrance,  which  is  on 
the  eastern  side,  we  had  to  make  the  circuit  of  the  moat, 
keeping  close  to  it  to  avoid  the  irrigating  canals  and  culti- 
vated land.  Though  we  had  letters  to  the  Khan,  and  had  thus 
a  right  to  official  hospitality,  we  preferred  to  stop  for  our 
nooning  at  a  tea-house,  in  the  almost  deserted  bazaar,  the  only 
bazaar  day  there  being  Saturday. 

The  sun  was  intensely  hot,  and  I  was  glad  to  scramble 
down  the  steep  bank  of  the  river  at  the  end  of  the  street,  and 
take  a  bath  in  the  muddy  water.     We  improvised   an  awning, 


MAKIIILYM.  3 

but  a  crowd  of  inquisitive  spectators  followed  our  every 
movement.  Presently  the  adjutant  of  the  Bek  came  to  us,  ac- 
companied by  two  men  with  long-  wands,  to  learn  who  we 
were,  and  whither  we  were  going.  Having  been  informed  that 
we  were  going  to  Khokand  to  see  the  Khan,  they  departed,  and 
soon  after  returned  with  a  dostar-khan,  the  merit  of  which  was 
a  tray  of  fresh  ripe  apricots.  We  then  sent  a  small  present  to 
the  Bek,  excused  ourselves  on  account  of  fatigue  for  omitting 
to  visit  him,  and  soon  received  in  return  a  cheap  silk  gown. 

Makhram,  as  the  frontier  fortress  of  Khokand,  is  a  place  of 
some  importance,  and  has  a  constant  garrison  of  500  men. 
Some  of  these  soldiers  came  to  look  at  us  :  among  them  one 
with  a  blue  coat  and  red  trowsers,  another  with  a  green  coat 
over  a  long  white  native  shirt,  and  a  small  boy,  a  fifer,  in  a 
blue  jacket  covered  with  brass  buttons  put  on  over  his  native 
gown.  Little  did  I  then  expect  that  these  resting-places  of 
ours  were  in  two  years'  time  to  be  the  scenes  of  battles,  in  a 
war  too  begun,  not  by  the  Russians,  but  by  the  Khokandians. 

At  four  o'clock  we  started  off  for  Kandbaclam  x — celebrated 
of  old  for  its  almonds,  which  give  it  its  name — making  the 
eighteen  miles  by  seven  o'clock.  The  latter  portion  of  the 
road  was  very  pretty,  shut  in  by  gardens  without  end.  Passing 
at  length  between  high  clay  walls,  shaded  by  numerous  trees, 
and  necked  with  golden  spots  from  the  setting  sun,  we  came 
to  a  tea-house  in  the  bazaar,  by  the  side  of  an  ill-smelling 
pond.  I  was  too  tired  to  eat,  and  amused  myself  by  tossing 
apricots  and  almonds  to  the  crowd  of  boys  who  nocked  from 
all  parts  of  the  bazaar  to  gaze  on  the  foreigners.  This  was 
almost  my  first  experience  of  horseback  travelling  ;  and  as  I 
had  had  but  very  little  practice  in  Tashkent,  and  had  scarcely 
been  on  a  horse  for  two  years  before,  I  ached  all  over,  and 
rubbed  myself  well  with  whisky,  lest  the  next  day  I  shoidd 
be  too  stiff  to  move.  It  was  a  new  thing  for  me  to  live  thus 
in  public,  as   I  was  compelled  to    do  during  nearly  my  whole 

1  Even  Ye-lu  Tch'u-ts'ai,  when  travelling  'with  Tchinghiz  Khan,  speaks  of 
this  :  '  Around  the  city  of  Ba-lan  (the  Cbinese  equivalent  of  the  Persian  bad  am, 
almond)  there  are  everywhere  ba-lan  gardens;  hence  the  name.  The  blossoms  of 
the  ba-lan  tree  resemble  those  of  the  apricot,  only  they  are  a  little  paler.  The 
leaves  are  like  the  leaves  of  the  peach  tree,  but  a  little  narrower  and  smaller. 
The  blossoms  appear  in  winter,  the  fruits  ripen  in  summer.' 


4  TURKISTAJS. 

journey;  but  our  beds  being  spread  in  the  open  verandah,  I 
soon  fell  asleep,  disturbed  somewhat  by  the  noisome  odour 
of  the  pond.  I  woke  up  the  next  morning  feeling  much 
better  than  I  had  anticipated,  and  we  started  at  five  o'clock, 
just  as  people  were  beginning  to  appear  in  the  bazaar. 

The  town  is  one  of  considerable  size,  and  contains  several 
mosques,  one  of  which  is  handsomely  built  of  burned  brick. 
The  view  on  leaving  the  town  was  at  first  very  fine,  with  snowy 
mountains  visible  on  the  right,  and  other  ranges  appearing  on 
the  left ;  but  we  soon  came  to  a  large  stony  plain,  about  ten 
miles  across,  covered  with  shifting  sands,  which  are  constantly 
encroaching  on  the  cultivated  fields  bordering  the  river.  In 
the  middle  of  this  waste  is  a  small  village,  called  Patar,  built 
of  clay  houses,  without  trees  or  the  slightest  sign  of  verdure, 
and  seemingly  deserted. 

Coming  again  into  a  cultivated  country,  and  passing 
through  the  pretty  village  of  Yaka  Tut  (one  mulberry  tree),  at 
nine  o'clock  we  reached  the  village  of  Bish-aryk  (five  canals)  : 
stopping  at  a  tea  shop,  we  rested  during  the  heat  of  the 
day,  but  tried  in  vain  to  sleep.  The  bazaar  here  was  built  by 
Khudayar  Khan  and  has  regular  narrow  streets  crossing  each 
other  at  right  angles,  but  the  market-day  being  Monday  there 
was  then  no  animation.  As  we  had  a  long  ride  before  us,  and 
wished  to  get  to  Khokand  before  the  gates  were  shut  for  the 
night,  we  were  compelled  to  leave  at  two  o'clock,  in  spite  of 
the  heat.  Fortunately  we  found  some  shade  from  the  trees  by 
the  roadside,  and  came  once  in  a  while  to  a  village  where  we 
could  quench  our  tormenting  thirst  with  a  bowl  of  green  tea  or 
a  juicy  fruit. 

At  last  we  crossed  a  bridge  over  a  large  deep  canal,  traversed 
a  dyke  through  fields  of  rice,  the  young  shoots  of  which  were 
then  of  a  tender  green,  and  gradually  entered  a  more  thickly 
settled  country,  with  enclosures  on  each  side,  and  now  and 
then  houses  and  shops,  meeting  at  every  step  people  coming 
from  the  town.  We  soon  saw  in  front  of  us,  beyond  the 
gardens,  a  long  clay  wall,  seeming  fully  two  miles  in  length, 
and  in  the  middle,  at  the  end  of  our  road,  a  semicircular  outwork 
of  even  height  with  buttressed  and  crenelated  wall.  Passing 
round  this  breastwork  to  the  angle  of  the  wall,  we  entered  the 
gate  of  Khokand. 


AKRIVAL   AT   KHOKAND.  5 

Inside,  the  view  did  not  much  change.  There  were  the 
same  fields  and  scattered  houses,  and  it  was  not  for  some  time 
after  passing  cemeteries  and  gardens  that  we  came  on  a 
broad  inhabited  street.  Trotting  along  as  fast  as  I  could,  for 
I  had  dropped  much  behind  the  main  party,  we  followed  the 
street  which  led  to  the  centre  of  the  town,  and  passing  the 
large  Medresse  Khan,  we  turned  to  the  right  over  a  well-built 
brick  bridge,  and  were  almost  at  once  in  the  baaaar.  We 
fortunately  reached  the  Zekat  Sarai  just  before  its  doors  closed 
for  the  night,  and  were  received  with  kind  hospitality  by  Mr. 

S ,  a  Eussian  merchant,  agent  of  the  firm  of  Pupyshef, 

the  most  important  trading  house  in  Central  Asia.  Although 
his  rooms  were  small,  the  verandah  was  large,  so  that  we  had 
space  enough. 

The  Zekat  Sarai,  a  large  two-storey  building  surrounding 
a  square  court  in  which  our  host  had  six  or  eight  rooms  and 
storehouses,  is  properly  the  custom  house  of  the  city,  being  the 
place  where  the  official  business  of  the  Zekat  or  customs  is 
carried  on,  and  where  goods  are  stored  until  they  have  paid  the 
customs'  duties.  The  chief  customs'  officer,  the  Mekhter, 
usually  spends  the  day  there,  from  seven  in  the  morning  until 
five  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  seated  with  his  attendants  and 
officials  in  the  verandah  opposite  to  us,  where  he  transacts  all  the 
business,  and  all  day  long  we  were  able  to  see  goods  weighed 
and  measured,  and  notes  and  records  of  various  accounts 
jotted  down  by  the  chief  scribe  on  long  rolls  of  narrow  paper. 

The  next  day,  on  finding  that  we  had  arrived,  the  Mekhter 
sent  for  us,  and  accordingly  about  nine  o'clock  we  presented 
ourselves.  When  he  saw  us  coming  he  put  on  a  flowered  chintz 
robe,  and  rearranged  the  folds  of  his  turban,  so  as  to  be  quite 
ready  for  us.  He  was  an  old  man  of  about  sixty,  with  a  grey 
beard  and  sharp  twinkling  eyes,  kind  in  manner,  but  not  very 
remarkable  for  intelligence,  and,  from  all  I  hear,  of  more  sharp- 
ness than  probity ;  at  all  events,  he  is  very  carefully  watched 
by  two  subordinates,  thus  having  a  double  sort  of  inspection  over 
him.  He  received  us  very  cordially,  shook  hands,  asked  us  to 
sit  down,  ordered  some  bread,  cucumbers,  apricots,  melons,  and 
tea  to  be  brought  in,  and  asked  us  why  we  came. 

Mr.  F gave  him  an  official  letter  from  Tashkent,  and 

stated  his  business  in  general  terms.     I  told  him  that  I  had 


6  TURKISTAN. 

brought  a  letter  to  the  Khan  from  General  Kolpakofsky,  the 
acting  Grovernor-Greneral,  and  that  as  I  understood  the  Khan 
was  not  in  Khokand,  but  had  gone  to  Namangan,  I  desired  to 
go  there,  to  deliver  it  in  person,  and  added  that  my  object  in 
coming  to  Khokand  was  to  travel  through  the  country  and  learn 
something  of  its  people. 

He  thought  I  had  better  give  him  the  letter,  which  I 
refused  to*  do,  on  the  ground  that  I  ought  to  deliver  it  person- 
ally to  the  Khan.  He  then  told  us  we  must  stop  there  two 
days  until  he  could  have  an  answer  from  the  Khan,  as  he 
had  already  sent  to  inform  him  of  our  arrival.  He  objected 
to  sending  us  on  immediately,  from  fear  lest  the  Khan  might 
be  angry  with  him,  professing  to  have  no  powers  for  such  an 
emergency. 

Mr.   F spoke  of  the  bridge  which  he  was  building  at 

Hodjent,  and  laughingly  said,  that  if  they  had  bridges  to  build 
in  Khokand  he  would  always  be  ready  to  construct  them ;  upon 
which  the  old  man  brightened  up,  and  said  they  had  excellent 
workmen  for  such  purposes,  and  were  perfectly  capable  of  do- 
ing their  own  work.  He  then  enumerated  certain  articles 
which  were  excellently  made  in  Khokand,  referred  especially 
to  rifles,  which  he  said  were  as  well  manufactured  there  as 
they  were  at  any  place  abroad,  and  showed  us  one  or  two  trays  of 
ordinary  Kussian  manufacture,  which  he  at  first  tried  to  pass 
off  as  being  of  Khokandian  fabrication,  but  afterwards  ad- 
mitted to  be  of  foreign  work,  insisting  at  the  same  time  that 
the  native  productions  were  much  superior  in  point  of  durability 
and  taste. 

As  soon  as  we  returned  to  our  own  verandah,  the  Mekhter 
sent  a  writer  to  take  down  accurately  our  names  and  our 
business,  and  to  know  from  whom  were  our  letters  to  the  Khan, 
and  subsequently  sent  again  to  inspect  the  letters  themselves, 
although  without  breaking  the  seals,  in  order  that  he  might 
assure  himself  of  their  existence. 

I  had  heard  in  Tashkent  that  the  diplomatic  affairs  with  the 
Khanate  of  Khokand,  except  in  cases  of  letters  addressed  per- 
sonally by  the  Grovernor-Greneral  to  the  Khan,  were  always  con- 
ducted through  the  Mekhter,  and  as  Mr.  F— ■ — -  had  been  in- 
structed to  carry  on  his  business  through  him,  we  naturally 
regarded  him  as  something  in   the  nature    of  a  Minister   of 


THE   MEKHTER.  7 

Foreign  Affaire ;  but  to  our  great  surprise  we  found  he  was  a 
person  of  very  inferior  rank,  being  simply  the  overseer  of  the 
Customs,  and  that  he  had  not  the  right  of  free  entry  into  the 
Khan's  presence,  and  could  do  nothing  in  our  matter  without 
consulting  the  Atalyk  and  the  council  which  had  been  left 
there  in  the  Khan's  absence.  The  Mekhter,  Mullah  Mir- 
Kamil,  had  the  rank  of  Merakhor,  the  seventh  in  the  official 
hierarchy.1 

The  word  *  Mekhter '  itself  means  '  steward.'  Although  he 
had  charge  of  the  customs '  duties,  he  was  not  in  any  way  a 
Finance  Minister,  as  he  had  no  part  in  the  collection  of  the 
haradj  or  tanap  duties,  or  of  the  other  receipts,  such  as  rents, 
&c,  and  merely  paid  the  money  he  received  directly  over  to 
the  Khan.  Besides  this,  as  I  have  said,  two  persons  watched 
him  and  controlled  him  to  keep  him  from  cheating. 

About  six  o'clock  that  evening:  a  messenger  came  to  us 
from  the  Mekhter,  bringing  a  box  of  sugar-candy,  a  pound 
of  coarse  tea,  and  a  tilla  in  silver  (9s.),  as  something  towards 
our  travelling  expenses.  We  were  of  course,  according  to 
the  custom  of  these  countries,  the  guests  of  the  Khan,  but 
the  Mekhter  was  evidently  desirous  of  letting  his  master  off 
as  cheaply  as  he  could,  and  did  not  even  offer  us  a  place  in 
which  to  live,  taking  it  for  granted,  as  he  said  afterwards,  that 
we  preferred  to  stay  at  the  caravanserai.  As  I  had  made  up  my 
mind  to  follow  in  all  things  the  customs  of  the  country,  and  had 
been  particularly  told  that  I  must  both  give  and  receive  pre- 
sents, I  accepted  what  was  sent.  The  messenger  told  us  that 
the  Mekhter  was  very  desirous  of  seeing  us  at  his  house,  and 
thought  it  very  strange  that  we  had  not  been  there.     To  this 

1  The  higher  official  ranks  in  Khokand  are  as  follows:  - 

1.  Atalyk,  the  highest  military  officer.     There  is  only  one, — Ata  Bek,  who  is 
also  one  of  the  five  Naibs  or  lieutenants. 

2.  Kvsh  Bcgi  (fowler),  the  corresponding  civil  grade,  at  present  unfilled. 

3.  Parmanatchi,  general  (from  Tadjik  parman,  Pers.  ferman,  firman,  order). 

4.  Datlchah,  colonel. 

5.  Pansat  Bashi,  commander  of  five  Inmdred. 

6.  Taksaba  (vessel  filler),  captain. 

7.  Merakhor,  equerry. 

8.  Karaul  Bcgi,  guard  commander.     Yus  Bashi,  centurion. 

9.  Mirza  Bashi,  chief  scribe. 

The  former  high  office  of  Ming  Bashi,  or  commander  of  a  thousand,  has  beeE 
abolished. 


8  TUKKISTAN. 

we  replied  that  the  Mekhter  had  never  invited  us  to  his  house, 
and  that  as  he  had  preferred,  contrary  to  all  propriety,  to  receive 
us  at  his  place  of  business,  we  did  not  desire  to  intrude  upon 
him  at  his  residence.  We  said  further,  that  if  he  really  wished 
it,  we  should  be  glad  to  visit  him,  and  asked  when  we  should 
go.  The  messenger  replied  that  the  Mekhter  was  then  busy,  but 
would  be  glad  to  receive  us  at  seven  o'clock  the  next  morning. 

We  rose  at  an  early  hour,  and  were  on  the  point  of  start- 
ing, when  another  messenger  came  from  the  Mekhter  asking 
us  to  hasten,  as  his  master  had  been  waiting  for  us  a  long  time : 
it  was  then  only  half  past  six  o'clock.  We  immediately 
jumped  on  our  horses,  and  rode  quite  through  the  town  to  the 
Mekhter's  residence.  We  were  shown  through  two  spacious 
courts  surrounded  by  broad  verandahs  and  were  introduced  into 
a  large  room  where  the  Mekhter  was  seated  with  other  officials 
Shaking  hands  with  us  without  rising  he  requested  us  to  go 
into  the  next  room,  where  he  would  immediately  join  us.  This 
was  a  large  hall,  the  walls  of  which  were  covered  with  arabesques 
and  with  rude  paintings  of  bouquets  and  of  flowers  growing  in 
pots,  while  the  beams  of  the  wooden  ceiling  were  carved  and  de- 
corated, the  intervals  between  them  being  filled  with  small  round 
pieces  of  willow  wood,  painted  with  red  and  gold  arabesques, 
on  an  ultramarine  blue  ground.  The  floor  was  well  covered 
with  rugs  and  cushions,  and  the  general  effect  was  pretty.  The 
Mekhter  with  his  attendants  soon  came  in,  and  after  the  usual 
greetings  and  commonplaces,  sent  us  a  dostar-khan,  and  excused 
himself  for  a  short  time.  Several  of  his  officials  remained,  and 
immediately  asked  us  in  a  tone  of  reproach  why  we  had  come 
thus  early,  as  we  had  disturbed  the  Mekhter's  sleep  by  this  un- 
expected visit.  We  explained  the  summons  which  we  had 
twice  received,  whereupon  the  officials  denied  that  any  mes- 
senger had  been  sent,  or  that  any  person  had  authority  to  make 
such  statements.  Of  course  this  was  a  lie,  and  a  very  gratuitous 
one,  for  no  one  would  have  dared  to  bring  us  such  a  message 
from  the  Mekhter,  without  being  authorised  to  do  so. 

We  then  sent  out  to  the  Mekhter  the  presents  we  had 
brought  for  him,  I  giving  a  piece  of  satin  for  a  gown,  and  Mr. 
F a  silver  cup,  pieces  of  cloth  and  other  articles,  amount- 
ing in  all  to  a  large  sum,  for  the  Mekhter's  influence  was  deemed 
very  essential  to  the  success  of  the  timber  contract.     In  return 


THE  ATALYK.  9 

a  cheap  silk  gown  was  put  on  our  shoulders  and  we  retired,  net 
however  before  we  had  asked  the  Mekhter  if  it  would  be 
possible  for  us  to  see  the  Atalyk.  He  told  us  that  he  thought 
the  Atalyk  would  be  disposed  to  see  us,  and  that  he  would 
endeavour  to  make  arrangements  to  that  effect. 

It  was  not  until  the  last  day  of  our  stay,  however,  that  we 
received  a  message  from  the  Mekhter,  that  the  Atalyk  would 
see  us.  In  the  meantime  we  had  made  the  Atalyk's  acquaintance 
by  ourselves,  and  had  been  most  hospitably  received  by  him ; 
for  on  my  return  home  I  thought  it  best  to  send  my  inter- 
preter to  the  Atalyk,  with  apologies  for  not  having  come  to 
him  at  once,  and  with  a  request  for  an  interview.  The  visit 
was  fixed  for  the  next  morning.  At  seven  the  next  morning 
we  rode  out  to  the  urda  or  fortress,  situated  in  the  north-east 
part  of  the  city,  on  low  ground,  and  after  going  through  a  guard- 
room under  the  vaulted  entrance,  and  then  to  the  left  through 
a  group  of  soldiers,  we  were  shown  into  a  plain  reception  room 
with  whitened  walls,  and  with  a  European  grate  in  the  fireplace. 
It  was  apparently  used  for  a  storeroom  as  well,  for  robes  and 
other  articles  made  up  into  parcels  were  lying  on  the  shelves. 
Arm  chairs  and  stools  covered  with  red  cloth  were  placed  for  us, 
and  the  Atalyk  Ata  Bek  presently  entered,  a  small  thin  old 
man,  with  a  white  beard,  and  a  very  gentle  pleasant  face.  He 
had  been  commandant  at  Pishpek,  and  had  surrendered  that  fort 
to  Colonel  Zimmermann,  and  subsequently  (at  his  own  request,  I 
believe,  to  escape  the  wrath  of  the  Khan)  he  had  lived  for  three 
years  as  a  prisoner  of  war  at  Vierny  and  at  Omsk.  After  the 
Khan,  he  is  now  the  most  important  man  in  Khokand,  and  as  he 
knows  and  respects  the  Kussians,  he  gives  his  master  much 
sensible  advice,  and  restrains  him  from  rash  and  headlong  acts.1 
It  is  a  strange  proof  of  how  little  the  Kussians  know  of  their 
neighbours,  that  in  Tashkent  the  Atalyk  was  supposed  to  be 
living  in  disgrace,  and  I  was  therefore  astonished  to  find  him 
the  Regent  of  the  city.  I  apologised  as  well  as  I  could  for  not 
having  brought  him  a  letter  from  General  Kolpakofsky,  who 
knew  him  well,  and  who  had  sent  a  verbal  message  to  him  in 
case  I  should  meet  him.      Ata  Bek  seemed  very  intelligent 

1  This  chapter  was  written  in  1873,  and  all  statements  must  be  considered  as 
referring  to  that  time.  On  the  revolution  in  Khokand  in  1875  Ata-Bek  followed 
his  master  in  his  flight  to  Tashkent. 


10  TUEKISTAN. 

and  well  informed,  made  many  inquiries  about  America,  show- 
ing that  he  had  some  elementary  knowledge  of  geography,  and 
we  had  for  some  time  a  pleasant'  conversation.  He  told  us  we 
should  be  obliged  to  wait  for  the  pleasure  of  the  Khan  to  be 
known  before  we  could  continue  our  journey,  asked  us  if  the 
Mekhter  were  doing  everything  for  us  that  we  wished,  and 
was  seemingly  astonished  to  learn  that  he  had  not  offered  us  a 
house  in  which  to  live.  During  the  dostar-khan,  the  Atalyk 
excused  himself,  and  on  coming  back  sent  a  man  to  show  us 
the  fortress. 

This  is  a  new  citadel  or  urcla,1  which  has  been  built  within 
the  last  twenty  years  ;  the  old  one,  which  occupied  a  much  better 
position,  having  been  abandoned.  It  might  be  of  some  use  for 
the  protection  of  the  person  of  the  Khan,  in  case  of  an  emeute 
in  the  city,  but  would  certainly  not  stand  against  an  invading 
army.  It  is  a  large  rectangular  construction,  with  high  clay 
walls,  containing  several  small  courts  and  numerous  buildings. 
At  the  further  extremity,  beyond  the  large  court,  is  the  new 
palace,  much  larger  and  more  magnificent  than  any  other  in 
Central  Asia,— a  fine  building  of  two  or  three  stories  high, 
with  towers  at  the  corners  and  two  in  the  centre,  the  whole 
front  faced  with  glazed  tiles,  white,  blue,  and  green,  and  a 
large  inscription — 'Built  by  Seid  Mohammed  Khudayar  Khan, 
in  the  year  1287  ' — running  along  the  cornices.  I  was  not 
allowed  to  enter  the  palace  owing  to  the  absence  of  the  Khan, 
and  to  the  presence  there  of  many  of  his  wives,  and  could 
only  see  the  facade  for  a  few  moments  from  the  end  of  the 
courts. 

Among  the  various  buildings  through  which  we  passed  was 
the  Mint,  but  the  workmen  were  manufacturing,  not  money, 
but  silver  ornaments  for  bridles  and  harness,  and  we  were  in- 
formed that  the  mint-master  was  also  court  jeweller,  and  did 
any  little  jobs  in  silver  or  gold  work  that  were  required  by  the 
Khan.  In  another  room  was  a  cannon  foundry ;  several  guns  were 
already  cast  and  were  being  finally  finished.  The  largest  piece, 
which  was  then  occupying  the  chief  attention,  was  a  twelve- 
pounder  breech-loading  gun,  the  mechanism  of  the  breech  being 
constructed  after  a  Kussian  pattern  improved  by  native  work- 

1  The  vroxd  urcla  is  chiefly  used  in  the  countries  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Syi 
Darya,  for  what,  in  Bukhara,  is  called  ark,  meaning  citadel  or  kremlin. 


MAKING   BREECH-LOADING  ARMS.  11 

men.  The  most  singular  tiling  was  that  the  gun  was  not  rifled, 
and  was  far  larger  at  the  mouth  than  at  the  breech.  Other  guns, 
some  of  them  rifled,  were  lying  on  the  floor,  and  near  them  the 
large  spherical  balls  used  there,  for  the  new  artillery  system  had 
not  been  thoroughly  learned.  Another  room  of  the  armoury 
was  devoted  to  the  manufacturing  of  Berdan  rifles.  It  seems 
that  two  rifles  had  been  bought  or  stolen  from  Eussian 
soldiers  and  taken  to  Khokand,  where  they  served  as  patterns, 
and  for  the  preceding  four  months  the  whole  force  of  the 
armoury  had  been  working  at  these  rifles,  and  had  succeeded  in 
nearly  finishing  four  of  them.  The  imitation  was  tolerably 
good,  and  the  mechanism,  although  rough  and  loose  in  the 
joints,  worked  fairly,  but  the  barrel  was  not  rifled,  and  I  should 
think  that  there  would  be  considerable  difficulty  in  manufactur- 
ing the  cartridges.  These  rifles  were  handed  to  me  for  inspec- 
tion, on  which  I  expressed  my  great  pleasure  at  finding  the 
men  able  to  do  such  remarkably  good  work,  and  promised 
to  inform  the  inventor  of  the  adoption  of  his  system  by  the 
Khokand  government.  The  workmen  here  do  not  receive 
any  regular  wages,  but  are  usually  given  their  food  and  from 
time  to  time  a  cotton  gown.  In  some  cases  the  labour  is 
compulsory,  and  without  any  remuneration  whatever.  In  the 
smithy  men  were  engaged  in  boring  musket  barrels  on  a  most 
primitive  plan.  The  borer  was  fastened  to  the  centre  of  a 
large  mill-stone,  which  was  kept  in  rapid  movement  by  two 
men ;  the  musket  barrel,  fastened  to  a  block  of  wood  and  kept 
in  its  groove  by  means  of  wedges,  was  pushed  against  the 
borer  by  a  crowbar  in  the  hands  of  a  lad.  It  was  with  some 
little  nervousness  that  I  visited  this  armoury,  for  in  the  next 
room  to  the  smithy — with  the  sparks  liable  to  come  in  at 
any  time  through  the  half-open  door — men  were  engaged  in 
manufacturing  and  filling  rockets,  the  powder  lying  loosely  on 
the  table.     The  rockets  seemed  very  fair. 

Eeturning  again  to  the  reception  room,  we  bid  the  Atalyk 
good-bye  and  received  the  usual  robes  of  honour. 

Khokand  is  a  modern  town,  not  more  than  a  hundred  years 
old,  and  therefore  has  wider  streets,  and  is  more  spacious  than 
most  Asiatic  towns.  It  is  nearly  square  in  form,  and  contains 
I  am  told  500  mosques,  which,  with  the  average  of  thirty  houses 
to  each  parish,  would  give  a  population  of  75,000, — as  it  seems 


12  riTRKISTAN. 

to  me  a  fair  estimate,  although  many  more  inhabitants  could 
be  accommodated  within  the  walls  of  the  town. 

From  the  roof  of  the  caravanserai  we  may  see  the  whole  city 
spread  out  before  us,  and  not  only  the  city  but  the  Khanate  as 
well.  Immediately  around  us  are  the  broad  flat  clay  roofs  of  the 
bazaar,  most  of  the  streets  even  being  covered,  so  as  to  allow  an 
easy  promenade  from  one  end  to  the  other.  Near  by,  to  the 
left,  is  a  group  of  mosques  and  medresses  built  of  reddish  grey 
"brick,  with  high  melon-shaped  domes,  the  cornices  covered 
with  blue  and  white  tiles,  forming  texts  from  the  Koran.  In 
front  is  the  brick  bridge  of  Kish-kupriuk,  with  its  bold  arch 
over  the  little  stream  which  divides  the  city,  while  above  it 
stands  out  the  large  medresse  Khan.  To  the  left  are  the  beau- 
tiful facade  and  portal  of  the  Khan's  palace,  glittering  in  all 
the  brightness  of  its  fresh  tiles,  blue,  yellow,  and  green,  for  it 
has  but  lately  been  built.  Everywhere  around  are  clay  roofs, 
half  hidden  in  luxuriant  verdure,  and  surrounding  all  the 
brilliant  green  of  the  gardens  and  orchards.  Owing  to  the 
flatness  of  the  ground,  the  town  has  not  the  picturesqueness  of 
Tashkent,  but  this  defect  is  more  than  made  up  by  the  superb 
mountain  view.  To  the  west  and  south-west  are  the  low  hills 
near  Hodjent,  to  the  north  the  high  Tchatkal  mountains, 
while  on  the  east  and  south  rises  the  magnificent  snow-covered 
range  of  the  Alai,  the  very  boundaries  of  the  Khanate.  We 
see  that  we  are  in  the  midst  of  the  small  but  charming  valley 
of  Fergana,  and  were  we  but  a  few  feet  higher  we  could  see  its 
life-stream,  the  Syr  Darya. 

In  my  rides  through  the  town  I  managed  to  see  most  of 
it,  and  nearly  all  that  was  interesting,  although  riding  was 
particularly  uncomfortable  on  account  of  the  heat,  for  we  were 
obliged  to  be  at  home  by  seven  o'clock  in  the  evening  when  the 
bazaar  was  closed,  and  thus  of  course  lost  the  pleasantest  time 
of  the  day.  Besides  that,  I  was  constantly  insulted  and  abused, 
although  I  was  not  attacked,  and  the  necessity  of  being  con- 
stantly on  my  guard  destroyed  to  some  extent  the  pleasure  of 
sight-seeing. 

In  a  large  square  open  place  at  the  edge  of  the  bazaar, 
where  fruit  is  sold  all  day  long,  are  two  large  medresses,  well 
built  of  burnt  brick  picked  out  at  times  with  blue  tiles,  and 
surmounted  by  domes  and  small  blue  turrets.     One  is  called 


PAPER  MANUFACTURE.  13 

Ali,  and  was  built  by  Mussulman  Kul.  The  other  which  is  not 
yet  finished  was  begun  by  Sultan  Murad  Bek,  the  brother  of 
the  Khan,  in  fulfilment  of  some  vow.  Near  the  bridge,  of 
which  I  have  already  spoken,  is  the  spacious  medresse  Khan, 
built  by  Madali  Khan,  containing  rooms  for  200  Mullahs.  It 
was,  however,  never  completed  according  to  the  original  design. 
In  the  eastern  part  of  the  city  is  the  medresse  Mir,  built 
by  Narbuta  Bii  about  eighty  years  ago,  and  close  by  is  a  large 
cemetery,  with  a  primary  school  connected  with  its  mosque, 
where  I  stopped  on  one  occasion  and  spent  a  pleasant  half-hour 
chatting  with  the  Mullahs,  who,  although  they  saw  that  I  was  a 
stranger,  were  very  kind  and  polite.  I  had  come  there  to  see 
the  monument  erected  for  the  wife  of  Madali  Khan,  on  which 
were  written  the  celebrated  and  frequently  quoted  verses  : 

Makshar  kuni  karam  diram  ul  sarvi  kommati 
Har  anda  kham  kurunmasa  kil  kur  kiyuviati. 

I  hope  to  see  at  the  Resurrection 

Her  of  lovely  slender  form  ; 
If  I  do  not  see  her  then, 

Go  look  after  the  judgment. 

I  found,  however,  that  this  monument  had  been  destroyed  by 
the  Amir  Mozaffar  Eddin,  when  he  occupied  Khokand,  on  the 
ground  that  it  was  improper  thus  to  honour  a  woman. 

One  of  the  greatest  curiosities  in  Khokand  is  the  paper 
manufactory,  situated  just  outside  of  the  Minyatchu-vorak. 
Most,  if  not  all,  of  the  paper  used  in  Central  Asia  is  manu- 
factured either  here  or  at  the  little  village  of  Tcharku,  also  in 
Khokand.  The  rags  are  alternately  pounded  and  macerated 
until  they  are  reduced  to  a  thick  pulp,  which  is  then  collected 
into  a  round  ball.  Portions  of  this  are  then  placed  in  a  tub 
of  water  and  well  mixed  together.  The  paper-maker  takes  an 
oblong  sieve  made  of  thin  grass  stretched  over  a  wooden  frame, 
and  puts  into  it  a  certain  quantity  of  the  pulp,  shaking  and  inclin- 
ing it  until  it  is  equally  distributed  over  the  surface.  After  allow- 
ing it  to  stand  a  few  moments  he  turns  it  out  on  a  board.  In 
this  way  one  man  can  make  about  300  leaves  per  day,  which  are 
placed  one  on  the  other  with  layers  of  felt  between,  and  sub- 
mitted to  a  heavy  pressure  to  squeeze  out  the  moisture.  In 
the  morning  they  are  taken  out  and  hung  for  drying  on  a  wall 
exposed  to  the  south.     The  sizing  and  polishing  is  done  in  the 


14  TUKKISTAN. 

bazaar  by  a  different  set  of  workmen.  The  size  usually  em- 
ployed is  a  kind  of  dextrine  found  nearly  pure  in  the  roots 
of  the  Shirash,  a  plant  of  the  lily  family,  and  the  polishing-  is 
made  by  rubbing  it  with  a  smooth  and  heavy  stone.  By  this 
process  the  value  of  the  paper  is  nearly  doubled  (from  fifteen 
to  twenty  or  thirty  kopeks  a  sheet). 

Imperfect  paper  is,  however,  never  thrown  away,  for  at  the 
time  of  sizing  holes  or  fissures  are  patched  up  with  thin  strips, 
and  the  surface  is  made  so  even  that  defects  can  only  be  dis- 
covered by  holding  the  sheet  up  to  the  light.  This  paper, 
which  is  usually  grey,  although  sometimes  coloured  pink  and 
blue,  is  very  firm  and  tough,  and  excellent  for  the  gummy 
ink  with  which  the  natives  write.  For  the  purposes  of 
Europeans  it  is  of  little  use,  and  the  Russians  have  to  import 
all  the  paper  that  they  require. 

The  chief  bazaar  at  Khokand  is  by  far  the  best  built  that  I 
saw  in  Central  Asia, — very  regular,  with  all  the  streets  crossing 
one  another  at  right  angles,  and  with  many  of  the  shops  built 
of  burned  brick.  The  streets  are  wide,  and  the  whole  is  covered 
by  a  roof  supported  on  timbers  high  up  above  the  houses,  so  that 
the  bazaar  itself  is  shaded,  while  yet  plenty  of  fresh  air  comes 
in  at  the  sides.  Since  a  fire  about  two  years  ago  a  portion  of 
the  bazaar  has  been  reconstructed  in  even  a  better  way.  There 
are  two  bazaar  days  in  the  week,  Thursday  and  Sunday.  The 
trade  seems  to  be  very  large. 

The  bazaars  in  Khokand, — as  in  most  other  cities  of  the 
Khanate, — belong  to  the  Khan  himself,  who  a  few  years  ago 
took  possession  of  them,  and  receives  the  rents  himself. 
Some  he  bought,  paying  but  a  small  proportion  of  their  real 
value,  while  others  he  simply  seized,  telling  the  owners  that 
they  had  enjoyed  them  long  enough,  and  that  now  he  in- 
tended to  have  some  profit  out  of  them.  The  revenues  from 
these  are  by  no  means  small ;  for  instance,  the  Cocoon  Sarai 
brings  in  1,800  tillas  (810/.)  although  it  is  used  only  for  the 
six  or  seven  weeks  when  cocoons  are  in  the  market ;  and  the 
rooms  of  the  Zekat  Sarai,  where  I  stayed,  are  rented  out  for 
200  tillas  (90L)  a  year.  This  of  course  will  be  of  great  ad- 
vantage to  th®  Russians  whenever  they  take  possession  of 
Khokand,  as  the  revenues  of  the  bazaars  will  at  once  become 
government  property,   while  in   mc^t   towns   captured  by  the 


GOITKE.  15 

Eussians,  as  in  Tashkent  and  Hodjent,  the  revenues  belong  to 
private  persons,  or  are  secured  by  vaqf  to  some  religious  or 
charitable  purpose. 

As  I  lived  in  the  middle  of  the  bazaar,  I  had  frequent 
opportunities  of  lounging  in  it  and  of  seeing  the  various  trades 
that  were  carried  on  there ;  but  there  was  nothing  new  or 
different  from  that  in  Tashkent,  nor  were  the  goods  sold  better 
in  quality,  with  the  exception  perhaps  of  riding-whips,  of  which 
an  excellent  quality  is  made  at  Khokand  and  sold  very  cheaply. 

I  was  greatly  struck  with  the  prevalence  of  goitre,  and  it 
seemed  to  me  as  if  every  third  merchant  was  afflicted  with  this 
disagreeable  malady.  Whether  it  has  anything  to  do  with  the 
use  of  snow  water,  I  cannot  say,  but  in  fact  the  streams  flowing 
through  the  city  are  formed  by  the  melting  of  glaciers,  although 
at  distances  of  many  miles.  This  was  the  only  town  in  which 
I  noticed  this  disease,  but  I  am  told  that  it  is  also  very  prevalent 
in  Kashgar  and  Yarkand. 

The  structure  of  the  bazaar  renders  it  necessary  to  take 
extra  precautions  against  fire  and  robbers,  and  the  bazaar  is 
closed  every  night  at  seven  o'clock  and  patrolled  by  a  guard 
of  soldiers.  The  parade  of  this  guard  was  always  an  amusing 
spectacle.  The  different  bodies  of  troops  were  marched  up  to 
take  their  positions  at  certain  places,  and  the  two  fire-engines 
were  brought  out ;  one  of  Eussian  work,  and  the  other  a  clumsy 
native  imitation. 

There  are  about  12,000  troops  in  Khokand,  all  under  very  lax 
discipline.  In  the  companies  I  saw  hardly  two  men  were 
dressed  alike,  or  armed  in  the  same  way.  Some  had  sticks, 
some  rifles  or  flint-lock  muskets,  or  more  generally  match-locks, 
while  some  had  nothing  but  the  native  club,  the  round  brass 
head  of  which  was  fastened  on  by  a  joint.  The  officers,  besides 
their  belts  and  swords,  had  wands  of  command.  Some  soldiers 
were  in  native  dress,  some  wore  a  mixture  of  native  and 
Eussian,  but  the  regular  uniform  seemed  to  be  a  loose  jacket 
and  trowsers,  the  colour  being  apparently  at  the  option  of  the 
wearer,  and  the  number  and  arrangement  of  the  buttons  being 
also  left  to  his  taste.  The  buttons  were  all  European,  and 
there  were  few  more  acceptable  presents  to  the  Khan  than  an 
assortment  of  buttons.  Many  were  plain,  but  most  of  them 
were  old  Eussian   military  buttons,  with  not   a   few  French, 


16  TUKillSTAN. 

German,  and  even  English,  which  had  probably  come  up  from 
India.  The  words  of  command  showed  that  some  of  the  in- 
structors had  been  trained  in  India,  and  others  in  Kussia. 
Three  particularly  struck  me :  '  slushed  na  karaul '  (the  Eussian 
for  '  attention  '),  '  carry  arms,'  and  '  ardja  (order)  arms.' 

When  robbers  are  caught,  they  are  severely  punished ;  for 
the  first  offence  losing  one  hand,  and  for  renewed  or  aggravated 
offences  being  liable  to  summary  execution.  When  a  criminal 
is  to  be  put  to  death, — and  executions  are  very  frequent  there, — 
he  is  taken  through  the  streets  of  the  bazaar,  the  executioner 
following  behind  him,  while  the  crowd  hoot  and  pelt  him  with 
stones.  Suddenly,  without  a  word  of  warning,  when  the  ex- 
ecutioner thinks  the  spectacle  has  lasted  long  enough,  he  seizes 
him  by  the  head,  thrusts  the  knife  into  his  throat  and  cuts  it, 
and  the  body  sinks  to  the  ground,  where  it  is  left  for  some  hours 
before  it  is  carried  away  and  the  blood  is  covered  with  sand. 

I  just  missed  an  execution  of  this  kind,  for  three  persons 
had  thus  suffered  only  a  day  or  two  before  my  arrival,  and 
shortly  after  I  had  finally  left  Khokand,  the  various  rebels 
caught  in  the  recent  insurrection  were  put  to  death,  when  the 
bazaar  literally  streamed  with  blood,  which  even  trickled  into 
the  Sarai  where  I  had  stayed.  More  than  five  hundred  persons 
were  then  executed. 

Besides  throat-cutting,  hanging  is  not  an  infrequent  punish- 
ment, especially  in  the  smaller  towns,  and  criminals  are  some- 
times buried  alive,  or,  what  is  still  more  frightful,  are  impaled. 
In  impaling,  the  victim  is  sometimes  tied  to  a  cart,  with  his 
legs  fastened  to  the  shafts,  while  the  stake  is  fastened  to 
another  cart,  and  then  thrust  into  him  with  great  violence, 
after  which  it  is  stuck  into  the  ground.  At  other  times,  the 
man  is  more  gently  placed  on  the  top  of  a  pointed  stake,  which 
has  already  been  erected,  and  it  is  then  the  duty  of  each  passer- 
by to  give  his  legs  a  pull.  In  this  way  the  prisoner  may  live 
in  agony  for  a  day  or  two. 

This  closing  of  the  bazaar  at  such  an  early  hour  was  one 
of  my  greatest  trials,  as  it  confined  us  to  the  close  and  some- 
times ill-smelling  court  of  the  Sarai  during  the  coolest  and 
pleasantest  time  of  the  day ;  and  we  were  even  prevented  from 
leaving  the  Zekat  Sarai  and  going  round  the  corner  to  the 
Khan  Sarai,  where  the  other  Russian  merchants  were  living.  We 


COMMERCIAL  TREATIES.  17 

could,  it  is  true,  go  for  a  little  while  on  the  roof,  but  as  soon  as  the 
guards  were  in  full  force  we  were  not  allowed  to  remain  there. 

The  Eussians  then  in  Khokand  were  chiefly  agents  and 
clerks  of  the  two  houses  of  Pupyshef,  and  of  the  firms  of 
Bykofsky  and  Kolesnikof. 

The  chief  business  consists  in  importing  cloths  and  printed 
calicoes  from  Russia,  and  in  purchasing  with  them  silk  and 
cotton,  the  staple  articles  of  export.  It  is  very  often  the 
rase  that  merchants  are  obliged  to  sell  prints  in  Khokand  and 
Bukhara  at  the  prices  quoted  in  Moscow,  or  even  less,  thus 
losing  all  the  expenses  of  transport,  in  the  hopes  of  recovering 
themselves  by  buying  silk  and  cotton  at  low  prices,  and  by  selling 
them  at  a  great  advance,  and  also  by  quickly  turning  over  the 
money  embarked  in  such  a  way  as  to  save  some  months  of  in- 
terest by  repaying  the  manufacturers  of  the  prints  before  the 
time  of  credit  expires,  and  then  obtaining  another  consignment, 
or  by  having  the  use  of  the  money  in  the  meantime. 

Commercial  treaties,  it  is  true,  exist  now  with  all  the  Central 
Asiatic  States,  but  the  rulers  know  little  what  they  mean,  and 
care  less ;  and  the  position  of  the  Russian  traders  is  at  all 
times  disagreeable,  if  not  dangerous.  It  is  for  instance  stated 
in  the  treaty  with  Khokand  that  no  exports  from  that  country 
shall  pay  more  than  2\  per  cent.,  or  a  40th  part,  as  a  zekat,  or 
duty, — it  having  formerly  been  the  custom  to  charge  Christians 
double  what  was  paid  by  Mussulmans, — and  that  no  other  taxes 
or  trade  should  be  imposed.  In  spite  of  this,  however,  the 
merchants  in  Khokand  were  obliged  to  pay  in  addition  an 
export  duty  of  half  a  tilla  (4s.  6d.)  per  camel  load  of  cotton 
of  576  lbs.,  amounting  to  nearly  3  per  cent,  more,  and  at 
one  time  the  Mekhter  even  insisted  on  a  smaller  camel  load 
paying  the  same  sum.  This,  however,  he  was  forced  to  change. 
The  merchants  naturally  sent  a  petition  to  the  government  at 
Tashkent  with  regard  to  the  unlawful  cotton  duty,  and  General 
Kaufmann  sent  a  letter  of  remonstrance  to  the  Khan,  who  in 
reply  made  no  reference  whatever  to  the  stipulations  of  the 
treaty,  but  said :  '  Four  or  five  years  ago,  when,  by  order  of 
my  brother  the  Governor-General  Colonel  Schaufuss  came  as 
our  guest,  he  gave  me  a  petition  from  His  Excellency  with 
regard  to  cotton,  and  I,  out  of  respect  and  a  desire  to  please 
my  brother  the  Governor-General,  accepted  his  petition,  and 
VOL.  II.  C 


18  TUEKISTAN. 

reduced  the  duty  from  60  tengas  to  half  a  tilla,  and  from  that 
time  a  duty  of  half  a  tilla  from  each  camel  load  has  become 
habit  zial  with  respect  to  both  Eussian  and  Mussulman  merchants. 
Between  the  Eussian  and  the  Mussulman  merchants  there  ib  no 
difference.  With  reference  to  the  former,  by  my  orders  the 
Mekhter,  Mullah  Mir-Kamil,  shows  them  in  every  case  attention 
and  magnanimity.  I  do  not  know  what  would  happen  if  I 
were  to  put  an  end  to  the  custom  which  has  existed  so  many 
years  between  us  and  the  Russians,  since  in  every  state  there 
are  many  regulations  of  such  a  kind.  You,  as  an  educated 
man,  ought  to  know  better  than  anvone  else  the  customs  and 
regulations  of  every  country.'  Although  this  amusingly  evasive 
answer, — which  considered  the  commercial  treaty  as  a  petition 
which  he  had  deigned  to  grant, — had  been  returned  to  the 
Eussians  the  preceding  year,  they  had  taken  no  steps  at  the 
time  of  my  visit  to  bring  about  a  better  state  of  things. 

In  order  to  avoid  insult,  and  even  injury,  the  Eussian 
traders,  when  in  the  streets,  were  accustomed  to  wear  the  native 
dress.  They  were  not  allowed  to  live  in  any  part  of  the  town 
they  chose,  but  were  restricted  to  the  Sarais  of  the  bazaars, 
and  were  unable  to  mix  freely  with  the  natives.  The  native 
merchants  were  forbidden  by  the  Khan  to  invite  the  Eussians 
to  their  houses ;  and  on  one  occasion,  when  a  Eussian  merchant 
invited  several  native  customers  to  dinner,  the  act  was  viewed 
with  extreme  displeasure  by  the  Khokand  authorities.  I  can- 
not help  thinking  that  a  different  state  of  things  would  exist 
were  these  foreign  traders  either  English  or  Americans.  They 
certainly  would  not  be  willing  to  live  cooped  up  in  small  un- 
comfortable apartments  deprived  of  all  the  comforts  of  life,  to 
say  nothing  of  luxuries,  such  as  postal  communications.  The 
native  governments  have  strenuously  objected  to  the  establish- 
ment of  postal  routes  within  their  territories,  and  unless  a 
letter  from  Tashkent  be  brought  by  a  special  messenger,  it.  must 
be  sent  by  some  native,  who  may  for  days  forget  it,  or  who 
simply  in  passing  throws  it  in  at  the  door,  usually  in  a  mutilated 
state,  as  it  has  generally  been  opened  by  the  frontier  or  the  city 
authorities.  It  was  difficult  for  me  to  believe,  until  I  saw  it 
with  my  own  eyes,  and  it  is  difficult  for  Eussians  to  believe  that 
the  Eussian  Government,  which  claims  to  be  in  Central  Asia  for 
the  advantage  of  trade,  and  which  gave  out  that  Khokand  was  a 


SITUATION    OF  THE  MERCHANTS.  19 

vassal  state,  accorded  so  little  protection  to  its  merchants,  and 
lias  such  meagre  information,  even  in  Tashkent,  about  the  state 
of  the  country.  It  was  natural  to  think  that  the  Eussians 
maintained  in  Khokand  an  accredited  commercial  agent,  about 
whom  the  merchants  would  naturally  group  themselves.  Such 
an  agent  would  be  protected  either  by  a  guard  of  Cossacks,  or 
by  the  influence  of  the  Home  Government,  and  he  would 
gradually  produce  a  compliance  by  the  native  government  with 
every  demand  of  the  Eussian  authorities.  But  nothing  similar 
to  the  English  Eesidents  in  the  native  Indian  states  existed 
here.  The  Eussians  had  no  agent  either  secret  or  otherwise 
in  Khokand ;  the  diplomatic  relations  are  kept  up  by  the 
Khokandian  envoy,  Mirza  Hakim,  resident  at  Tashkent,  a  man 
who  enjoyed  but  to  a  limited  extent  the  confidence  of  his 
sovereign,  and  who  was  universally  looked  down  upon  and 
suspected  by  his  countrymen,  and  by  the  Eussian  diplomatic 
employ  ^,also  residing  in  Tashkent.  This  agent  once  in  two  or  three 
years  made  a  short  trip  to  Khokand,  where  as  the  official  guest 
of  the  Government,  he  was  surrounded  with  spies,  occupied  with 
dostar-khans,  and  the  exchange  of  presents,  and  was  unable  to 
ascertain  the  real  state  of  the  country,  and  according  to  per- 
sistent, if  not  well  founded,  rumours  was  in  the  pay  of  the  Khan.! 
The  merchants  complained  that  in  general  they  were  treated 
with  discourtesy,  and  that  their  representations  and  statements 
were  disbelieved,  if  they  conflicted  with  the  official  theories 
which  guide  the  politic?  of  Tashkent. 

At  the  Zekat  Sarai  we  had  one  frequent  guest  whose  con- 
versation furnished  us  with  unfailing  amusement  and  instruction. 
This  was  a  Eussian  refugee,  whose  history  had  been  most  singular. 
Mina  Yevgrafef  Gretchenko  (commonly  called  Yevgraf)  was  a 
Cossack  from  Novotcherkask,  and  had  served  in  the  Caucasus  as 
well  as  in  the  Imperial  Guard,  but  for  some  reason  or  other  had 
been  sent  to  serve  at  Omsk  in  Siberia.    According  to  his  story  he 

1  At  Tashkent  and  Samarkand  there  was  in  this  connection  much  talk  of 
wagon-loads  of  presents,  of  large  sums  of  money,  and  of  the  payment  of  losses  at 
cards.  Captain  Terentief,  in  his  Russia  and  England  in  Central  Asia '  (St. 
Petersburg,  1875),  p.  332,  says:  'The  Khan  of  Khokand.  among  other  things, 
gave  Mr.  Struve  the  rank  of  taksaba — field-marshal  of  the  armies  of  Khokand  — 
and  bestowed  upon  him  a  velvet  uniform  with  gold  epaulets  set  with  pearls  and 
precious  stones.  They  say  also  that  the  taksaba  receives  the  revenues  of  a  grant 
of  land.'     Full  details  of  all  these  things  were  told  to  me  in  Khokand. 

c  2 


20  TUEKISTAN. 

bad  a  slight  difficulty  with  a  comrade  over  cards,  in  which  he 
threw  a  bottle  at  him,  and  left  him  either  dead  or  severely 
injured.  He  therefore  thought  it  best  to  decamp,  arid  having 
plenty  of  friends  who  furnished  him  with  facilities  to  do  so,  he 
was  provided  with  a  number  of  false  passports  and  various 
changes  of  dress,  and  gradually  worked  his  way  to  Ar  khan  gel, 
arriving  there  the  very  day  the  last  steamer  for  England  had 
gone.  Finding  himself  under  suspicion  at  that  place,  he 
returned  down  the  Ural,  and  came  to  Petropavlovsk  after 
many  narrow  escapes.  The  first  day  at  Petropavlovsk  he  met  an 
acquaintance  from  Omsk,  and  fearing  recognition,  and  having 
no  alternative,  went  over  the  steppe  to  Turkistan  and  offered 
to  enter  into  the  Khokandian  service.  Indeed  there  was 
nothing  else  to  be  done ;  and  in  addition  the  poor  man  was 
forced  to  become  a  Mussulman,  taking  the  name  of  Suleiman 
Kul.  This  was  more  than  twenty  years  ago.  He  married,  at 
first,  the  daughter  of  a  Eussian  prisoner,  and  it  is  said  that 
love  for  her  had  something  to  do  with  his  original  flight  to 
the  country.  He  has  served  in  various  branches  of  the  service, 
has  been  in  nearly  all  the  fights  against  the  Russians,  and  is 
now  a  Yuz-bashi,  or  centurion,  in  the  artillery.  On  the  death 
of  his  first  wife  he  married  a  native,  and  lives  entirely  in  the 
native  way.  He  is,  however,  but  a  skin-deep  Mussulman,  and 
has  remained  a  thorough  Russian  patriot,  and  would  be  delighted 
to  return,  if  even  for  a  day,  to  Russian  dominions.  He  could 
do  so  by  calling  himself  a  Tartar,  but  he  has  friends  living  in 
Russia,  and  does  not  like  to  go  bick  to  them  in  that  way.  He 
wishes  to  return  as  a  Russian  and  a  Christian,  with  his  past 
wiped  out.  He  still  speaks  and  reads  Russian  with  fluency,  in 
spite  of  his  long  exile,  and  is  as  shrewd  and  observing  a  man 
as  one  cares  to  meet,  thoroughly  acquainted  with  all  that  is 
going  on  in  the  country,  and  might  be  of  great  service  to  the 
Russians,  if  they  knew  how  to  use  him.1 

On  Wednesday,  June  25,  the  Mekhter  finally  sent  word 
that  the  answer  of  the  Khan  had  come,  and  that  we  could  now 
go  on  and  join  him  at  Namangan. 

1  In  1875  Yevgraf  saved  the  lives  of  Colonel  Skobelef  and  Mr.  Weinberg, 
during  their  forced  retreat  at  the  time  of  the  revolution  -which  dethroned  Khu 
dayar  Khan,  and  accompanied  them  to  Hodjent.  He  has  since  been  pardoned  by 
the  Emperor. 


IN   PURSUIT   OF   THE  KHAN.  21 

We  were  delighted  with  this  intelligence,  crossed  over  to 
tl  e  other  side  of  the  court  to  bid  the  Mekhter  good-bye,  and 
started  off  as  soon  as  possible,  accompanied  by  three  officials 
sent  by  him,  and  an  additional  guard  of  a  few  soldiers  until  we 
were  well  out  of  the  town. 

Starting  at  two  o'clook,  at  about  half-past  three  we  reached 
.Buvandy,  a  small  village  twelve  miles  from  the  city.  The 
road  was  very  pretty,  through  fields  and  plantations  with  many 
trees,  and  occasionally  canals  of  clear  water,  the  high  moun- 
tains being  visible  both  on  the  north  and  south.  Now  and  then 
some  fierce-looking  man,  with  matchlock  slung  across  his 
back  and  heavy  sword  jangling  against  his  stirrups,  passed 
us  bearing  messages  from  the  Khan,  or  joined  us  to  go  in 
company,  so  that  when  we  left  this  village,  where  we  waited  for 
some  hours,  we  had  a  considerable  company. 

We  rode  on  for  five  hours  at  a  good  steady  pace,  although, 
as  there  was  no  moon,  it  soon  became  quite  dark,  through  the 
barren  steppe  and  the  sandy  desert,  which  seems  to  surround 
the  city  of  Khokand  on  all  sides,  and  at  last  arrived  at  a 
wretched  village  of  four  or  five  huts.  Here,  in  spite  of  cheer- 
lessness  and  misery,  we  were  glad  to  spread  our  blankets  on  the 
ground  by  the  side  of  a  pond,— -for  although  we  were  the  Khan's 
guests,  no  other  place  was  offered  to  us, — and  slept  until 
morning,  being  too  tired  even  for  tea. 

After  a  sound  sleep,  we  were  awakened  early,  and  in  an 
hour  we  succeeded  in  getting  off,  when  we  changed  our  des- 
tination, for  we  were  told  that  the  Khan  had  already  left 
Namangan,  and  was  at  Balyktchi,  on  the  Syr  Darya.  After 
two  hours'  hard  riding,  still  over  the  steppe,  with  the  mountains 
visible  to  the  right  and  left,  we  reached  the  village  of  Crur-tepe, 
nine  miles.  Here  we  were  put  up  in  a  small  court  intersected 
by  a  narrow  ditch  of  water,  without  a  tree,  and  with  no  shade 
save  under  one  verandah,  where  we  were  greatly  annoyed  by 
gnats,  and  with  no  shelter  but  an  old  hut  with  a  muddy  floor. 
We,  however,  ate  apricots,  took  tea  and  shurpa,  a  sort  of  rich 
mutton-broth,  and  dragged  through  the  day  until  two  o'clock, 
when,  being  too  tired  to  ride,  I  set  out  in  a  cart.  The  road  was 
again  through  the  steppe  and  sand,  and  finally  over  a  barren 
plateau,  lying  at  some  little  distance  from  the  Syr  Darya. 

Between  the  villages  of  Hama  Bulak  and  Ming  Bulak,  we 


22  TUEKISTAN. 

had  a  lovely  view  to  the  north.  In  the  far  background  was  a 
high  mountain  range ;  below  this  were  lines  of  hills,  and  in 
the  middle  distance  the  fertile  valley  of  the  Syr  Darya  full  of 
trees  and  villages,  while  rice  fields  and  reeds  filled  up  the 
foreground.  In  the  distance,  on  the  other  side  of  the  river, 
was  seen  Namangan,  one  of  the  most  important  towns  in  the 
Khanate ;  and  to  the  south  the  snowy  Alai  range  was  always 
in  full  view. 

This  was  about  five  miles  from  Balyktchi.  On  approaching 
that  town,  the  road  follows  the  river  bank,  and  we  had  an  ex- 
cellent view  of  the  meeting  of  the  muddy  and  turbulent  Naryn 
with  the  placid  and  clear  Syr  Darya.  The  Naryn  is,  however, 
the  main  stream,  and  imparts  its  muddy  character  to  the  river 
for  the  rest  of  the  course.  The  road  turned  away  many  times 
from  the  river  between  the  clay  walls  of  the  numerous  gardens, 
and  again  came  back  to  it,  and  followed  its  edge  till  it  seemed 
to  me  as  if  I  never  should  reach  Balyktchi ;  for  I  was  fatigued, 
it  was  now  getting  dark,  my  horse  constantly  stumbled,  and  all 
except  my  interpreter  and  one  jigit,  were  far  in  advance. 
At  last  we  turned  up  the  hill,  wound  our  way  through  the 
bazaar,  and  went  to  the  urda,  where  we  were  assigned  to  a 
common  court,  and  were  told  that  the  Khan  was  not  here,  but 
had  gone  further  on,  to  Utch  Kurgan. 

Our  journey  was  in  many  respects  greatly  lacking  in  incident. 
Oiten,  it  is  true,  we  had  fine  scenery  to  look  at,  but  no  one 
seemed  to  care  for  it,  or  to  share  my  feelings  for  land- 
scape. The  officials  who  were  taking  care  of  us  treated  us  in  a 
very  offhand  way,  and  provided  nothing  for  our  entertainment, 
and  consequently  we  were  obliged  to  rely  upon  ourselves  for  all 
our  amusement.  By  far  the  most  diverting  of  the  party 
was  Ata  Bai,  the  jigit  of  the  interpreter  Abdullah,  an  old 
man  who  had  lived  in  Khokand  the  greater  part  of  his  life, 
and  was  addicted  to  the  use  of  kukhnar,  a  narcotic  drink 
made  of  poppy-heads  bruised  in  water.  He  prepared  and 
drank  this  in  a  most  unblushing  way,  although  constantly  ad- 
mitting it  to  be  a  weakness  and  a  sin.  His  fits  of  the  dumps, 
when  he  could  not  have  his  usual  modicum,  madn  him  as 
amusing  as  did  the  undue  exhilaration  which  was  caused  by  the 
drink.  He  always  had  some  jest,  and  succeeded  almost  alone 
in  keeping  up  our  spirits. 


THE  NARYN.  23 

Leaving  Balyktcki  early  the  next  morning',  after  a  twenty 
miles'  ride  we  reached  Haikovar,  a  small  village.  We 
crossed  the  Syr  Darya  on  a  low  crazy  wooden  bridge,  the 
road  following  the  river  for  a  little  distance,  and  then  striking 
north.  The  whole  country  in  this  triangle  between  the  Naryn 
and  Syr  Darya  is  beautifully  cultivated,  and  full  of  villages, 
the  canals  being  brought  from  the  river  Naryn,  although  the 
immediate  valley  of  the  Naryn  is  a  stony  and  barren  one 
There  was  constantly  a  beautiful  mountain  view  to  the  north. 
This  part  of  Khokand,  including  Namangan  and  Andijan 
further  to  the  east,  is  by  far  the  most  fertile  part  of  the 
Khanate.  The  city  of  Khokand  is  situated  in  the  midst  of  a 
stony  waste,  and  only  the  immediate  vicinity  of  the  town  can 
be  cultivated,  the  water  used  there  coming  from  a  small  stream 
which  flows  the  Alai  mountains. 

Sweltering  in  the  heat,  we  were  obliged  to  wait  at  Haikovar 
the  whole  day ;  for  although  it  was  only  four  miles  to  Utch 
Kurgan,  etiquette  required  us  again  to  send  to  the  Khan  to 
say  that  we  had  arrived  thus  far,  and  to  ask  if  we  could  go 
further.  An  answer  finally  arrived  saying  that  a  house  had 
been  prepared  for  us,  that  new  carpets  had  been  spread  down, 
but  that  we  had  better  travel  when  it  was  cooler,  and  that  the 
Khan  would  receive  us  in  the  morning. 

At  about  five  o'clock  we  set  out  over  a  horribly  dusty  road 
through  the  bare  steppe,  and  in  an  hour  reached  the  bank  of 
the  Naryn.  The  river  is  here  'very  muddy  and  rapid,  and 
roars  over  the  rocks  like  a  cataract.  Passing  for  some  distance 
along  the  bank,  and  meeting  at  every  step  with  soldiers  and 
jlgits  who  were  taking  horses  down  to  the  river  to  be  watered, 
we  passed  through  the  little  bazaar,  now  crowded  with  people, — 
for  the  Khan  had  brought  a  large  suite  with  him, — and  were 
conducted  to  a  small  garden,  where  the  air  was  very  oppressive, 
• — by  no  means  the  place  which  had  been  promised  to  us.  To 
add  to  our  discomfort,  a  great  dust  storm  arose,  and  for  five 
minutes  we  could  scarcely  breathe,  being  obliged  to  bury  our 
faces  in  the  pillows.  The  Mirza  who  was  with  us  told  us  that 
for  that  night  we  must  content  ourselves  with  tea,  as  it  was  too 
late  for  him  to  procure  us  anything  to  eat.  I  had  long 
before  felt  like  rebelling  at  our  treatment,  and  had  restrained 
myself  for  fear  lest  I  might  injure  Mr.  F 's  business;   but 


24  TURKISTAN. 

throughout  the  whole  journey  I  had  strongly  objected  to  our  not 
being  allowed  to  have  our  own  way,  and  to  being  compelled  to 
follow  implicitly  the  orders  of  the  Mirza.  The  insolent  manner 
in  which  he  gave  us  this  last  information  made  me  thoroughly 
angry  :  and  I  told  him  that  he  had  informed  us  all  along  that  we 
were  the  guests  of  the  Khan  ;  that  as  such  I  demanded  better 
treatment,  and  that  I  should  insist  upon  having  some  supper 
that  night ;  that  it  was  still  early,  seven  o'clock,  and  that  as  I  had 
seen  the  bazaar  was  yet  open.  The  Mirza,  impressed  with  my 
tone,  began  to  apologise,  said  that  we  should  have  something  in 
about  three  hours,  and  soon  brought  me  in  a  dish  of  kavap,  which 
I  and  my  interpreter  ate  alone,  the  others  having  gone  to  sleep. 
We  had  been  told  that  we  were  to  be  presented  to  the 
Khan  at  the  early  salaam,  and  we  consequently  had  to  rise  about 

four  o'clock.     Mr.  F put  on  a  black  frock  coat,  with  all 

his  decorations  ;  but  I.  conjecturing  that  the  Khan  would  not 
know  the  difference  between  full  and  ordinary  dress  in  an 
infidel,  and  having  no  uniform,  wore  my  usual  grey  tweed 
suit,  refusing  a  proffered  native  gown.  After  riding  for  half-a- 
mile  along  the  river  bank,  we  came  to  a  double  line  of  ridiculous 
soldiers,  sitting  cross-legged  in  the  road,  in  the  most  absurd 
uniforms,  some  with  match-locks,  and  some  with  flint  muskets, 
which  most  of  them  held  at  '  present.'  After  riding  a  certain 
distance,  we  had  to  dismount,  and  immediately  our  arms  were 
seized  by  various  officials, — generals,  as  it  turned  out  afterwards, 
■ — in  long  dark  coats,  and  high  fur  caps,  gold  belts5  and  swords, 
and  three  epaulettes,  one  on  each  shoulder,  and  one  in  the  middle 
of  the  back.  We  soon  came  in  front  of  a  large  garden,  where 
at  a  distance  of  a  hundred  paces  or  more,  there  was  a  green 
Bukharan  tent,  under  which  three  men  with  white  turbans 
were  sitting.  Which  was  the  Khan,  I  was  unable  to  discern. 
For  some  reason  my  movements  were  not  as  much  restricted 
as  those  of  the  others,  and  while  my  companions  were  forcibly 
made  to  bow  very  low,  I  had  a  chance  to  look.  The  attendants 
shouted  out  something  in  a  loud  voice,  of  which  I  could  only 
make  out  Khudayar  Khan  Kylsun.  We  were  summoned  to 
deliver  up  our  letters  and  presents,  and  were  then  immediately 
brought  back,  even  more  quickly  than  we  came.  This 
astonished  me  greatly,  for  I  knew  something  of  the  order  of 
ceremonies  at  these  courts,  and  had  supposed  that  this  was  merely 


SEIU    MOHAMMED     RHUDAYA?,,     KHAN    OF    KHOKAND. 


OUK  RECEPTION  AT   COURT.  25 

the  preliminary  salutation  previous  to  advancing  to  the  tent 
and  being  personally  presented  to  the  Khan.  Haba  Bai,  who 
was  a  native  of  the  country,  although  long  settled  in  Hodjent, 
and  whose  conscience  perhaps  smote  him  for  something,  was 
seized  with  fear  and  trembling,  thinking  that  he  was  being  led 
off  to  immediate  execution,  and  even  Abdullah  thought  that 
we  were  going  to  prison.  We  were,  however,  after  being  led  on 
foot  through  the  whole  line  of  soldiers,  only  taken  to  a  house 
close  by  on  the  bank,  occupied  temporarily  by  the  Bek  of 
Balyktcki,  who  spends  his  summers  at  Utch  Kurgan. 

This  was  the  first  time  the  Khan  had  been  here  during  the 
ten  years  of  office  of  this  Bek,  whose  house  he  was  then  occupy- 
ing. The  Khan  every  summer  makes  a  tour  of  the  provinces, 
nominally  for  amusement  and  inspection,  but  really  to  obtain 
largesumsof  money  in  the  shape  of  presents  from  the  various  Beks. 

Bahmet  Ullah  Bek  of  Balyktchi  was  formerly  a  slave,  but 
the  Khan  fell  in  love  with  his  sister,  who  was  a  great  beauty, 
and  on  his  marriage  to  her  freed  him  and  made  him  Bek. 
This  sister  had  died,  but  had  left  a  son,  Urman  Bek,  then  a 
boy  of  twelve  or  thirteen  years,  who  had  recently  been  appointed 
Bek  of  Namangan,  and  is  the  pet  of  his  father,  the  Khan. 
Bahmet  Ullah  was  a  fine  looking  man  of  about  thirty-five,  and 
of  very  gentlemanly  manners.1 

On  reaching  the  house,  we  were  ushered  into  the  reception 
room,  where  we  sat  on  stools,  while  the  Bek,  in  full  uniform, — 
three  epaulettes  and  all, — accompanied  by  his  brother,  a  handsome 
young  fellow  in  the  service  of  the  Khan,  and  by  his  little  son 
Namet  Illah,  told  us  that  the  Khan  had  ordered  him  to  give 
us  hospitality,  and  that  this,  his  temporary  house,  was  at  our 
disposal.  He  then  said  that  he  would  send  for  our  luggage,  and 
that  we  were  to  remain  there  during  our  stay.  As  the  house 
was  very  pleasantly  situated  near  the  river,  and  had  a  large 
garden  with  plenty  of  shade,  we  were  delighted  with  the 
change.  The  Bek  asked  us  what  we  wanted,  and  told  us  that 
everything  depended  on  the  Khan's  pleasure ;.  that  no  one 
dared  speak  to  him  first  on  any  subject,  and  that  we  therefore 
must  wait.  We  told  him  that  we  thought  the  Khan  had  not 
treated  us  properly  in  not  receiving  us  personally  when  we 

1  A  few  weeks  after  my  visit  Rahmet   Ullah  was  killed  by  the  Kiptchak  and 
Kirghiz  insurgents,  by  having  a  sharp  stake  driven  through  his  head. 


26  TURKISTAN. 

were  the  bearers  of  letters  from  the  chief  authorities  at 
Tashkent,  but  he  repeated  that  everything  there  was  at  the 
Khan's  own  pleasure,  and  that  he,  much  less  anyone  else,  did 
not  dare  to  criticise  him,  or  speak  to  him.  After  conversation 
of  a  slight  nature,  he  left  us  with  a  tray  of  tea  and  melons,  and 
afterwards  sent  each  of  us  a  silk  gown.  When  we  were  lounging 
about  the  garden,  the  Bek  got  hold  of  the  interpreter  Abdullah, 
with  whom  he  had  a  long  private  conversation,  trying  to  see  if 
we  had  not  some  more  secret  business  than  that  which  we 
alleged.  In  the  afternoon  we  sent  the  Bek  some  presents; 
I  giving  him,  among  other  things,  a  small  compass  set  in  gold. 
He  then  came  in  to  see  us,  and  talked  a  long  time  in  a  very 

amiable  way,  had  a  long  conversation  with  Mr.  F about 

his  business,  asked  a  few  questions  about  America,  and  then, 
turning  to  the  subject  of  the  Russians,  asked  whether  it  was 
true  that  the  troops  at  Hodjent  were  being  reinforced,  and 
showed  a  fair  knowledge  of  the  position  of  affairs  there  and 
of  the  character  of  the  new  commander,  as  compared  with  that 
of  the  old,  as  well  as  of  the  complaints  made  against  the 
administration  ;  he  boasted  greatly  of  the  excellent  army  of  the 
Khan,  which  was  capable  of  repelling  any  invasion,  and  then 
referred  to  the  3,000  Kiptchaks  whom  he  had  in  his  own 
service,  evidently  desiring  to  make  the  impression  upon  us 
that  the  Khan  was  only  waiting  for  an  excuse  to  annihilate  the 
Russian  power  in  Asia. 

Toward  night  we  bathed  in  the  river,  and  had  our  beds 
spread  on  the  terrace  in  the  garden,  where  we  had  our  tea  and 
pilaf.  We  were  lying  there,  half  undressed,  when  a  great 
uproar  was  raised  near  by,  and  we  found  that  one  of  the  men 
of  the  house  had  been  stung  by  a  scorpion.  I  made  a  slight 
incision,  and  applied  some  ammonia  which  eased  the  pain,  and 
in  the  course  of  an  hour  or  so  he  entirely  recovered.  The  next 
day  I  tried  the  same  remedy  on  another  man,  but  without 
effect,  perhaps  because  he  had  been  stung  in  the  callous  part 
of  the  foot.  Soon  after  this — although  it  was  now  very  late — 
the  Bek  came  to  us  again  and  had  a  long  talk.     He  told  Mr. 

F that   his   business   would   probably  get   on   well,  and 

that  he  would  tell  the  Khan  himself  all  that  we  desired ;  but 
he  was  unable  to  tell  me  whether  I  would  be  allowed  to  pursue 
my  journey  or  not,  as  the  Khan  had  said  nothing  about  it, 


I 


LIFE  IN   TJTCH-KUKGAN.  27 

although  he  thought  that  it  would  be  possible.  He  said  that, 
according  to  custom,  he  had  been  obliged  to  show  to  the  Khan 
the  presents  we  had  given  him,  and  that  Hazret1  had  been  so 
much  pleased  with  the  small  compass  that  he  had  retained  it 
in  his  own  possession,  and  then  the  Bek  hinted  strongly  that  he 
would  like  another.  Compasses  are  much  liked  by  Mussulmans 
as  they  are  used  to  show  the  Kibleh,  or  the  direction  of  the 
Kaaba  at  Mecca. 

Life  in  Utch-kurgan  was  rather  dull.  The  near  vicinity  of 
the  Khan,  the  crowds  of  soldiers,  Kiptchaks,  and  all  sorts  of 
people  who  filled  the  streets,  united  with  the  intense  heat, 
rendered  it  disagreeable  to  be  out.  And  then  there  was  the 
fact  that  there  was  very  little  to  see  except  the  people.  We 
had  to  rise  early,  for  after  the  sun  was  up  there  was  no  chance 
of  sleeping  in  the  open  air,  and  we  had  nothing  to  do  all  day 
but  to  lie  on  our  backs  and  talk  with  the  various  inmates  of 
the  house,  or  wander  round  the  garden  and  watch  their  occupa- 
tions. It  was  a  very  good  opportunity  for  studying  native 
life  in  a  rich  noble's  house,  for  the  number  of  retainers  was 
great.  In  one  corner  three  or  four  cooks  were  occupied  all  day 
long  in  killing  and  cutting  up  sheep,  in  washing  rice  and 
boiling  it  into  pilaf;  for  Rahmet  Ullah  Bek  maintained  a  guard 
of  200  soldiers,  whom  he  had  to  feed  from  his  kitchen.  Then 
there  were  the  horses  to  be  groomed ;  and  one  old  man  and  two 
boys  devoted  themselves  exclusively  to  the  care  of  three 
falcons,  which  had  to  be  fed,  exercised,  and  played  with,  in 
expectation  of  another  chase.  The  chief  steward  of  the  Bek 
was  also  his  tailor,  and  I  watched  him  cut  two  whole  pieces  of 
calico  into  shirts  and  trousers.  There  was  an  old  secretary 
who  had  very  little  to  do,  except  to  give  a  reading  lesson  to 
Namet  Illah,  the  Bek's  little  son,  who  had  also  three  or  four 
other  men  engaged  in  looking  after  him.  When  all  of  these 
people  were  not  occupied  with  their  own  duties  they  were 
either  talking  to  us,  examining  the  things  which  we  had 
brought  with  us — and  for  them  nearly  everything  was  curious — 
or  looking  at  the  operations  of  the  cooks,  and  gloating  in 
anticipation  over  their  supper.  Amusement  there  was  none, 
all  games  being  strictly  forbidden.  Such  things  as  dancing, 
jugglery,  and  comic  performances  are,  I  am  told,  prohibited 

1  '  Sanctity,'  or  '  Majesty,'  used  in  speaking  to  or  of  high  dignitaries  or  saints. 


28 


TUKK1STAN. 


in  the  Khanate, — the  licentious  Khan,  having  seen  the  error  of 
his  ways,  and  having  put  on,  for  his  people  at  least,  a  semblance 
of  virtue.  Of  praying  there  was  very  little  ;  occasionally  in  the 
afternoon,  or  at  sunset,  some  few  more  piously  disposed 
individuals  would  spread  out  a  rug  and  make  their  supplica- 
tions to  Allah  ;  but  prayer  did  not  seem  the  pastime  or  excite- 
ment  which  it  is   in  the    large   towns.     One    poor    old    man, 


&fVA^ 


THE    SIX-EATER. 


however,  I  noticed,  who  seemed  constantly  engaged  in  prayer. 
On  calling  attention  to  him  I  was  told  that  he  was  an  iskatcki, 
a  person  who  gets  his  living  by  taking  on  himself  the  sins  of 
the  dead,  and  thenceforth  devoting  his  life  to  prayer  for  their 
souls.     He  corresponds  to  the  '  sin-eater '  of  the  Welsh  border. 


FOLK   LORE.  29 

With  the  exception  of  the  book  used  by  the  secretary  in  giving 
his  daily  lesson  to  the  small  boy,  not  another  one  was  to  be 
seen,  nor  did  there  seem  to  be  any  attempt  at  story-telling 
even.  It  was  a  very  lazy  and  listless,  though  perfectly  decorous 
life. 

We  had  a  whole  sheep  given  to  us  once  a  day  for  the 
sustenance  of  our  party,  but  were  obliged  to  kill  and  cook 
it  ourselves,  and  as  one  of  the  arba  drivers  was  speedily 
found  to  be  the  most  skilful  cook,  on  him  fell  the  burden  of  the 
kitchen. 

During  the  few  days  I  passed  in  this  garden  I  learned  many 
proprieties  as  well  as  many  superstitions  of  Mussulman  life.  For 
instance,  I  was  shown  how  to  eat  a  melon.  According  to  the  Koran, 
when  an  animal  is  killed  for  food,  its  throat  must  be  cut  in  order 
that  the  blood  may  all  run  out.  By  transfer  of  ideas  the 
melon  is  treated  in  the  same  way.  First,  its  throat  is  cut,  that 
is,  a  small  incision  is  made  in  the  end  farthest  from  the  stem ; 
then  its  head  is  cut  off  by  slicing  off  a  small  piece  ;  after  that 
it  is  cut  up  lengthways,  and  with  one  or  two  dexterous  turns 
of  the  knife  the  flesh  is  removed  from  the  rind  and  cut  into 
small  thin  slices,  which  are  pushed  out  alternately  by  the  knife. 
When  a  man  drinks  water,  he  should  first  take  one  swallow 
slowly,  while  repeating  to  himself  the  name  of  Allah,  and  then 
take  two  swallows,  after  which  he  can  gulp  down  as  much  as 
he  pleases.  When  a  person  hiccoughs  it  is  common  to  say, 
'  You  stole  something  from  me.'  This  is  supposed  to  bring 
good  luck.  If  you  sneeze  when  I  speak  to  you,  it  shows  that 
I  urn  right.  If  a  person  sneeze  three  times  it  is  very  unlucky. 
Yawning  is  a  most  sinful  and  dangerous  practice,  and  arises 
from  an  evil  place  in  your  heart,  hazzi  shaitan,  which  is 
getting  ready  for  the  reception  of  an  evil  spirit.  Mohammed 
never  yawned,  for  when  he  was  only  four  years  old  he  was  one 
day  seized  in  the  desert  by  the  angel  Gabriel,  who  pounced 
upon  him  like  a  bird  and  cut  out  the  evil  place  from  his  heart. 
If,  therefore,  you  yawn,  you  should  always  put  up  the  hand 
with  the  palm  outwards,  so  as  to  ward  off  the  evil  spirits 
that  will  at  once  come  to  you.  Among  the  more  puritanical 
folk  laughter  is  also  bad  ;  and  it  is  said  that  Hanify,  one  of  the 
famous  Mussulman  doctors,  lost  half  of  Asia  for  Islam  by  laugh- 
ing.    Whistling  also  is  bad.     If  a  husband  whistle,  something 


30  TUEKISTAN. 

will  happen  to  his  wife  ;  and  if  children  whistle,  their  father 
or  mother  will  die.  Whistling,  too,  is  supposed  to  bring  wind, 
and  the  Kirghiz  frequently  whistle  for  that  purpose.1  A 
buzzing  in  one's  ears  shows  that  a  man  is  dead,  and  a  prayer  is 
always  repeated.  There  is  a  beautiful  legend  connected  with 
this.  In  heaven  there  is  a  tree,  on  each  leaf  of  which  is 
written  the  name  of  some  soul,  and  what  men  call  a  buzzing  in 
their  ears  is  the  rustling  of  one  of  these  leaves  as  it  falls  from  the 
tree.  If  the  noise  in  your  ears  be  a  ringing  as  of  bells,  then  it 
is  a  Christian  soul  whose  leaf  has  fallen,  and  who  is  to  die  ; 
and  so  for  each  faith  the  noise  is  different.  There  also  exist 
many  similar  superstitions  with  regard  to  the  twitchings  of 
different  parts  of  the  body,  called  tentahnak.  There  is  a  little 
bird  named  karlagatch,  the  forked  tail  of  which  is  always 
trembling.  This  tail,  if  you  keep  it  about  you,  will  always 
ward  off  ill  luck.  It  is,  therefore,  a  very  common  part  of  a 
woman's  head-dress.  There  is  another  belief,  too.  about  the 
karlagatch.  If,  when  you  first  see  this  bird  in  the  spring,  you 
dig  a  deep  hole  in  the  ground  under  the  big  toe  of  your  right 
foot,  you  will  find  a  coal.  With  this  coal  in  your  hand  go  and 
stand  in  front  of  a  mosque,  bearing  also  a  slim  rod.  You  then 
watch  everyone  who  passes,  and  at  last  there  will  be  a  girl 
wearing  a  large  hat.  You  touch  her  with  the  rod,  and  make 
her  stop  and  go  into  the  mosque  with  you,  and  you  can  then 
obtain  her  hat,  which  will  make  you  invisible,  and  allow  you 
to  wander  unseen  wherever  you  please. 

Among  the  Kirghiz  the  magpie  [aha)  is  a  very  ominous 
bird,  and  they  carefully  watch  its  comings  and  goings.  If  a 
Kirghiz  hear  one  of  these  cry,  he  goes  out  to  look.  If  the 
magpie  be  on  the  east,  it  means  guests  ;  if  on  the  west,  a 
journey;  if  on  the  north,  bad  luck;  if  on  the  south,  some 
remarkable  event.  With  regard  to  the  crow,  there  are  similar 
superstitions,  and  among  others  it  is  said  that  the  Jcarga,  or 
ordinary  crow,  and  the  hoh-harga,  or  green  crow  of  the  steppes, 
never  met  until  the  Eussians  came.  Before  that  the  black 
crow  flew  away  before  the  green  one  came  ;  now  both  birds  are 
seen  together.  Either  the  stumbling  or  the  snorting  of  a  horse 
while   on  a  journey  is   considered   a  sign   of  good  luck.      In 

1  Russian  sailors  also  object  to  whistling  on  the  water,  as  it  is  believed  to  call 
up  evil  spirits,  and  produce  danger  or  a  storm. 


DIVINATION.  31 

Bukhara,  if,  in  crossing  a  stream,  a  horse  stumble  and  let  the 
rider  get  wet,  it  is  thought  to  be  the  greatest  good  luck.  To 
meet  a  woman  unmounted,  or  with  nothing  in  her  hands,  is  to 
have  bad  luck  ;  but  if  you  meet  anyone  on  horseback,  especially 
a  young  man,  with  something  in  his  hands,  you  will  have  good 
luck.  If  a  hare  run  across  a  man's  path  while  he  is  on  a 
journey,  it  foreshows  ill-luck,  and  he  usually  goes  back. 

It  is,  however,  the  sheep,  which  constitutes  his  chief  wealth, 
that  furnishes  the  Kirghiz  with  the  best  material  for  forecasting 
the  future.  The  shin-bone  of  a  sheep  is  always  placed  above 
the  door  of  a  kibitka  to  keep  out  robbers,  and  men  sometimes 
take  one  as  a  charm  on  a  journey.  In  order  to  prove  to  me 
the  efficacy  of  this  charm,  one  of  the  jigits  told  me  the  story 
of  a  Kirghiz,  who,  when  he  was  going  on  a  long  journey,  was 
besought  by  his  wife  to  carry  with  him  a  small  bag  which  she 
gave  him,  and  which  he  was  always  to  keep  fastened  to  the 
saddle  of  his  horse,  and  never  to  untie.  After  he  had  accom- 
plished the  fortieth  day  of  his  journey,  his  horse  being  weary, 
his  eye  happened  to  rest  upon  this  bundle,  and  he  began  to 
wonder  what  he  had  been  carrying  so  long ;  on  cutting  it 
open,  he  saw  forty  bones,  which,  thinking  them  to  be  a  useless 
burden,  he  threw  away.  That  very  night  he  was  attacked  by 
robbers  who  had  been  watching  him  for  forty  days,  and  lost  his 
horse  and  everything  that  he  had. 

The  most  common  method  of  divining  the  course  of  future 
events,  is  to  place  on  the  coals  the  shoulder-blade  of  a  sheep, 
which  has  been  carefully  cleaned  of  the  flesh.  This  is  gradually 
calcined,  and  the  cracks,  the  colour,  and  the  small  particles 
which  fall  away  from  it,  denote  good  or  bad  luck  or  the  various 
accidents  which  may  happen  on  an  expedition.  When  a 
Kirghiz  is  about  to  start  on  a  plundering  expedition,  or  indeed 
on  any  task  which  requires  luck  as  well  as  skill,  he  always  first 
tries  this  process,  and  sometimes  will  stop  in  the  middle  of 
his  way,  light  a  fire,  and  consult  this  oracle.  Another  kind  of 
divination  is  very  common, — kumalak,  by  means  of  dried  sheep 
dung.  The  Kirghiz  selects  forty-one  balls  of  dung,  and  divides 
them  roughly  into  three  heaps.  He  then  takes  four  at  a  time 
from  each  heap,  until  only  four  or  less  remain  in  each.  The 
remainder  he  also  divides  into  three  heaps,  and  again  takes 
from  each  by  fours.     Three  more  heaps  are  thus  made,  so  that 


32  TUEKISTAN. 

at  last  there  are  three  rows  of  three  piles  in  each.  What  is 
left  he  divides  by  three,  and  sees  whether  the  remainder  be 
one,  two,  or  three.  The  varying  numbers  and  positions  of  the 
balls  of  dung-  can  be  explained  by  an  experienced  soothsayer  to 
the  intense  satisfaction  or  to  the  disappointment  of  the  one  who 
consults  him.  In  the  towns,  stones  or  small  knuckle-bones  are 
substituted  for  sheep  dung,  although  at  such  a  profanation  the 
Kirghiz  would  look  askance.  Persons  even  carry  them  always 
about  with  them  in  a  bag,  so  as  to  be  never  at  a  loss  for  means 
wherewith  to  divine  the  future.  This  process  is  in  some  respects 
similar  to  the  divination  by  cards  practised  by  gypsies,  and  by 
almost  every  woman,  young  or  old,  in  Eussia.  Among  the  more 
settled  population,  especially  among  the  upper  classes,  fate 
is  usually  consulted  by  more  refined  methods,  practised  by 
individuals  who  devote  themselves  to  that  as  a  profession,  and 
in  all  the  large  towns  there  are  regular  astrologers.  A  falbin 
foretells  the  future  by  opening  the  Koran  at  hazard,  and  en- 
deavouring to  explain  the  first  verse  that  meets  his  eye  in 
regard  to  the  event  about  which  the  question  is  asked.  Another 
book  in  use  is  the  Jalal-eddin-rumi  of  Masnavi.  This  method 
is  in  every  way  analogous  to  the  Sortes  Virgiliance,  or  to  the 
Bible  lots  practised  among  some  Christian  sects.  Great  regard 
is  paid  to  dreams,  and  their  explanation  is  always  a  matter  of 
anxiety.  There  is,  for  instance,  the  process  called  istakhari, 
praying  for  a  fateful  dream.  The  usual  method  is  to  consult  a 
holy  man,  or  saint,  and  ask  for  the  decision  of  heaven  as  to  the 
course  about  which  you  wish  to  be  informed.  The  saint,  on 
retiring  for  the  night,  makes  certain  fixed  prayers  which  are  con- 
sidered necessary,  and  has  a  dream  appropriate  to  the  occasion, 
which  he  explains  on  the  following  day.  The  test  of  a  dream  is 
nearly  always  resorted  to  in  cases  where  a  person  wishes  to  join 
a  religious  community.  Such  a  person  presents  himself  to  the 
pir,  or  leader,  and  asks  to  be  a  member.  He  that  night  recites 
the  istakhari  prayers,  and  in  the  morning  relates  to  the  pir 
his  dream,  in  accordance  with  the  character  of  which  he  will 
be  received  into  the  community,  or  rejected. 

One  evening,  towards  sunset,  I  started  out  with  Andrei  to 
walk  a  little  by  the  river  side,  and  look  at  the  crowd.  We 
saw  a  calvacade  pass  us  with  two  of  the  Khan's  sons,  stupid- 
looking  youths    of  sixteen    and  eighteen  years,  one  of   them 


BATHING  UNDER  GUARD.  33 

carrying  a  falcon  on  his  wrist.  We  walked  along  towards  the 
Khan's  garden,  where  soldiers  and  jigits  were  standing,  one 
or  two  of  whom  rushed  up  and  shook  hands  with  us,  and  greeted 
us  politely,  but  we  were  soon  told  that  it  was  forbidden  to  pass 
there,  and  were  ordered  to  go  back.  "We  had  no  sooner  turned 
back,  than  another  official  came  to  us,  and  told  us,  that  if  we  liked, 
we  could  go  on  and  look  at  the  bridge  over  the  Naryn.  This 
is  a  large  rough  wooden  bridge,  standing  on  wooden  coffer  piers 
filled  up  with  stone,  extending  and  coming  to  a  point  up-stream 
in  the  usual  way,  to  keep  off  floating  ice  from  the  bridge.  It 
was  built  about  forty  years  ago.  As  we  came  back  the  Khan 
was  coming  from  prayers,  and  we  were  obliged  to  wait  for  a 
few  moments,  while  the  band  struck  up  some  Khokandian 
anthem.  The  music  was  very  droll,  the  band  being  composed 
of  four  drums,  three  or  four  horns,  and  as  many  clarionets.  We 
heard  here  an  amusing  complaint  of  a  soldier  to  the  aksakal, 
on  account  of  his  being  abused  and  called  names  by  some 
comrade.  As  we  passed  the  pavilion  in  which  the  Khan  was 
sitting,  and  made  the  usual  salaam,  we  had  a  good  view  of 
him.  On  arriving  home,  the  official  who  had  accompanied  us 
back  expressed  his  surprise  that  we  should  have  been  allowed 
to  go  out  alone,  and  we  were  immediately  overwhelmed  with 
reproaches  at  having  dared  such  a  rash  proceeding ;  conse- 
quently, when  three  of  us  went  to  bathe  that  evening,  only 
across  the  road,  we  had  a  body-guard  armed  with  matchlocks 
and  sabres,  first  of  three,  and  afterwards  of  eight  men,  who  sat 
on  the  rocks  and  watched  us,  so  that  I  could  not  help  re- 
membering stories  of  prisoners  among  Neapolitan  brigands,  and 
wondering  who  would  pay  our  ransom. 

Late  at  night,  although  we  were  already  going  to  bed,  the 
Bek,  whom  we  had  not  seen  all  day,  came  and  told  us  that  my 
journey  would  be  decided  upon  the  next  day,  at  the  same  time 

as    F 's  business.     After  a  long  talk  he  went  away  with 

Abdullah  the  interpreter,  and  they  had  an  interview  with  an  old 
white-bearded  fellow,  Mullah  Turdali,  the  Eegent  of  Namangan, 
who  is  one  of  the  Khan's  most  intimate  counsellors,  and  usually 
accompanies  him  on  his  journeys.  The  Mullah  seemed  unable  to 
see  any  reason  why  the  Khan  should  do  anything  for  me,  as  the 
friendly  relations  of  Khokand  existed  only  with  Eussia,  and  not 
with  America,  but  st'll  was  willing  to  consider  the  subject.   After 

VOL.  II.  D 


34  TUEKISTAN. 

some  time  the  Bek  came  back,  and  told  us  that  we  should  each 
have  papers  given  to  us  the  next  day,  permitting  us  to  travel 
■wherever  we  chose,  and  that  every  opportunity  would  be  given 

to  F to  purchase  the  timber  he  wished.     He  asked  again 

about  America  ;  and  I  took  occasion  to  impress  upon  him  its 
power  and  its  relations  with  Eussia,  and  hinted  that  we  could  even 
make  an  impression  on  Central  Asia  in  connection  with  Eussia, 
if  it  were  necessary  to  do  so.  In  a  case  like  this,  where  I  felt 
that  the  future  of  my  journey  was  at  stake,  a  certain  amount  of 
humbug  seemed  not  only  admissible,  but  absolutely  necessary. 
After  praising  once  more  the  Khokandian  forces  and  his  3,000 
Kiptchaks,  he  left  off  war-talk,  and  went  away.  In  half  an  hour 
the  Bek  again  returned, bringingwith  him  an  India-rubber  bottle 
and  an  India-rubber  air-cushion  of  mine,  and  wished  to  know 
what  they  were,  and  how  they  were  to  be  used.  I  had  left  these 
articles  fastened  up  in  my  bag,  so  that  it  was  evident  that  he  and 
his  friend  the  Mullah  had  been  thoroughly  investigating  our 
luggage.  He  was  anxious  to  obtain  some  more  presents  for 
the  Khan,  who,  he  said,  was  always  very  eager  to  get  curiosities 
and  things  that  came  from  Europe,  and  began  to  talk  a  great 
deal  about  inventions.  We  were  able  to  tell  him  about  many 
curious  things,  at  which  he  opened  widely  his  eyes,  and  evi- 
dently thought  we  were  romancing.     Although  F said  that 

he  was  building  the  bridge  for  the  government,  the  Bek  told 
him  that  he  still  made  some  profit  out  of  it  himself,  and 
refused  to  consider  him  a  government  agent,  evidently  taking 
him  for  an  ordinary  merchant,  and  consequently  declining  to 
allow  him  to  have   an  interview  with  the  Khan.     He   seemed 

very  well  informed  ;  for  Mr.  F was  building  the  bridge  as 

a  private  speculation,  although  under  a  privilege  given  by  the 
government.  From  what  I  had  already  seen,  I  thought  that 
if  positions  were  reversed,  the  Eussian  authorities  would 
have  been  more  ignorant.  He  promised  again  to  give  me 
a  paper  which  would  be  addressed  to  all  Beks  and  other 
officials,  allowing  me  to  travel  wherever  I  pleased,  and  offered 
me  also  a  jigit  to  accompany  me  ;  but  said  that  when  I  came 
back  from  my  journey,  I  must  then  come  again  to  the  Khan, 
wherever  he  might  be,  and  have  an  interview  with  him,  when 
he  would  be  glad  to  talk  to  me,  as  he  desired  to  see  me,  and 
wished  to  give  me   a  letter   to  take  to  Tashkent,  to  General 


OUR  FAREWELL   AUDIENCE.  35 

Kolpakofsky,  in  return  for  his  politeness.  I  evaded  making 
any  promise,  and  simply  replied  that  for  my  part  I  should 
certainly  be  glad  to  have  a  personal  interview  with  the  Khan. 
Considering  that  the  Bek  had  lost  his  compass,  I  felt  bound  to 
give  him,  in  addition  to  the  previous  presents,  the  India- 
rubber  bottle  which  seemed  to  interest  him  ;  and  F ,  whose 

affairs  were  evidently  not  going  on  in  the  best  way  possible, 
went  back  with  him  to  the  room  to  meet  again  the  old  Mullah, 
and  sent  a  silver  watch  to  the  Khan,  and,  I  think,  made  some 
personal  arrangements  with  the  Bek  about  the  purchase  of  the 
timber,  for  it  was  found  necessary  to  interest  him  pecuniarily  in 
the  affair.  In  one  of  these  conversations  the  Bek  said  that  he 
had  some  very  pleasant  news  to  communicate  to  us, — that  the 
Kussians  had  taken  Khiva.  '  This,'  he  said,  '  is  not  news 
which  I  have  found  in  the  street,  or  picked  up  at  the  bazaar, 
but  it  came  to  the  Khan  by  a  special  messenger.' 

On  Monday  morning  the  Bek  sent  for  us  early,  and  we 
found  the  old  Mullah  waiting  for  us.  He  gave  us  each  a  cheap 
silk  gown  on  the  part  of  the  Khan,  and  told  us  that  we  must 
come  and  make  a  salaam  in  return  for  these  presents,  when  we 
would  receive  our  passports,  and  could  then  depart  on  our  way 
in  peace.  Haba  Bai  received  only  a  common  calico  gown,  such 
as  the  jig  its  got,  and  was  exceedingly  disappointed  at  being 
thus  lowered  from  the  rank  which  he  had  claimed  as  a  wealthy 
merchant,  and  at  being  put  below  our  interpreter,  especially  when 
he  had  given  a  small  telescope  to  the  Bek.  After  some  kavct/p, 
which  we  had  to  beg  from  the  Bek's  cook,  as  our  supply  of 
mutton  was  stopped  that  morning  on  account  of  our  anticipated 
departure,  we  went  to  the  Khan  in  our  new  gowns  and  received 
our  bits  of  paper  with  the  Khan's  seal,  and,  holding  them  as 
we  were  bidden  between  the  first  and  second  fingers  of  the  right 
hand,  made  a  low  bow.  We  were  this  time  much  nearer  to  the 
Khan,  and  saw  that  he  was  a  stout,  pleasant-looking  man  of 
about  forty-five,  with  a  brown  beard.  He  even  raised  his  hand 
in  salutation.1 

1  My  passport,  'which  was  in  Persian,  read  as  follows :  '  To  all  Hakims,  all 
Commandants  of  Forts,  all  Beks,  all  Amlakdars,  and  all  Serdars  :  By  this  order  be 
it  known  that  one  Russian  American  envoy  with  his  people  travels  in  our  country 
for  amusement,  tomasha,  and  pleasant  pastime,  therefore  to  this  Russian,  in  every 
Vilayet  and  Kishlak  where  he  may  go,  let  nothing  be  done  against  the  hospitality 
which  is  due  to  our  guest,  or  against  his  wish,  and  let  the  hospitality  be  shown 


36  TUKKISTAN. 

Luckily,  on  account  of  the  heat,  I  wore  only  the  gown  when 
I  went  to  how  to  the  Khan,  for  when  I  came  to  pack  up  before 
starting  I  narrowly  escaped  being  stung  by  an  enormous  scorpion 
which  I  found  on  the  collar  of  my  coat.     The  Bek  came  to  bid 

us  good-bye,  and   gave   F and   myself  each  another  silk 

gown,  and  as  road-money  ten  rubles  in  silver,  as  well  as  a  smaller 
amount  to  the  interpreter  Abdullah.  Under  the  circumstances 
there  was  nothing  to  do  but  to  take  the  money,  much  as  it  went 

against  the  grain.     F started  off  immediately  on  his  road 

to  Namangan,  but  I  was  detained  for  some  hours  waiting  for  the 
jigit  promised  to  me.  Finally,  about  three  o'clock  I  set  off 
with  Andrei  and  my  own  jigit,  and  the  Bek's  jigit  overtook 
us  when  we  got  up  the  hill  and  were  leaving  the  town.  For 
miles  we  went  in  a  south-easterly  direction  through  a  barren 
steppe,  then  through  a  well-watered  and  cultivated  country 
skirting  low  hills  to  the  east,  and  came  at  last  at  eight  o'clock 
to  the  large  village  of  Paita,  twenty-four  miles  from  Utch- 
Kurgan.  In  some  of  the  smaller  villages  we  met  half  a-dozen 
horsemen  who  were  passing  over  the  road,  directing  all  the  in- 
habitants to  clear  it  and  to  make  it  ready,  as  the  Khan  was 
expected  within  two  days.  Whenever  they  came  near  a  person 
or  house  they  shouted  out  at  the  top  of  their  voices  :  '  His 
Majesty  Khudayar  Khan  is  coming.  See  to  it  that  the  roads 
be  smooth,  and  that  there  be  no  mud  nor  uncleanness.' 
All  along  the  road  large  bodies  of  peasants  were  at  work  filling 
up  the  holes  and  making  it  level  and  good.  I  could  not  help 
recalling  what  in  the  Gospel  of  Matthew  is  told  of  John  the 
Baptist :  '  The  voice  of  one  crying  in  the  wilderness,  Prepare 
ye  the  way  of  the  Lord,  and  make  his  paths  straight.' 

In  order  to  try  the  effects  of  my  new  passport,  I  had  sent  it 
before  me  by  the  jigit,  who  received  the  paper  reverently  and 
pressed  it  to  his  lips  and  to  his  eyes,  and  had  asked  for  a  lodging 
in  a  garden  with  good  water,  provender  for  the  horses,  and 
supper  for  myself. 

I  was  met  at  the  edge  of  the  town  by  a  messenger,  and  con- 
ducted to  a  garden  belonging  to  the  Serdar  of  the  town, 
where  a  terrace  had  been  covered  with  rugs  for  me.  One  of 
the  tea-boys  from  the  bazaar  was  there,  and  served  me  tea  and 

•which  is  due  to  him,  looking  at  him  (considering  his  position),  and  let  masquerades 
not  be  made  of  him,  and  let  improper  words  not  be  spoken  to  him.' 


PRESENTS.  37 

melons,  and  I  had  a  supper  of  skuiya  and  pilaf,  and  every 
attention  was  given  to  me.  Even  here,  however,  there  were 
scorpions,  and  having  killed  one  while  I  was  taking  my  tea, 
I  was  glad  to  have  my  iron  bedstead  put  up.  I  had  taken  a 
cold  at  Utch  Kurgan  from  bathing,  and  found  it  that  night  much 
worse,  and  it  continued  to  trouble  me  for  weeks  till  I  broke  it 
up  with  quinine. 

While  my  men  were  packing  up  the  next  morning  I  had 
time  to  make  a  survey  of  the  garden,  which  was  large  and 
really  very  fine.  It  was  surrounded  on  all  sides  by  a  high  clay 
wall,  was  well  irrigated,  and  besides  containing  many  fruit  trees, 
was  planted  with  pomegranates,  quinces,  grapes,  cotton,  china- 
asters,  and  other  flowers.  Although  the  gardens  in  this  country 
are  the  usual  places  of  abode  in  summer,  the  inhabitants  rarely, 
if  ever,  have  any  houses  in  them,  preferring  to  sleep  in  the  open 
air  on  a  raised  platform  which  can  be  covered  with  rugs.  Some- 
times a  tent,  or  kibitka,  is  put  up,  and  there  are  always  a  few 
stones  or  low  clay  mounds  where  fires  are  built  and  the  pots  are 
placed  for  cooking. 

I  talked  a  long  time  with  the  Serdar,  and  gave  him  a  silk 
gown  such  as  I  had  received  from  the  Khan,  at  which  he 
was  much  pleased — probably  never  having  had  one  so  good 
before — and  immediately  put  it  on,  receiving  the  compliments 
and  congratulations  of  the  bystanders.  It  is  curious  that  in 
Central  Asia  a  man  rarely  thanks  for  presents  until  he  is  con- 
gratulated on  receiving  them,  and  even  then  he  thanks  you  only 
for  your  congratulations.  Except  in  cases  like  this,  when  pre- 
sents are  a  payment — and  a  very  dear  payment  too — for  hospi- 
tality received,  the  practice  of  giving  presents,  so  prevalent  in 
Central  Asia,  is  a  great  nuisance.  A  present  cannot  be  refused 
without  offence,  and  if  accepted,  a  present  of  like  or  of  even 
greater  value  must  be  speedily  returned.  Indeed,  if  a  man 
offer  you  a  bunch  of  grapes  he  will  say :  lSillau  kiryakj  a  present 
is  necessary.  In  Tashkent  the  natives  will  even  tell  a  Russian 
the  exact  amount  they  expect  to  receive  from  him,  and  no  sale 
can  be  effected  or  service  rendered  without  an  immediate  demand 
for  a  sillau.  It  is  accepted  with  an  impassive  face  as  a  mere 
matter  of  course. 

The  Serdar  accompanied  us  through  the  town,  which  was 
filling  up  with  country  people  of  all  kinds,  Uzbeks,  Kiptchaks, 


38  TURKISTAN. 

and  Kirghiz,  it  being  bazaar  day,  Tuesday.  "We  went  through 
continual  gardens  and  occasional  villages  as  far  as  the  Syr 
Darya,  more  than  four  miles,  where  my  host  left  me,  after 
having  seen  me  safely  across  the  three  broad  streams  on  a  cart. 
I  had  to  sit  on  a  high  seat,  as  the  water  covered  the  floor  of 
the  cart.  For  four  miles  more  we  went  through  gardens,  losing 
our  way  once  through  wrong  advice,  but  soon  finding  it  again, 
and  arrived  at  Andijan  about  noon. 

The  large  Khan  Canal  which  runs  through  the  town  was 
overflooded,  so  that  in  getting  to  the  palace  of  the  Bek  to  find 
out  where  we  were  to  put  up,  and  in  returning  thence  to  the 
bazaar,  we  were  obliged  to  make  a  circuit  of  two-thirds  of  the 
town  ;  the  remark  of  Baber  about  the  nine  streams  of  water 
flowing  through  Andijan  seemed  to  me  literally  true.1 

I  was  given  a  house  and  a  court  at  the  bazaar,  the  same 
that  had  been  occupied  by  Fcdtchenko  on  his  journey  of  explora- 
tion, as  inscriptions  on  the  walls  testified.  While  convenient 
on  many  accounts,  it  was  extremely  unpleasant  from  the  very 
noisome  odour  which  came  to  us  with  every  breath  of  air, — the 
real  Central  Asian  bazaar  smell.  Toward  evening  I  took  a 
walk  through  the  bazaar,  which  is  very  large  and  fine,  as  Andijan 
is  the  most  important  town  after  the  capital,  and  is  besides  an 

1  '  Of  the  districts  on  the  south  of  the  river,  ore  is  Andijan,  which  has  a 
central  posit:on,  and  is  the  capital  of  Fergana.  It  abounds  in  grain  and  fruits,  its 
grapes  and  melons  are  excellent  and  plentiful.  In  the  melon  season  it  is  not  cus- 
tomary to  sell  them  at  the  beds ;  every  one  can  eat  them  without  pay.  There 
are  no  better  Nashpatis  (pears)  produced  than  those  of  Andijan.  In  all  Maver- 
annahr,  after  the  fortresses  of  Samarkand  and  Kesh,  no  town  is  equal  in  size  to 
Andijan.  It  has  three  gates.  The  citadel  is  situated  on  the  south  of  the  city. 
The  water-courses  of  the  mills  by  which  the  water  enters  the  city,  are  nine ;  and 
it  is  remarkable  that  of  all  the  water  that  enters  the  city,  none  flows  out  of  it. 
Around  the  fortress,  on  the  edge  of  the  stone-faced  moat,  is  a  broad  highway 
covered  with  pebbles.  All  round  the  fort  are  the  suburbs,  which  are  only  separated 
from  the  moat  by  this  highway  that  runs  along  its  banks. 

'  The  district  abounds  in  birds  and  beasts  of  game.  Its  pheasants  are  so  fat 
that  the  report  goes  that  four  persons  may  dine  on  the  broth  of  one  of  them,  and 
not  be  able  to  finish  it.  The  inhabitants  of  the  country  are  all  Turks,  and  there  is 
none  in  the  town  or  market  who  does  not  understand  the  Turki  tongue.  The 
common  speech  of  the  people  of  this  country  is  the  same  as  the  correct  language 
of  composition,  so  that  the  works  of  Mir  Ali  Shir,  surnamed  Navai,  though  he  was 
bred  and  flourished  at  Heri  (Herat)  are  written  in  this  dialect.  The  inhabitants 
are  remarkable  for  their  beauty.  Hodja  Yusuf,  so  famous  for  his  science  in. 
music,  was  a  native  of  Andijan.  The  air  is  unwholesome,  and  in  the  autumn  agues 
are  prevalent.' 


THE  KHAN  ZADA.  39 

old  place.  I  saw  several  medresses  and  a  number  of  f>ne  cara- 
vanserais constructed  of  burnt  brick  inlaid  with  tiles,  better 
than  anything1  which  I  had  seen  at  Khokand  or  Tashkent. 
An  escort  of  soldiers  and  officials  accompanied  me,  and  although 
they  somewhat  hindered  my  free  passage  they  were  useful  in 
driving  off  the  crowd  which  surrounded  me  at  every  step.  On 
coming  home  I  sent  Andrei  to  the  Bek,  to  ask  at  what  time  I 
could  call  on  him.  On  reaching  the  palace  his  elbows  were 
seized,  and  he  was  dragged  before  the  Bek  with  all  the  usual 
etiquette,  when  the  Bek  told  him  that  he  would  receive  me  the 
next  morning,  if  I  greatly  desired  it,  but  he  wished  to  know 
why  I  was  in  such  a  hurry,  as  it  was  customary  to  stay  in  a 
place  a  day  or  two  before  asking  an  audience  of  him.  The  Bek 
was  Nasr'Eddin,  the  eldest  son  of  the  Khan,  and  heir  to  the 
throne,  and  therefore  commonly  called  Khan  Zada  (the  Khan's 
Son).1 

When  at  the  early  hour  appointed  we  arrived  at  the  palace, 
which  is  a  new  building,  constructed  with  all  the  out-houses 
and  stables  in  the  Eussian  style  from  Bussian  designs,  we  found 
the  Bek  still  asleep,  and  we  were  obliged  to  wait  for  some  time  in 
the  hot  courtyard,  where  we  were  surrounded  by  inquisitive 
people.  At  last  I  protested  and  said  that  unless  I  were  shown 
to  a  room  within  the  palace,  where  I  could  wait  until  the  Bek 
was  ready  to  receive  me,  I  should  return  home.  I  was  then 
invited  into  a  room  filled  with  servitors  and  people  of  the 
Bek,  who  were  eating  nuts  and  raisins  and  drinking  tea,  with 
whom  I  had  rather  an  amusing  time.  Two  of  them,  I  found, 
were  Tartars,  who  understood  Eussian ;  for  the  Bek  had  sur- 
rounded himself  by  Tartar  servants. 

At  last,  we  were  sent  for  and  were  brought  into  the  great 
inside  court-yard  by  an  official  who  told  us  what  to  do.  We 
saw  the  Bek  sitting  at  a  window  at  the  right,  in  a  building 
facing  us.  We  bowed  and  then  went  up  close  to  him  on  the 
verandah  where  we  were  obliged  to  stand  during  the  interview, 
while  he  remained  seated  within  the  building.  There  was,  how- 
ever, none  of  the  ceremony  used  with  the  Khan.  The  Bek  held 
out  his  hand  to  me,  which  I  took ;  and  then  he  asked  us  to  stand 
closer   to    the  window  and  talk    with  him.     I   found   him   a 

1  Nasr'eddin  took  part  in  the  rebellion  against  his  father  in   1875,  and  was 
made  Khan,  but  he  was  soon  driven  from  the  throne. 


40  TTJRKISTAN. 

pleasant,  full-faced  man  of  about  twenty-five,  looking  as  if  he 
had  a  good  disposition,  and  were  a  good  liver.  He  had  been  in 
Tashkent,  where  he  had  stayed  for  nearly  a  month,  and  had 
acquired,  to  a  certain  extent,  Eussian  ways ;  at  least,  as  far  as 
dissipation  is  concerned,  for,  besides  champagne,  he  was  in  the 
habit  of  drinking  a  great  deal  of  vodka.  He  told  me,  that  now 
I  had  come  here,  we  must  always  be  good  friends,  and  that  he 
perfectly  understood  the  reasons  of  my  coming,  for  no  two  cities 
in  the  world  were  alike  ;  that  he  himself  had  gone  to  Tashkent  to 
see  something  new,  and  had  made  many  friends  there.  He  then 
asked  me  when  I  was  going  away.  I  told  him  that  I  desired  to 
go  that  day  and  asked  him  for  a  jigit,  at  which  he  said  I  should 
stay  longer,  as  he  had  remained  twenty  days  in  Tashkent  and 
therefore  I  ought  to  remain  the  same  time  here.  I  said  my  time 
was  very  short  and  that  I  had  already  been  two  weeks  in  the 
country  ;  to  which  he  replied  that  Andijan  was  a  very  different 
place  from  Tashkent  and  that  I  ought  to  stay  and  see  everything 
that  was  curious  ;  and  that  I  might  go  where  I  pleased.  I  there- 
fore, agreed  to  stay  until  the  next  morning  and  then  presented 
him  with  a  silver  horn  for  tobacco,  at  which  his  eyes  brightened 
up,  and,  with  a  smile,  he  said  in  Eussian,  '  Na  pamiat '  (in 
remembrance).  After  a  few  compliments  I  bowed,  and,  in 
accordance  with  the  prevailing  etiquette,  asked  him  if  I  could 
be  allowed  to  go  ;  to  this  he  graciously  assented,  and  I  was 
taken  to  a  little  room  on  the  other  side  of  the  court,  where  the 
Bek's  steward  offered  me  a  cup  of  tea  and  a  dostar-Khan,  far 
worse  than  I  had  ever  received  from  any  petty  village  official. 
I  had  barely  put  the  cup  to  my  lips,  when  the  steward  brought 
me  a  second-hand  gown  of  scarlet  silk  shot  with  gold,  gave  a 
common  one  to  Andrei  and  told  me  that  I  could  now  go,  a  per- 
mission of  which  I  was  not  slow  to  avail  myself,  first  going  back 
into  the  court  and  bowing  to  the  Bek. 

Here,  as  elsewhere,  I  have  related  these  personal  and 
apparently  petty  details,  because  they  afford  an  index  to  the 
spirit  and  disposition  of  the  Khokandian  authorities  in  their 
dealings  with  Eussians.  Although  travelling  as  a  private 
person,  I  had  come  provided  with  a  strong  letter  of  recom- 
mendation from  the  Eussian  authorities,  who  had  supposed  that 
a  wish  of  theirs,  expressed  to  the  Khan,  was  equivalent  to  a 
command,  and  that  either  would  be  submissively  obeyed.   When, 


THE  AKSENAL.  41 

on  my  return  to  Tashkent,  I  recounted  the  incidents  of  my  jour- 
ney, great  astonishment  was  manifested  and  some  persons  went 
so  far  as  to  say  that  I  had  greatly  exaggerated  them. 

The  most  amusing  part  of  my  visit  to  the  Khan  Zada  was 
the  return,  when,  in  accordance  with  the  etiquette  to  which 
even  the  Russian  Envoy  had  submitted,  I  was  obliged  to  wear 
my  gown.  I  had  more  than  a  mile  to  ride  to  the  bazaar,  and, 
seeing  me  thus  attired  and  accompanied  by  several  officials  sent 
by  the  Bek,  the  people  all  stood  up  and  bowed  to  me  as  I  passed. 
One  of  the  men  sent  by  the  Bek  was  instructed  to  tell  me,  that 
his  master  would  have  been  very  glad  to  receive  me  quietly 
in  the  evening  as  a  friend,  but  that  he  was  afraid  of  his  father, 
who  was  coming  within  a  day  or  two  and  who  disliked  the  Rus- 
sians  and  did  not  wish  his  subjects  to  have  much  intercourse 
with  them.  He  would  be  glad,  however,  to  do  for  me  every- 
thing that  was  possible  ;  and  said,  that  if  I  had  no  vodka  with 
me  and  desired  some,  he  would  be  very  glad  to  send  me  a  sup- 
ply. Whether  he  thought  that  he  was  doing  me  a  favour  in 
offering  me  some  of  his  favourite  drink,  or  that  it  was  a  necessity 
to  all  Europeans,  I  do  not  know ;  probably,  the  latter,  judging 
from  what  he  had  seen  in  Tashkent. 

I  told  the  messenger  that  I  should  like  to  visit  the  fortress  ; 
but  in  spite  of  the  permission  I  had  personally  received  from 
the  Bek,  he  said  it  would  be  impossible  for  me  to  do  so,  unless  he 
returned  to  the  Bek  and  obtained  his  order.  He  went  back, 
but  did  not  come  to  me  again  until  late  in  the  day.  Meanwhile, 
two  gypsy  women  (Liuli)  came  in  to  look  at  us  :  they  sang  songs 
for  me,  presented  flowers,  and  tried  their  best  to  get  some 
money  from  me,  all  of  which  afforded  us  great  amusement. 
Gypsies — who  are  not  uncommon  in  these  countries — look  very 
much  like  the  Kirghiz,  but  are  easily  distinguished  from  them, 
being  much  handsomer  and  having  more  regular  features. 

When  the  messenger  at  last  returned  with  the  required 
permission,  we  went  to  the  new  fortress,  Yangy  Urda,  which  con- 
tains the  former  palace  of  the  Bek,—  a  wretched,  clay  building, — 
and  some  new  constructions,  evidently  from  Russian  designs. 
The  guard  was  placed  under  arms  near  a  number  of  old  brass 
cannon,  some  evidently  of  Chinese  manufacture,  and  probably 
captured  in  Kashgar.  Considering  the  vicinity  and  the  some- 
time   sway  of  the    Chinese,  it  is    remarkable    that  traces  of 


42  TUEKISTAN. 

Chinese  influence  have  not  been  found  in  this  and  other  cities. 
The  soldiers  were  as  ridiculous  in  appearance  as  any  I  had 
previously  seen,  and  the  officer  in  command  wore  Russian 
epaulettes,  bearing  the  cipher  of  the  Emperor  Paul  I.  On  uhe 
way  home  we  stopped  at  the  armoury,  where  rude  muskets 
were  being  made.  The  machinery  is  turned  by  water,  and  is  in 
every  respect  much  better  than  that  in  the  armoury  at  Khokand. 
I  saw  there,  to  my  great  surprise,  some  plans  of  buildings, 
apparently  copied  from  French  architectural  books,  bearing 
French  inscriptions,  such  as '  plain '  and  '  eelevation.''  I  supposed 
at  the  time  that  some  French  designs  had  been  obtained  and 
copied  by  the  architect,  but  I  subsequently  learned  that  there 
was  an  English  or  French  Jew  in  command  of  the  factory,  who 
was  then  absent,  to  my  great  regret,  for  he  could  probably 
have  given  me  much  interesting  information. 

Andijan,  now  a  town  of  20,000  inhabitants,  the  chief 
place  of  the  Khanate  after  Khokand,  and  one  of  the  oldest, 
made  a  very  pleasant  impression  upon  me  ;l  whether  it  was  the 
picturesque  streets  and  the  many  gardens,  the  palace  of  the 
Bek,  so  much  like  a  country  house,  the  rapid  swollen  canal, 
the  bright  and  lively  appearance  of  the  people,  or  the  greater 
variety  in  food,  I  do  not  know ;  possibly  all  these  together,  and 
the  last  not  least.  I  had,  unfortunately,  brought  with  me  to 
Khokand  no  cooking  utensils,  having  been  told  I  would  every- 
where find  something  to  eat.  That  was  quite  true  ;  but  we 
became  very  tired  of  nothing  but  mutton  cooked  in  the  greasy 
tasteless  ways  which  are  common  here ;  and  it  was  difficult 
to  obtain  any  variety.  At  the  same  time  it  was  too  hot,  and 
I  was  usually  too  fatigued  at  night  to  be  able  to  show  my 
servants    any   new  or  better  methods    of  cooking.     Here,  at 

1  Mir  Izzot  ullah,  in  1812,  says  that  Andijan  was  then  abandoned.  Nazarof 
two  years  later,  thus  describes  it:  'Andijan  is  on  the  borders  of  the  territory  of 
Kashgar ;  this  town  is  surrounded  by  villages  ;  its  suburbs  abound  in  all  kinds  of 
fruit;  the  inhabitants  are  agriculturists,  they  raise  silkworms,  and  manufacture 
cotton  cloth.  They  trade  with  the  Black  Kirghiz  across  the  mountains,  who  are 
their  neighbours,  and  who  furnish  them  with  animals.  The  only  fortification  of 
this  town  is  the  house  of  the  Governor ;  it  is  surrounded  by  a  wall  pierced  by  four 
doors ;  a  garrison  of  10,000  men  defends  it ;  every  soldier  lives  with  his  wife  and 
his  horse:  the  horse  occupies  the  first  chamber;  the  wife  has  only  the  second 
which  is  less  comfortable.  A  part  of  the  produce  of  taxes  levied  on  merchandise 
is  employed  by  the  Government  in  maintaining  the  garrison.  The  houses  are  of 
mud ;  tho  streets  are  tortuous  and  narrow.' 


SOLOMON'S  THKONE.  43 

Andijan,  however,  I  was  able  to  procure  eggs,  which  were 
really  fresh,  some  chickens,  which  I  had  split  and  broiled  on  a 
spit  over  the  coals,  and  some  fresh  fish,  which  was  a  great 
delicacy,  as  it  was  the  first  I  had  eaten  for  months. 

The  next  morning,  Thursday,  an  official  came  to  say  that 
the  Khan  Zada  had  gone  towards  Utch-Kurgan  to  meet  his 
father,  and  that,  consequently,  I  could  get  off  without  saying  a 
formal  good-bye.  He  presented  me,  at  the  same,  time  with  ten 
tillas  in  silver  to  pay  my  travelling  expenses. 

The  road  led  south-east  over  the  hills,  whence  I  got  a 
lovely  view  of  the  Andijan  valley,  then  through  a  small 
valley  containing  a  village  called  Kashgar,  then  came  more 
hills,  then  a  rather  pretty  valley,  with  cultivated  fields  and 
trees  in  the  foreground,  and  bare  sharp  hills  beyond,  and  still 
further  off  the  distant  mountains  with  yet  a  little  snow  left  on 
their  tops.  Coming  down  to  this  valley,  and  leaving  the  little 
river,  we  halted,  after  fifteen  miles  riding,  at  the  village  called 
Hodjavat,  where  on  Saturdays  there  is  a  large  bazaar.  In  an 
open  field,  just  on  the  edge  of  the  town,  stood  the  village 
gallows,  two  very  tall  slim  poles,  firmly  planted  in  the  ground, 
and  united  by  a  small  cross-bar  at  the  top,  to  which  the 
criminal  is  hung.  No  body,  however,  was  dangling  there  at 
this  time.  The  plain  here  was  well  cultivated,  but  after 
crossing  the  river,  we  skirted  along  some  rugged  limestone 
and  feldspar  rocks. 

The  heat  was  intense,  and  we  were  glad  enough,  about  five 
o'clock,  after  a  ride  of  thirty  miles  in  all  from  Andijan,  to 
arrive  at  Ush.  Here  I  was  given  a  comfortable  house,  with  a 
large  clean  court,  near  the  '  Throne  of  Solomon.'  This  cele- 
brated rock,  Takht-i-Suleiman,  is  a  bare  high  ridge  of  rugged 
stone,  standing  out  of  the  midst  of  the  plain,  on  the  edge  of 
the  town,  in  a  way  not  uncommon  in  Khokand.  An  old 
tradition  represents  it  to  be  the  place  where  the  great  Solomon 
once  established  his  throne,  to  look  over  that  part  of  the  world. 
By  a  mixture  of  traditions,  Solomon  is  also  said  to  have  been 
killed  here  ;  though,  probably,  this  Solomon  was  some  local  saint 
or  hero  who  has  become  confounded  with  the  Jewish  King.  A 
square,  solid,  ornamental  vnazar,  or  tomb,  surmounting  the 
very  summit  of  the  rock,  is  supposed  to  cover  his  body,  and 
near  by  are  shown  various  round  holes,  such  as  are  occasionally 


44  TURKISTAN. 

made  in  ravines  by  the  action  of  loose  stones  and  water,  where 
the  numerous  black  dogs,  which  he  brought  with  him,  are 
supposed  to  have  drunk  his  blood  and  eaten  his  body.  This 
rock  has  been  a  sort  of  stumbling  block  to  geographers,  owing 
to  the  exaggerated  accounts  of  it  which  have  come  down  to  us. 
Mir  Izzet-ullah  said  that  the  Takht-i-Suleiman  was  '  a  mountain 
near  Ush,  on  which  is  still  shown  the  tomb  of  Asef  Barkhi,  the 
vizier  of  Solomon  ;  its  dimensions  are  very  great.'  Nazarof, 
a  Eussian,  who  was  there  in  1814,  said  :  '  On  the  right  hand, 
on  a  cliff  of  these  mountains,  we  saw  two  old  buildings,  under 
which  there  is  a  great  cave.  The  guide  told  us  that  these 
buildings  are  called  the  Throne  of  Solomon,  and  that  the 
Asiatics  of  these  parts,  every  year,  come  to  worship  at  this 
place,  believing  that  on  this  spot  the  spirits  made  reverence  to 
Solomon.  These  buildings  are  inhabited  by  no  one.'  In  fact, 
the  buildings  are  small,  and  utterly  insignificant,  and  can 
hardly  be  more  than  a  hundred  years  old,  if  as  much.  Baber 
makes  no  reference  to  Solomon's  Throne  in  his  description  of 
Ush,  although  I  am  inclined  to  believe  that  the  hill  he  calls 
Bara-koh  is  the  same,  as  there  is  no  other  hill  in  the  immediate 
neighbourhood.1     Beneath  the  rock  there  is  a  large  garden, 

1  Baber  says:  'Another  district  is  Ush,  which  is  situated  to  the  south-east  of 
Andijan,  but  more  to  the  east,  and  distant  from  Andijan  four  farsangs  by  the 
road.  The  air  of  Ush  is  excellent.  It  is  abundantly  supplied  with  running  water, 
and  is  extremely  pleasant  in  spring.  The  excellencies  of  Ush  are  celebrated  even 
in  the  sacred  traditions.  On  the  south-east  of  the  fort  is  a  mountain  of  a  beautiful 
figure,  named  Bara-koh,  on  the  top  of  which  Sultan  Mahmud  Khan  built  a  small 
summer-house,  beneath  which,  on  the  shoulder  of  the  hill,  in  the  year  902  (1496-7) 
I  built  a  larger  palace  and  colonnade.  Although  the  former  is  in  the  more  elevated 
situation,  yet  that  built  by  me  is  the  more  pleasant  of  the  two :  the  whole  town 
and  suburbs  are  seen  stretched  out  below.  The  river  of  Andijan,  after  passing 
through  the  suburbs  of  Ush,  flows  on  towards  Andijan.  On  both  of  its  banks 
there  are  gardens,  all  of  which  overlook  the  river.  Its  violets  are  particularly 
elegant.  It  abounds  in  streams  of  running  water.  In  the  spring  its  tulips  and 
roses  blow  in  great  profusion.  On  the  skirt  of  this  same  hill  of  Bara-koh,  between 
the  hill  and  the  town,  there  is  a  mosque,  called  the  Mosque  of  Juza  ;  and  from 
the  hill  there  comes  a  great  and  wide  stream  of  water.  Beneath  the  outer  court 
of  the  mosque  there  is  a  meadow  of  clover,  sheltered  and  pleasant,  where  every 
traveller  and  passenger  loves  to  rest.  It  is  a  standing  joke  among  the  common 
people  at  Ush  to  let  out  the  water  from  the  stream  upon  all  such  as  fall  asleep 
there.  On  this  hill,  about  the  latter  end  of  the  reign  of  Omer-Sheikh  Mirza, 
there  was  discovered  a  species  of  stone  finely  waved  red  and  white,  of  which 
they  make  the  handles  of  knives,  the  clasps  of  belts,  and  other  things  of  that  sort, 
and  it  is  a  very  beautiful  stone.  In  all  Fergana,  for  healthiness  and  beauty  of 
situation,  there  is  no  place  that  equals  Ush.' 


ush.  45 

containing  two  or  three  small  mosques,  the  residence  of  a 
fraternity  of  recluses  and  their  Ishan,  to  whom  the  pilgrim  is 
expected  to  give  a  gratuity.  After  climbing  the  narrow  and 
very  steep  path  which  leads  to  the  top,  I  came  to  a  large 
stone  and  brick  platform,  built  out  in  front  of  the  tomb,  from 
which  I  had  a  magnificent  view  on  every  side  of  the  whole 
valley,  the  river,  the  town,  the  roads  leading  in  all  directions 
with  the  villages  along  them,  the  narrow  defile  in  the  low  hills 
through  which  the  river  passes,  and  the  splendid  panorama 
of  the  Alai  mountains,  in  which  I  was  shown  the  various  passes 
leading  to  the  south.  The  mountains  on  the  Kashgar  boundary 
were  also  dimly  visible.  I  was  told  that  Kashgar  was  35  task, 
over  200  miles  from  there,  or  a  five  days  ride.  Ush  is  a  large 
town  standing  on  both  banks  of  the  river,  which  is  spanned  by 
a  bridge.  On  the  other  side  is  the  fortress,  an  insignificant 
building,  and  on  this  side  was  the  large  bazaar,  which,  as  it 
was  a  bazaar  day,  was  filled  with  people,  although  I  saw  nothing 
peculiar  or  remarkable  there. 

On  coming  back  to  the  house,  I  found  that  my  landlord  had 
sent  tor  a  man  who  knew  Eussian  in  order  to  learn  what  I  and 
my  interpreter  talked  about ;  but  the  jigit  had  proved  faithful 
tome,  and  had  said  that  he  should  not  allow  such  a  proceeding, 
as,  in  such  a  case,  I  would  at  once  send  a  messenger  to  the  Bek 
with  complaints. 

Ush,  being  a  town  of  the  Bekship  of  Marghilan,  is  managed 
by  a  Serkar. 

From  Ush  I  was  very  desirous  of  proceeding  to  Uzgent  and 
Tarak  Davan,  the  pass  leading  to  Kashgar,  and  even  had  some 
idea  of  going  to  that  place  if  I  found  the  way  practicable,  only 
hesitating  because  I  had  not  previously  thought  of  it  and  had 
no  letter  of  introduction  with  me.  I  also  wished  to  go  into 
the  Alai  mountains  to  see  some  of  the  glaciers,  and,  striking 
through  the  southern  passes,  to  go  if  possible  into  Karategin.  I 
had  heard  .much  talk  of  the  danger  of  any  attempt  to  penetrate 
into  Karategin  ;  but,  as  near  as  I  could  make  out,  these  were 
reports  started  by  the  Khokandian  authorities  to  deter  travellers  ; 
and  judging  from  the  inhabitants  of  Karategin  that  I  had  seen 
(many  of  these  men — swarthy,  thick-set,  good-natured  fellows 
— are  employed  at  Khokand  in  the  Zekat  Sarai  *),  I  did  not  think 

1  These  men  used  to  collect  in  a  circle  in  the  Sarai  court  every  evening,  and 


46  TURKISTAN. 

there  would  be  any  other  difficulty  than  the  natural  obstacles  of 
the  mountain  passes,  and,  possibly,  the  scarcity,  for  a  day  or  two, 
of  food.  Besides  the  fact  that  Karategin  is  an  entirely  unex- 
plored country,  I  had  had  my  curiosity  especially  aroused  by 
hearing  at  Khokand  that  in  the  mountain  passes  there  exist 
inscriptions  cut  in  the  rocks  in  some  European  language.  But 
my  designs,  however,  were  at  once  frustrated  by  the  action  of 
the  Khokandian  authorities.  On  sending  to  the  Serkar  he 
told  me  that  it  would  be  impossible  for  me  to  go  into  the  Alai 
mountains,  as  the  Kirghiz  living  there  had  risen  in  rebellion 
against  the  Khan ;  that  the  tax  collectors  who  had  been  sent 
there  had  been  robbed,  stripped  almost  naked,  and  beaten  back  ; 
and  that  subsequently  one  of  the  men  had  been  killed.  That 
as  for  Kashgar  it  was  utterly  impossible  without  the  special 
permission  of  the  Khan,  as  the  road  there  was  often  dangerous ; 
but  that  if  I  were  willing  to  give  him  a  written  paper  that 
I  went  of  my  own  free  will,  and  that  whatever  happened  to  me 
the  Russian  Government  would  not  hold  them  responsible  for 
my  safety,  he  would  consider  the  matter  and,  perhaps,  allow  me 
to  go.  As  I  knew  very  well  that  should  I  give  such  a  paper, 
which  would  of  course  have  no  weight,  they  would  themselves 
either  rob  or  kill  me,  I  refused.  Permission  was  also  denied  to 
go  to  Uzgent,  which  I  much  regretted  on  account  of  the 
ancient  ruins — supposed  by  some  to  be  of  Greek  origin — that 
are  said  to  exist  there.  Finally,  the  Serkar  said  that  I  would 
be  allowed  to  go  to  Naukat,  which  was  close  by,  and  where 
there  was  no  danger.  I  had  asked  for  this,  because  I  thought 
that  if  I  could  get  to  Naukat  it  would  be  comparatively  easy 
for  me  to  go  on  along  the  foot  of  the  mountains,  even  without 
permission.  I  entirely  disbelieved  the  story  about  the  dis- 
turbances among  the  Kirghiz,  knowing  that  it  was  a  thing  which 
had  been  said  to  Fedtchenko  and  other  travellers,  and  that  it 
was  the  usual  mode  of  deterring  them.  I  knew  also  enough 
about  the  Kirghiz  to  believe  that  I  would  be  even  safer  with 
them  than  with  the  people  of  Khokand.  The  Serkar,  however, 
refused  to  allow  me  to  start  that  day,  but  promised  that  I  could 
go  early  in  the  morning,  and  that  the  jigit  who  had  accompanied 
me  from  Andijan  should  go  on  with  me.     Late  at  night,  the 

after  prayers  and  supper,  one  of  them  would  recount  tale  after  tale,  and  legend 
after  legend,  until  his  comrades  were  asleep. 


TREACHEKY   OF   THE   GUIDE.  47 

jigit  came  to  me  and  said  that  he  had  heard  that  there  was  to 
be  a  military  expedition  against  the  Kirghiz,  and  that,  as  he  was 
in  the  army,  he  wished  to  go  to  Andijan  and  join  it ;  on  which  I 
said  he  might  do  so  if  the  Serkar  would  allow  him  and  would 
send  another  jigit  in  his  place. 

The  next  morning  I  rose  at  five  o'clock  so  as  to  make  an 
early  start,  hut  my  jigit  had  gone  off  without  permission,  and  I 
had  to  wait  for  him,  till  at  last  I  sent  Andrei  to  the  Serkar  for 
another  ;  but  he  found  my  own,  who  had  been  ordered  to  go  on 
with  me.  The  Serkar  sent  to  me  a  man  who  spoke  a  little 
Russian,  wished  me  a  prosperous  journey,  and  gave  me  a  blue 
cloth  robe  in  return  for  the  presents  I  had  sent  him  the  previous 
day.  I  never  saw  the  Serkar  at  all,  as  he  always  pretended  to 
be  too  busy  to  receive  me.  It  was  arranged  that  I  should  pay 
him  a  visit  of  adieu,  but,  as  it  was  evident  he  wished  to  escape 
it,  I  thought  it  an  unnecessary  ceremony. 

When  we  at  last  got  off,  the  jigit,  instead  of  taking  the  road 
on  the  left  of  the  Takht-i-Suleiman,  which  I  believed  to  be  the 
direct  road  to  Naukat,  as  I  had  had  it  pointed  out  to  me  when 
I  was  looking  at  the  view  from  the  top  of  the  rock,  turned  to 
the  right,  and  went  through  the  bazaar.  I  insisted  that  this 
was  not  the  way ;  but  he  assured  me  that  it  was  the  only  good 
road,  and  that  it  immediately  turned  to  the  left  on  the  other 
side  of  the  rock.  He  said  that  there  was  another  road,  but  it 
was  practicable  for  horses  only  and  not  for  carts.  At  last  we 
turned  to  the  left,  and  after  a  while  came  to  a  good  beaten  road 
leading  straight  to  the  town,  which  we  should  have  taken  at 
first.  I  showed  this  to  the  jigit,  who  then  explained  that 
he  had  desired  to  show  us  the  bazaar.  We  soon  found  by 
inquiry  of  those  whom  we  met  that  even  this  was  not  the  direct 
road,  but  was  the  road  to  Aravan ;  that  the  direct  road  to 
Naukat  was  perfectly  practicable  for  carts,  although  ascending 
a  short  steep  hill  of  no  extreme  difficulty.  As  we  were  told 
that  the  road  we  were  then  travelling  was  only  thirteen  miles 
longer,  we,  wrongly  as  it  turned  out,  concluded  it  better  to  go 
on  than  to  return.  We  skirted  along  some  trap  rocks,  and 
finally  came  into  a  pretty  valley  about  eighteen  miles  from  Ush, 
where,  across  a  small  stream,  is  the  little  town  of  Aravan.  We 
had  sent  both  the  jigits  on  to  the  village  with  the  Khan's  letter, 
for  I  would  not  trust  this  man  alone,  and  we  were  therefore  met 


48  TUKKISTAN. 

by  a  considerable  deputation,  including  several  soldiers,  and 
shown  to  a  house  where  we  could  rest.  I  then  sent  for  the  head 
man  of  the  village,  and  learned  from  him  that  Aravan — which 
was  marked  on  no  map — was  on  the  direct  road  to  Marghilan,  and 
that  we  were  nearly  forty  miles  from  Naukat,  for  which  we  had 
originally  started,  and  that  there  was  no  cart  road  either  to  the 
mountains  or  to  Naukat.  This  was  disagreeable  news,  but  it 
seemed  easy  to  procure  one  or  two  more  horses  and  to  pack  our 
baggage  on  them,  which  I  resolved  to  do.  I  then  complained 
of  the  jigit  who  had  deceived  me,  and  demanded  that  he  should 
be  sent  back  to  Ush  for  punishment.  He  begged  for  mercy, 
and  confessed  that  he  had  purposely  misled  us,  but  that  he  had 
done  so  by  order  of  the  Serkar,  and  that,  consequently,  it  was 
not  his  fault.  The  chief  of  the  village  told  me  that  his  son  had 
gone  to  the  Khan,  at  Andijan,  to  consult  about  the  Kirghiz 
rising,  and  would  be  back  that  day,  and  that  when  he  came,  if 
he  thought  it  would  be  right  for  me  to  go  to  Naukat,  I  should 
be  provided  with  an  escort ;  but,  that  otherwise,  I  must  go  on  to 
Marghilan.  When  this  officer  came,  he  of  course  considered  it 
inadvisable  to  do  as  I  wished,  and  said  that  there  really  was  a 
war,  and  that  the  Khan  Zada  himself  was  going  on  the  expedi- 
tion. I  at  first  had  some  thought  of  going  back  to  Ush,  and 
insisting  on  going  at  once  to  Naukat,  but  as  from  private  in- 
formation I  gathered  there  really  seemed  then  to  be  some  ap- 
pearance of  war,  and  as  I  had  but  little  doubt  that  my  request 
would  be  refused,  I  concluded  to  make  bonne  mine  au  mauvais 
jeu,  and  to  go  straight  on  to  Marghilan  and  thence  back  to 
Khokand.  When  I  sent  for  the  Serkar,  to  ask  for  a  jigit,  he  said 
that  we  might  go  to  Marghilan  on  condition  that  we  made  no 
attempt  to  go  to  the  mountains,  as  this  would  be  impossible. 
He  then  asked  me  for  a  pair  of  spectacles.  With  regard  to  our 
complaints  as  to  the  jigit  and  to  my  treatment  at  Ush,  he  mildly 
said,  'How are  you  going  to  act  when  you  have  to  do  with  fools? 
We  find  it  very  hard.'  In  spite  of  the  refusal  of  my  requests, 
both  the  Serkar  and  his  father  were  so  civil  and  kind,  that  I 
could  find  no  fault  with  them  personally. 

We  set  off  at  five  o'clock  from  Aravan,  and,  after  travelling 
nine  miles  over  a  pretty  road  through  a  cultivated  country 
with  low  trap  hills  on  each  side,  we  arrived  at  Ming-Tepe,  where 
we    passed    the  night.      Starting   at  eight  o'clock    the   next 


MARGHILAN.  49 

morning  and  riding  fifteen  miles,  we  arrived  at  noon  at  the 
bazaar  town  of  Kua-Kishlak  where  we  had  a  good  large  house 
with  a  courtyard,  evidently  belonging  to  some  rich  man,  for  it 
was  better  built  and  cleaner  than  any  I  had  seen  in  the 
country.  The  rooms,  which  were  prettily  decorated,  were  very 
cool,  so  that  it  was  a  good  resting  place.  We  found  the  town 
occupied  by  soldiery,  and  on  the  road  we  constantly  met  soldiers 
armed  with  matchlocks,  in  groups  of  from  three  to  a  dozen, 
some  on  foot  and  some  on  horseback  ;  many  of  them  were  clad 
in  heavy  coats  of  mail.  We  were  told  an  expedition  was  going 
against  the  Kirghiz  from  Marghilan  under  the  command  of  the 
Bek  of  Marghilan,  Sultan  Murad,  the  younger  brother  of  the 
Khan,  who  had  been  at  Kua  that  day,  but  had  left,  just  before  our 
arrival,  for  Andijan,  in  order  to  consult  with  the  Khan.  Starting 
about  three  o'clock  under  a  broiling  sun  and  constantly  meeting 
soldiers  on  the  road,  we  reached  Marghilan — twenty  miles 
further—  in  the  early  evening,  just  before  the  closing  of  the  gates. 

At  about  eight  miles  from  Marghilan,  we  passed  the  village 
of  Yaka-Tut ;  and  from  that  place  to  the  city,  the  country 
was  a  continuous  garden.  Just  outside  the  gate  we  were 
insulted  by  some  natives,  and  the  jigits  came  near  getting  us 
into  a  fight. 

Marghilan,  which  contains  about  30,000  inhabitants,  is 
surrounded  by  a  high  wall,  and  in  almost  every  street  are  pretty 
little  mazars,  or  chapels,  built  in  the  Persian  style  with  bulbous 
domes,  mosaic  fronts,  and  much  alabaster  fret-work.  These 
give  to  the  town  a  bright  and  cheerful  air.  The  streets  of  the 
bazaar  are  chiefly  covered  over  as  at  Khokand,  and  the  bazaar  is 
full  of  fearful  smells.1 

We  were  shown  to  a  house  with  a  neat  courtyard  and  small 

1  Marghilan  was  by  the  old  writers  called  Marghinan.  I  again  quote  from 
Eaber  an  interesting  description : 

'Another  [district]  is  Marghinan,  which  lies  on  the  west  of  Andijan,  at  the 
distance  of  seven  farsangs,  and  is  a  fine  district.  It  is  noted  for  its  pomegranates 
and  apricots.  There  is  one  species  of  pomegranate  named  dana-kalian  (or  great 
seed),  which,  in  its  flavour,  unites  the  sweet  with  a  sweet  acid,  and  may  even  be 
deemed  to  excel  the  pomegranate  of  Semnan.  They  have  a  way  of  taking  out  the 
stones  of  the  zerd-alu  (or  apricot)  and  of  putting  in  almonds  in  their  place,  after 
which  the  fruit  is  dried.  When  so  prepared,  it  is  termed  Seikhani,  and  is  very 
pleasant.  The  game  and  venison  are  here  also  excellent.  The  white  deer  is  found 
in  its  vicinity.  All  the  inhabitants  are  Sarts  ;  the  race  are  great  boxers,  noisy 
and  turbulent ;  so  that  they  are  famous  all  over  Maverannahr  for  their  blustering 

VOL.  II.  E 


50  TURKISTAN. 

flower  garden,  which  in  its  palmy  days  had  been  very  pretty 
The  rooms  were  of  good  size  and  tastefully  decorated  with 
doors  and  windows  in  lattice  work  of  arabesque  patterns.  On 
one  side  of  the  court  was  a  jutting  balcony,  arid  on  the  other, 
a  large  verandah.  The  Kurbashi  in  temporary  charge  of  the 
town  refused,  however,  to  do  anything  more  for  us,  and  told 
us  that  if  we  wished  for  food,  we  could  get  it  for  ourselves  in 
the  bazaar,  and  this  we  had  to  do,  as  the  master  of  the  house 
refused  to  furnish  us  with  cooking  utensils  or  dishes,  or  even 
bowls  for  tea.  Although  I  was  very  tired,  I  was  unable  to  sleep 
on  account  of  the  predatory  incursions  of  various  dogs  and 
cats  looking  for  the  remains  of  our  supper.  I  had  intended 
to  stay  the  whole  of  the  next  day,  but  having  soon  exhausted  the 
sights,  and  disliking  the  inhospitable  treatment  I  received,  as 

and  fondness  for  boxing,  and  most  of  the  celebrated  bullies  of  Samarkand  and 
Bukhara  are  from  Marghinan.' 

Mir  Izzet-ullah  says :  '  Here  is  the  tomb  of  Sekander  Jul-Karnain  (Alexander 
the  Great).  Silk  and  woollen  shawls  are  very  common  there,  but  are  inferior  to 
those  of  Kashmir.  The  walls  of  Marghinan  aro  of  clay,  and  in  a  "very  bad  state. 
There  is  in  the  town  a  lofty  minaret  built  of  burned  brick.'  This  minaret  I  did 
not  see ;  it  has  probably  fallen  down. 

Nazarof  speaks  of  Marghilan  as  being  entirely  unfortified,  and  says  :  '  The 
houses  of  the  city  are  built  of  clay  without  windows.  The  streets  are  narrow. 
There  are  many  great  monuments  and  porticos,  some  of  which  are  in  good  preser- 
vation. In  the  middle  of  the  city  there  is  a  large  building  like  an  open  temple, 
inside  of  which  is  a  red  silk  banner.  The  Khokandians  consider  it  very  sacred, 
and  have  a  tradition  that  it  belonged  to  the  Padshah  Iskender  (Alexander  the 
Great),  who,  on  his  return  from  India,  died  in  the  desert,  and  was  buried  in  this 
place  ;  although  Plutarch,  Arrian,  Quintus  Curtius,  and  other  commentators  agree 
that  he  died  and  was  buried  in  Babylon,  in  the  year  323  B.C.  When  a  new  governor 
is  appointed  to  Marghilan,  the  clergy  take  this  banner  and  accompany  it  with 
singing  through  the  whole  city  to  the  governor  with  their  congratulations.  He, 
as  a  mark  of  gratitude,  ties  to  the  banner,  as  a  present  to  the  clergy,  a  piece  of  rich 
cloth  of  gold  and  various  stuffs,  and  gives  them  money,  bread,  and  apples.  The 
bazaar  is  built  of  several  rows  of  shops,  and  on  two  days  of  the  week  is  crowded 
from  morning  till  evening.  The  Government  looks  strictly  after  the  weights  and 
measures.  In  this  town  they  manufacture  various  kinds  of  goods,  among  others 
Persian  cloth  of  gold,  velvet,  and  various  Asiatic  stuffs,  which  they  send  to  Buk- 
hara and  Kashgar.  From  this  latter  place  they  receive  tea,  porcelain,  ingots  of 
silver,  dyes,  and  all  the  best  Chinese  wares.  The  inhabitants  lead  a  comfortable 
and  tranquil  life.  The  women  are  pretty,  tall,  and  very  coquettish.  They  fell  in 
love  with  the  Russian  Cossacks,  and  when  they  noticed  that  there  were  no  Asiatics 
near,  they  removed  the  veils  from  their  faces,  talked  with  them,  and  always  praised 
the  Russian  law  which  forbade  polygamy.  They  also  pleased  the  Cossacks.  At 
the  sight  of  a  woman,  a  Cossack  always  arranged  his  cartridge-box,  and  curling  his 
long  moustaches,  or  clanking  his  sabre,  tried  to  give  himself  a  martial  air.' 


HARDSHIPS   OF   THE   ROAD.  51 

well  as  the  smells  of  the  bazaar  during  the  heat  of  the  day, 
I  thought  it  better  to  go  on  twelve  miles  to  a  little  village, 
called  Duvana. 

When  we  sent  for  a  jigit,  the  Kurbashi,  in  spite  of  the  Khan's 
lettei,  refused  to  give  me  one ;  but  after  much  difficulty 
we  succeeded  in  hiring  the  jiglt  we  had  brought  from  Aravan 
to  go  on  with  us  to  Khokand.  When  we  were  all  read}7  to 
start  the  Kurbashi's  tardy  hospitality  at  last  came  in  the  shape 
of  a  dostar-khan  with  some  apricots.  The  first  six  miles  the 
road  was  pleasant,  through  gardens  and  fields ;  but  after  that 
we  entered  upon  a  perfectly  barren  steppe,  which  extends  for 
over  twenty  miles  and  has  no  water.  The  village  of  Duvana 
we  found  to  be  a  wretched  place,  consisting  of  a  few  sheds, 
and  thoroughly  worthy  of  the  Duvanas  or  Dervishes  who  are 
said  to  inhabit  it.  Not  a  tree  was  near,  and  there  was  no 
water  except  that  brought  from  the  vicinity  of  Marghilan,  but, 
fortunately,  there  was  a  cool  wind  blowing  and  we  passed  the 
day  pleasantly,  leaving  there  about  five  o'clock  for  Khokand. 

About  sunset  we  were  caught  on  the  steppe  by  a  furious 
dust-wind,  coming  from  the  west,  which  almost  prevented  our 
breathing.1  I  took  refuge  in  an  arba,  and  let  down  the 
felt  in  front,  as  we  were  obliged  to  face  the  storm,  when 
suddenly,  without  the  least  warning,  a  violent  cold  rain  came  on. 
Although  I  wrapped  myself  up,  as  be?t  I  could,  in  native 
blankets,  I  was  entirely  wet  through.  The  storm  soon 
passed  over,  and  we  arrived,  at  a  little  after  eight  o'clock,  at 
the  large  village  of  Kara-tepe,  where  we  were  unable  to  find  any 
resting  place.  The  Aksakal  was  utterly  indifferent  to  us,  and 
said  it  was  none  of  his  business  to  wait  on  us,  advising  us  to 
seize  on  one  of  the  shops  in  the  bazaar,  and  turn  the  people 
out ;  and  we  were  compelled  to  act  on  his  advice  and  take 
possession    of  the  gallery  of  one  of  the  shops.     It  was  not, 

1  This  desert,  which  surrounds  Khokand  on  three  sides,  is  the  same  called  by 
Baber,  the  Ha-Dervish.  'Between  Kandbadam  and  Hodjend  there  is  a  desert, 
named  Ha-Dervish,  where  a  sharp  wind  prevails,  and  constantly  blows  from  the 
desert  in  the  direction  of  Marghinan,  which  lies  to  the  east  of  the  desert,  or  in  the 
direction  of  Hodjend,  which  lies  to  the  west,  and  this  wind  is  excessively  keen. 
It  is  said,  that  certain  dervishes  having  encountered  the  wind  in  this  desert,  and 
being  separated,  were  unable  to  find  each  other  again,  and  perished,  calling  out, 
"Ha,  Dervish!  Ha,  Dervish!"  and  that  hence  the  desert  is  denominated  Ha- 
Dervish  unto  this  day.' 

E  2 


52  TURKISTAN. 

however,  so  comfortable  as  might  be  wished,  being  infested 
by  scorpions.  As  I'was  thoroughly  wet  through,  I  was  obliged 
to  change  my  clothes  :  the  act  outraged  Mohammedan  pro- 
priety and  brought  down  upon  me  the  curses  and  abuse  of 
all  the  neighbours.  After  this,  they  refused  us  permission  to 
purchase  pilaf,  or  even  hot  water  for  our  tea.  We  had  a 
long  dispute  and  finally  had  to  send  again  to  the  Aksakal,  and 
get  him  out  of  bed — it  was  then  quite  late — when  he  compelled 
the  people  of  the  nearest  shop  to  furnish  us  with  what  we  wanted. 

The  weather  having  become  brighter,  and  the  moon  being 
out,  we  started  at  half  past  twelve,  and  after  travelling  slowly 
the  whole  night,  on  account  of  the  muddy  roads,  we  reached 
Khokand  at  half  past  five  in  the  morning.  It  was  already  very 
hot,  and  the  streets  were  frightfully  filthy  and  muddy,  it  having 
rained  there,  as  we  were  informed,  for  three  days  in  succession, 
a  most  unusual  occurrence. 

On  going  again  to  my  friends  at  the  Zekat  Sarai,  I  found 

that  F and  his  party  had  already  arrived,  having  been  to 

Namangan,  and  having  made  a  short  trip  into  the  mountains, 
where  he  had,  as  he  supposed,  accomplished  his  business 
successfully.  I  surmised,  however,  from  my  experience,  that 
the  agreemeut  between  him  and  the  Khokand  authorities 
would  not  be  carried  out  in  the  way  be  expected  ;  and  it  after- 
wards proved  that  the  timber  furnished  was  by  no  means  of  the 
quality  which  had  been  shown  him,  by  which  he  was  put  to 
great  embarrassment  and  loss. 

F was  then  leaving,   but,  as  my  horses  were  tired,  I 

was  obliged  to  wait  until  the  following  day. 

That  day,  Wednesday,  July  9th,  the  Mekhter  sent  his 
secretary  to  me,  saying  he  would  like  to  see  me,  and  I  was  asked 
various  questions  about  what  I  had  done,  and  what  had  occurred, 
and  a  fear  was  expressed  that  I  was  angry  and  dissatisfied. 
I  related  in  general  terms  what  had  happened,  and  said  that 
I  had  not  at  once  presented  myself  to  the  Mekhter,  because  I 
was  feeling  unwell,  but  that  I  should  come  to  him  presently 
and  take  leave.  When  I  went  to  see  him,  he  was  unwilling  to 
allow  me  to  depart,  and  said  that  I  had  promised,  on  my  return, 
to  go  back  to  the  Khan,  who  was  now  at  Andijan,  and  wished 
to  see  me  personally,  in  order  to  talk  with  me  about  various 
subjects,  and  to  give  me  a  letter  for  General  Kolpakofsky.     I 


THE   MEKHTER'S   OBJECTIONS.  53 

told  him  that  I  had  never  promised  to  return  to  the  Khan, 
as  he  had  said ;  and  that  after  the  insults  which  I  had  received 
on  the  road,  I  should  certainly  not  do  so,  as  I  had  no  wish  to 
expose  myself  to  them  again  ;  that  if  the  Khan  were  desirous 
of  seeing  me,  he  should  have  received  me  as  he  ought  to  have 
done  when  I  went  to  Utch-Kurgan  on  his  order,  expressly  to 
see  him  ;  that  in  not  giving  me  a  personal  audience,  he  had 
treated  me  with  great  impoliteness,  and  had  paid  but  slight 
regard  to  the  letter  of  introduction  which  I  had  brought  him 
from  the  Eussian  authorities.  I  then  told  him  in  detail  of  all 
that  had  happened  on  the  road.  The  Mekhter  made  excuses 
for  my  being  misled  and  deceived,  and  tried  again  to  persuade 
me  to  go  to  the  Khan,  saying,  among  other  things,  that  General 
Kolpakofsky  would  be  sure  to  ask  me  what  he  looked  like,  and 
that  I  could  not  tell  him  unless  I  had  seen  him  ;  to  which  I  said, 
that  I  had  done  my  best  to  see  him,  and  it  was  not  my  fault 
that  I  had  not.  He  then  asked  me,  at  all  events,  to  wait  in 
Khokand  for  some  days  until  he  sent  to  the  Khan  to  know  if  I 
could  be  allowed  to  depart ;  that  if  I  wished  to  go  to  Andijan, 
a  jigit  would  be  at  my  disposal  to  take  me  at  once,  but  that 
he  would  not  give  me  one  to  go  to  Tashkent.  I  refused  all 
these  propositions,  and  after  a  long  dispute,  I  told  him  I  ex- 
pected to  start  that  afternoon  for  Tashkent,  where  I  had  reasons 
for  being  as  soon  as  possible,  and  where  I  should  relate  all  that 
had  happened  ;  and  if  there  were  any  leave-taking  necessary  for 
the  Khan,  I  would  write  a  letter  from  Tashkent,  bidding  him 
farewell ;  and  further,  that  if  he  prevented  my  departure,  lie  must 
take  the  responsibility  upon  his  own  head.  He  was  extremely 
angry  at  this,  and  finally  said  that  he  had  asked  me  enough, 
and  that  if  I  chose  to  be  impolite,  he  would  have  nothing  more 
to  do  with  me.1 

It  was  reported  in  Khokand  that  it  was  perfectly  true  that 
there  had  been  some  slight  disturbance  with  the  Kirghiz,  but 
that  the  affair  had  entirely  terminated.  The  Mekhter  pro- 
fessed to  have  information  that  forty  of  the  leading  insurgents 

1  A  year  after,  the  Mekh*er  was  accused  of  stealing  from  the  customs'  receipts, 
and  was  sentenced  by  the  Khan  to  be  suspended  to  a  wicker  bridge  and  trampled 
on,  as  a  sort  of  ordeal.  Luckily  for  him  he  escaped  alive,  and  was  thus  supposed  to 
have  proved  his  innocence.  Subsequently,  he  was  poisoned  by  order  of  the  Khan. 
See  Appendix  I.  at  the  end  of  Vol.  I. 


54  TURKISTAN. 

had  been  captured,  and  were  shortly  to  be  brought  to  Khokand 
for  execution  ;  and  Yevraf,  the  Russian  refugee,  tried  to  persuade 
me  to  stay,  by  telling  me  that  not  only  should  I  thus  have  a 
chance  of  seeing  a  wholesale  execution,  but  that  the  discontent 
in  the  city  was  so  strong  against  the  Khan  and  government, 
that  it  was  possible  there  would  be  a  general  insurrection, 
which  would  terminate  in  the  plunder  of  the  houses  in  the 
neighbourhood,  and  possibly  of  the  bazaar.  Having,  however, 
made  up  my  mind  to  depart,  I  left  that  afternoon  with  only 
my  own  interpreter,  the  jigit,  and  the  cart-driver,  and  arrived 
towards  morning  at  Bish-aryk.  YVe  stopped  there  in  a  caravan- 
serai, and  the  next  afternoon  I  arrived  at  Makkram.  I  thought 
that  I  would  once  more  try  my  passport,  so  as  to  see  whether 
the  Mekkter  kad  sent  any  orders  against  letting  me  pass,  and 
I  was  relieved  on  finding  myself  kospitably  received  by  the 
Bek,  altkougk  I  did  not  see  kirn.  I  was  provided  witk  a  large 
garden  and  plenty  of  fruit,  and  was  furnished  witk  supper.  A 
large  number  of  tke  inhabitants  came  in  to  see  me,  and  as  I 
had  made  up  my  mind  to  start  about  midnight,  everybody 
lay  down  to  sleep  on  the  terrace,  while  waiting  until  I  was 
ready  to  start.  Riding  all  night,  I  reached  Hodjent  at  about 
ten  o'clock  the  next  morning,  after  an  absence  of  nearly  a 
month. 

My  journey  had  been  in  many  respects  disagreeable,  but 
not  altogether  profitless.  I  had  acquired  a  knowledge  of  what 
native  rule  was,  and  I  had  learned  the  extent  and  the  character 
of  the  influence  exerted  by  Russia  on  its  neighbours. 

The  Khanate  of  Khokand  is  an  almond-skaped  valley,  in 
extreme  length,  from  Makkram  to  Uzgent,  about  160  miles, 
and  in  extreme  widtk  about  65  miles,  surrounded  on  all  sides 
by  mountains  and  mountain  plateaus,  which  narrow  down  to 
small  hills  at  the  narrow  end  near  Hodjent,  where  there  is  the 
only  road  into  the  Khanate  practicable  for  wheeled  vehicles. 
It  was  early  known  as  Davan  (Ckinese  Ta-wan)  from  its 
mountains  and  passes,  and  was  celebrated  among  tke  ancients 
as  tke  fertile  valley  of  Fergana,  owing  its  fertility  in  part  to 
the  river  Syr  Darya,  which,  joined  by  the  Naryn,  flows  through 
its  whole  length,  leaving  about  two-thirds  of  the  country  to 
the   south.     The  Syr   Darya,  in  its  lower  course,  is  useless  for 


CHARACTER  OF   THE   COUNTRY.  55 

irrigating  purposes,  being  enclosed  between  higb  banks ;  and 
the  country  is  watered  only  by  small  streams  which  come  down 
from  the  mountains,  but  which  are  exhausted  before  they  reach 
the  river.  From  the  upper  portion  of  the  Syr  Daiwa  numerous 
canals  have  been  diverted  for  purposes  of  fertilisation  ;  two  of 
them, — the  Khan  canal,  and  the  Mussulman  Kul  canal, — in  re- 
cent times.  The  mountains  to  the  south  consist  of  a  vast  plateau 
rising  into  peaks  of  19,000,  and  even  25,000  feet,  and  containing 
many  glaciers,  known  usually  as  the  Alai  and  Kitchi  Alai  ranges, 
although  called  the  Southern  Khokand  mountains  by  Fedtchenko, 
the  only  person  who  has  ever  explored  them.1  Through  this 
mountain  range  are  several  passes,  leading  into  Karategin  and 
Kashgar,  all  accessible  with  difficulty.  The  Kendyr  Tau  range, 
which  separates  Khokand  on  the  north  from  the  Russian  posses- 
sions, is  by  no  means  so  high,  and  has  one  or  two  good  roads, 
especially  one  going  to  Tashkent,  across  the  western  extremity, 
and  another  from  Namangan  to  Aulie-ata.  Nearly  the  whole 
of  the  valley  is  fertile,  with  the  exception  of  the  sandy  waste 
which  surrounds  the  city  of  Khokand.  Although  it  is  proper 
to  speak  of  Khokand  as  being  one  large  valley,  it  is,  in  reality, 
a  series  of  small  oblong  valleys  separated  by  low  narrow  ranges, 
usual]y  of  trap,  which,  on  the  southern  side  of  the  river,  seem 

1  The  Lite  Mr.  Fedtchenko,  who  carried  on  explorations  in  Central  Asia  for 
several  years  under  the  auspices  of  the  Imperial  Society  of  Lovers  of  Natural 
History,  was  in  Khokand  in  all  about  two  months  and  a  half  during  June,  July, 
and  August,  1871,  and  beside  his  wife,  was  accompanied  by  an  assistant,  a  fowler, 
and  an  interpreter.  After  having  obtained  the  Khan's  permission  for  his  journey, 
he  went  from  the  city  of  Khokand  to  Ispara  (the  old  Asfara),  and  thence  south 
through  Varukh  to  Jiptyk,  a  pass  12,500  feet  high,  where  he  discovered  and  ex- 
plored the  Stchurofsky  glacier,  not  far  from  the  glacier  of  the  Zarafshan.  Re- 
turning to  Varukh  he  proceeded  eastward  to  Sokh,  on  the  road  to  Karategin,  and 
then  to  Shahimardan,  whence  he  went  southward  nearly  to  the  Kara-kujuk  pass, 
although  he  was  prevented  from  penetrating  into  Karategin  by  the  official  who 
accompanied  him.  He  succeeded,  however,  in  crossing  the  Alai  chain  at  Isfairam, 
a  pass  12,000  feet  high,  and  went  as  far  as  the  village  of  Kurgan,  on  the  river 
Kyzyl  su,  in  the  basin  of  the  Amu  Darya.  Turning  back,  he  proceeded  through 
the  mountain  ranges  to  Ush,  went  thence  to  Gultcha,  Uzgent,  and  Andijan,  and 
returned  by  the  way  of  Namangan  and  Tuz.  A  memoir  on  the  chief  incidents  and 
discoveries  of  his  journey  appeared  in  the  'Proceedings  of  the  Imperial  Russian 
Geographical  Society,'  in  1872,  vol.  viii.  No.  1.  Since  his  unfortunate  death,  a 
complete  account  of  his  travels  in  Khokand  has  been  edited  by  his  wife,  the  first 
part  of  which  was  published  in  St.  Petersburg  in  1875;  the  second  part  has  not 
yet  appeared.  Six  parts  of  the  scientific  descriptions  of  the  collections  of  Natural 
History  made  by  him,  have  a1  so  been  published. 


56  TURKISTAN. 

always  to  run  from  east  to  west.  Thus  Marghilan  is  in  its  own 
little  valley,  Ush  is  in  another,  and  the  villages  between  them 
seem  each  to  lie  in  a  separate  valley  between  rocky  ridges. 

The  climate  is  more  equable  than  in  the  districts  of  Russian 
Turkistan,  being  warmer  in  winter,  when  but  little  snow  falls, 
and  that  late.  On  summer  days  the  difference  in  heat  between 
Khokand  and  Tashkent  is  hardly  perceptible,  but  the  nights 
are  always  cool  and  comfortable,  and  I  found  none  when  it  was 
uncomfortable  to  sl^ep  under  heavy  blankets. 

The  mountains  of  the  Khanate  abound  in  minerals ;  coal 
formations  have  been  seen  cropping  out  near  Isfara,  and  in 
some  of  the  northern  mountains,  while  naphtha  and  petroleum 
wells  have  been  found  in  many  places,  especially  on  the  north- 
eastern frontier,  near  Ketmen-tepe.  It  is  said  that  copper, 
lead  and  iron,  as  well  as  inferior  turquoises,  are  also  to  be 
found. 

Owing  to  the  fertility  of  the  soil  and  the  excellence  of  the 
climate  the  agriculture  of  the  Khanate  is  in  a  most  flourishing 
condition.  Wheat,  millet  and  barley  are  largely  cultivated, 
the  last  of  poor  quality  and  used  only  for  the  food  of  horses. 
Rice  grows  in  great  abundance  everywhere,  as  also  lucerne ; 
but  the  two  chief  products  of  the  Khanate  are  cotton  and  silk, 
which  are  also  the  main  articles  of  export.  In  point  of 
agricultural  wealth,  Khokand  will,  I  think,  not  be  found  in- 
ferior even  to  the  valley  of  the  Zarafshan,  and  it  will  be  possible 
to  give  a  greater  development  to  its  resources  by  extending 
the  irrigation  system,  and  bringing  additional  land  under 
cultivation. 

The  population  of  the  Khanate  is  probably  less  than  a 
million,  and  is  sharply  divided  into  two  classes,  the  settled 
and  the  nomad.  The  settled  class  inhabits  only  the  open 
valley,  and,  with  the  exception  of  Namangan,  and  a  few  towns 
to  the  north  of  the  Syr  Darya,  occupies  but  a  narrow  zone 
between  that  river  and  the  foot-hills,  in  which  most  of  the 
towns  are  situated.  The  settled  population  are  chiefly  Uzbeks; 
but  m  Khokand  and  the  region  of  the  west  there  is  a 
considerable  number  of  Tadjiks,  and,  as  in  all  of  the  large 
towns  of  Central  Asia,  there  are  among  them  numbers  of 
Hebrews  and  Hindoos,  and  occasionally  a  few  Afghans.  The 
nomads,  whose  hostility  to,  and  rivalry  with  the  settled  popula- 


GOVERNMENT   OF  THE  KHAN.  57 

tion  has  been  the  cause  of  all  the  intestine  troubles  of  Khokand, 
are  either  Kara-Kirghiz  or  Kiptchaks ;  in  all  they  would  not 
number  more  than  300,000.  The  Kiptchaks,  a  warlike  tribe 
of  Uzbeks,  live  to  the  north  of  the  Naryn,  and  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Andijan.1  The  Kara-Kirghiz  or  Buruts,  of  whom  I 
shall  speak  more  especially  afterwards,  inhabit  not  only  the 
mountains  to  the  north  of  the  Syr  Darya,  but  also,  and  more 
especially,  those  to  the  south,  cultivating  the  land  along  the 
foot-hills,  and  in  the  summer,  driving  their  flocks  for  pasture 
into  the  higher  plateaus  and  mountain  valleys. 

Khokand  is  governed  arbitrarily  by  the  Khan,  although 
the  various  towns  and  provinces  are  intrusted  to  Beks  who 
have  almost  absolute  power,  with  the  exception  of  that  of  life 
and  death  ;  decisions  in  these  cases  being  made  only  by  the 
Khan.  They  collect  most  of  the  taxes  and  disburse  them 
themselves,  being  responsible  for  the  administration  of  the 
government,  and  the  support  of  their  shares  of  the  army.  There 
are,  however,  certain  taxes  which  are  the  right  of  the  Khan, 
and  with  which  the  Beks  have  nothing  to  do  ;  and  besides  this, 
although  they  are  not  obliged  to  account  to  him  for  any 
money  they  get,  they  are  expected  to  give  him  presents  once 
or  twice  a  year.  The  exactions  of  the  Khan  were  one  of  the 
causes  of  the  discontent  of  the  population,  which  broke  out 
into  so  many  rebellions,  one  of  which  has  at  last  been  successful. 
The  following  extracts  from  a  letter  written  in  1874  by  a 
native  will  show  how  reasonable  the  complaints  were. 

'  To  keep  the  roads  in  repair,  to  build  houses  for  the 
Khan,  to  cultivate  his  gardens  and  to  clean  out  the  canals, 
men  are  seized  in  all  parts  of  the  country  and  forced  to  work. 
These  get  no  pay,  not  even  their  food ;  and  besides  this,  when 
half  a  village  is  forced  to  work,  the  other,  half  is  compelled  to 
pay  a  tax  of  two  tengas  {lid.)  a  day  for  each  man  during  his 
work.  Anyone  who  runs  away  or  who  refuses  to  pay  is  whipped. 
Sometimes  people  have  been  whipped  to  death,  and  others 
have  been  buried  alive  in  the  place  of  work.     This  same  forced 

1  The  Kiptchaks  are  believed  to  be  ancient  Comanians,  the  Polovtsi  of  the 
Russian  chronicles,  and  the  name  Desht-i-Kiptchak  was  given  to  the  whole  Kirghiz 
steppe.  It  is  curious  that  Abdurrahman-Avtobatcha,  the  leader  of  the  recent  re- 
bellion (1875)  in  Khokand,  in  one  of  his  proclamations,  uses  this  appellation, 
which  had  hardly  been  heard  since  the  Middle  Ages. 


58  TUEKISTAN. 

labour  existed  under  previous  Khans,  but  with  less  cruelty,  and 
the  workmen  at  least  received  their  daily  food.  Formerly, 
the  inhabitants  had  the  right  of  collecting  without  pay  grass, 
reeds  and  brushwood  ;  now,  everyone  is  obliged  to  deliver  to 
the  Khan  the  half  of  what  he  collects,  and  these  articles  are 
then  sold  by  the  Serkar  at  fixed  prices.  Besides  this,  every 
cart  load  of  reeds  or  brushwood  must  pay  at  the  entrance  of 
the  town  half  a  tenga  (2fcL),  and  at  the  bazaar  a  tenga  {5id.) 
more.  Leeches  were  formerly  free,  but  now  the  Klian  makes 
people  pay  for  them  four  tcheka  {^d.)  a  piece  to  the  official 
who  lives  near  the  pond  where  they  are.  When  cattle  are 
sold,  besides  the  ordinary  zekat  there  must  be  paid  to  the- 
Khan  one  tenga  each  on  horned  beasts,  half  a  tenga  on  sheep, 
two  tengas  on  camels,  and  one  tenga  on  horses  or  asses.  All 
imported  merchandise,  besides  the  zekat  of  one  fortieth  part, 
or  '2\  per  cent.,  pays  in  addition  5  per  cent,  of  the  price  to  the 
Khan ;  this  is  called  aminiana.  Silk  and  cotton,  when 
exported,  pay  10  tengas  per  camel-load.  In  sales  on  the 
bazaar,  men's  and  women's  clothing,  beds  and  silk  stuffs  and 
other  valuable  objects  }3ay  half  a  tenga  a  piece;  things  of 
less  value,  from  one  eighth  to  one  quarter  of  a  tenga.  Soldiers 
of  the  Khan  are  set  every  night  to  guard  the  shops,  and  for 
this  each  shop  must  pay  from  two  to  ten  tengas  every  four 
months.  On  grain  sold  at  the  bazaar  four  tchekas  (j^d.), 
a  tcharik  (180  lbs.)  must  be  paid.  Vegetables  and  melons  and 
fruit  pay  from  one  to  three  tengas  a  load.  This  tax  is  called 
tek-jai,  or  right  of  selling  at  the  bazaar,  and  is  in  addition  to 
the  haradj  and  tanap  (land  tax).  Milk,  sour  cream,  &c.  must 
pay  a  farthing  a  cup.  Of  every  pair  of  ducks  or  wild  geese  sold 
at  the  bazaar,  the  Khan  takes  one.  On  domestic  fowls  a  farthing 
each  is  paid  ;  and  a  tcheka  (^  farthing)  for  every  ten  eggs.  From 
time  immemorial  the  tribe  of  Liuli  has  got  its  living  by 
amusing  the  people,  and  leading  monkeys,  bears  and  goats 
through  the  streets  and  villages.  This  means  of  earning 
their  livelihood  has  now  been  taken  from  them  by  the  Khan, 
who  lias  made  it  a  source  of  revenue  for  himself.  Khudayar 
has  set  his  agents  over  them,  and  has  increased  the  number  of 
animals.  On  every  bazaar  day,  in  the  large  towns  three  times 
a  week,  his  showmen  go  through  the  bazaar  with  monkeys, 
bears,  wolves,  hogs,  goats  and  foxes ;  every  shop  must  pay  four 


TAXES   AND   EXACTIONS.  59 

tckekas.  The  buffoons  of  the  Khan  also  go  through  the  bazaars, 
and  all  that  they  get  goes  to  pay  his  kitchen  expenses. 
When  an  Imam  is  appointed  to  a  mosque,  he  must  pay  the 
Khan  ten  tengas  ;  and  a  Sufi  must  pay  five  tengas,  or  neither 
of  them  will  be  permitted  to  perform  his  functions.  If  the 
Khan  learns  that  there  is  a  family  feast,  or  a  circumcision,  or 
a  wedding  he  sends  his  musicians  there.  The  master  of  the 
house  must  give  each  of  them  a  gown,  and  besides,  from  two 
to  five  tillas  (18s.  to  45s.)  for  the  Khan.  Every  spring,  out- 
side of  Khokand,  there  is  a  popular  festival,  called  Dervish- 
khana;  and  then  every  guild  must  felicitate  the  Khan  and 
make  him  a  gift  of  money,  according  to  its  means,  from  100  to 
1,000  tillas  (A51.  to  4501).  If  this  were  not  done  the  leaders 
would  be  beaten  and  tortured.  If  the  Khan  desires  a  piece 
of  ground,  or  a  garden,  belonging  to  a  private  person,  he  forces 
him  to  sell  it,  only  paying  him  the  price  at  which  it  was 
originally  bought,  and  taking  no  account  of  the  present  value 
of  the  land  or  of  the  improvements  made  on  it.  Every  person 
wishing  to  leave  the  Khanate  presents  a  petition  and  obtains 
a  pass,  for  which  he  pays  two  tengas.  This  pass  is  then  pre- 
sented to  the  Makhram,  who  receives  one  tenga,  and  at  every 
station  on  the  road  an  additional  tax  must  be  paid.  The 
receipt  of  the  taxes  on  grass,  brushwood,  and  leeches,  as  well  as 
on  pasturage,  which  is  l^d.  per  month,  for  every  head  of  cattle, 
is  entrusted  to  Sydyk  Kuitchi,  who  pays  to  the  Khan  annually 
20,000  tillas  (9,0001).  The  haradj,  or  harvest  tax,  gives  yearly 
300,000  tchariks  (a  million  bushels)  of  grain  which  are  sold  by 
the  Khan.  In  each  district  there  is  a  special  officer  for  this. 
The  district  of  Skarikana  gives  9.000  tchariks,  Balikytchi 
100,000,  Sokh  14,000,  Nerkent  12,000,  &c.  The  tanap,  or 
tax  on  gardens  and  orchards,  produces  60,000  tillas  (18,000£). 
The  Serkar  receives  the  tolls  on  the  Syr  Darya,  between 
Balyktchi  and  Tchil-Makhram,  the  taxes  on  provision  sales  in 
the  bazaar,  on  the  registration  of  marriages,  which  comes  to 
half  a  tilla  (4s.  6d.),  the  tax  on  inheritance,  one  fortieth  part, 
and  the  tax  on  making  salt ;  and  he  pays  annually  to  the  Khan 
20,000  tillas  (9,0001).  The  zekat  on  the  country  people  and  the 
nomad  tribes,  entrusted  to  Tchertchi-Bashi,  gives  11,000  tillas 
(4,850l).  The  Mekhter  who  collects  the  zekat  from  the 
merchants,  pays  over  35,000  tillas  {15,7501).     The  caravan- 


60  TURKISTAK 

serais  and  shops  built  by  the  Khan,  which  number  over 
a  thousand,  are  farmed  out  to  a  man  named  Issaie,  and  bring 
into  the  treasury  30,000  tillas  (13,500/).  The  cotton  tax  and 
the  brokers'  tax  bring  in  10,000  tillas  (4,500/).  The  oil- 
presses,  grain  markets,  silk  markets,  hay  markets,  and  milk 
markets,  bring  5,000  tillas  (2,250/).  The  exactions  from 
marriages  and  ecclesiastical  nominations  bring  in  also  5,000 
tiUas.' 

After  this,  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  that  Kbudayar  Khan 
was  able  to  leave  Khokand  with  a  fortune  estimated  at  a 
million  of  pounds  sterling  ;  and  is  in  a  position  to  give,  as  he 
has  done,  magnificent  balls  at  Orenburg,  his  present  place  of 
abode. 

Not  with  regard  to  taxes  alone,  but  in  every  other  respect, 
the  Khan  was  a  frightful  tyrant.  Under  him  neither  virtue 
nor  life  was  safe.  As  a  young  man  he  was  only  a  debauchee, 
hut  when  he  overthrew  Mussulman  Kul,  his  chief  minister,  in 
1853,  he  became  a  murderer,  and  by  the  wholesale  butchery  of 
20,000  Kiptchaks,  though  he  himself  had  Kiptchak  blood  in 
his  veins,  he  excited  the  hatred  of  his  subjects.  One  cause  of 
the  dislike  of  the  Khokandians  for  the  Kussians  was  because  by 
their  means — at  least  it  was  so  believed — Khudayar  was  kept 
on  the  throne.1 

1  For  a  sketch  of  the  career  of  Khudayar  Khan,  and  of  the  recent  history  of 
Khokand,  see  Appendix  I.  at  the  end  of  Vol.  I. 


BUKHARA.  61 


CHAPTEE  X. 

BUKHARA. 

From  Samarkand  to  Shahrisabs— A  mountain  pass — Kitab — My  reception  by 
the  Bek — Hospitality  and  amusements — Shaar — The  old  Bek  —  The 
Bazaar— Recent  history  of  Shahrisabs — Tchiraktchi — Karshi — Its  appear- 
ance and  its  trade — The  Amir's  son — The  Karshi  steppe — The  Amir's 
Camp — Interview  with  His  Majesty — Bukhara — The  city — The  Bazaar — 
Commercial  importance — My  acquaintances  —  Public  sales  of  slaves — 
Purchase  of  a  slave — Consequent  difficulties — Outwitting  the  authorities 
— Unsuccessful  effort  to  go  to  Tchardjui — The  shrine  of  Bohoueddin — 
Attempted  assassination — Kermineh — The  Amir's  favourite  son — Ziaued- 
din — Katta  Kurgan. 

My  journey  in  Bukhara  was  in  every  respect  a  great  contrast  to 
that  in  Khokand.  The  country  was  not  so  beautiful,  hut  it 
showed  the  impress  of  an  older  and  a  more  perfect  civilisation. 
The  inhabitants  were  more  amiable  and  had  more  refined 
manners  ;  but  they  were  also  less  simple  and  more  ruse.  My 
reception  was  all  I  could  desire.  I  was  not  looked  upon  as  a 
foreign  spy  and  treated  with  indifference,  if  not  contumely ;  on 
the  contrary,  externally  at  least,  I  was  regarded  as  an  honoured 
guest,  and  was  feasted  and  amused.  The  Bukhariots  certainly 
know  what  hospitality  is,  and  showed  me  the  best  of  it.  With 
all  that,  I  do  not  believe  that  their  real  feelings  to  the  Eussians 
are  very  different  from  those  of  the  Khokandians ;  but  they  took 
a  different  expression.  In  Khokand,  they  were  shown  by  rude- 
ness and  impoliteness  ;  in  Bukhara  recourse  was  had  to  all  the 
finesse  of  diplomacy. 

On  Monday  July  28,  armed  with  letters  from  General 
Abramof  to  the  Beks  of  Kitab  and  Shaar  and  to  the  Amir,  I 
set  out  from  Samarkand  on  my  journey  to  Bukhara.  As  the 
road  over  the  mountains  was  impassable  for  wheeled  carriages, 
I  had  the  day  before  sent  my  luggage,  on  a  two-wheeled  Buk- 


G2  TUEKISTAX. 

haran  cart,  by  the  longer  round-ahout  road  through  Djam.  I 
had  with  me  Andrei,  my  interpreter,  and  a  Kirghiz  jif/it  named 
Koims-Bai,  whom  I  had  brought  from  Tashkent,  while  another 
jigit,  a  Persian,  long,  lean,  and  lazy,  accompanied  the  luggage. 
I  was  also  accompanied  by  Abdurrahim,  the  Kurbashi  or 
Police-master  of  Kitab,  who  had  been  in  Samarkand  on  some 
errand  from  the  Bek  to  General  Abramof.  The  first  sixteen 
miles,  as  far  as  the  village  of  Kara-tepe,  I  succeeded  in  accom- 
plishing in  a  carriage,  although  the  road,  especially  as  we  ap- 
proached the  mountains,  was  very  bad  indeed.  Here  the  village 
authorities  had  prepared  a  kibitka  in  the  garden  of  a  mosque, 
and  we  soon  had  green  tea  and  pilaf.  Kara-tepe  is  a  small 
village,  or  kishlak  (winter  habitation),  as  it  is  called  here, 
situated  among  the  foot-hills  of  the  Samarkand  range,  and  was 
formerly  a  frontier  fortress  erected  against  incursions  from  the 
side  of  Shahrisabs.  It  now  contains,  perhaps,  a  thousand  inhabi- 
tants, and  is  devoid  of  all  importance. 

Passing  the  night  here,  and  starting  early  the  next  morning, 
we  followed  for  several  miles  the  windings  of  the  small  clear 
stream  of  the  Katta-sai,  until  at  last  it  disappeared,  and  we  then 
took  a  zig-zag  course  up  the  bare  mountain.  It  was  only 
toward  the  top  that  our  road  became  very  steep  and  difficult, 
on  account  of  the  large  stones.  This  northern  side  of  the 
mountain  is  not  entirely  bare,  but  covered  with  a  short,  sparse 
grass,  upon  which  numerous  flocks  of  sheep  and  goats  were 
browsing.  By  the  much  brighter  green  of  the  grass  it  was  easy 
to  mark  where  the  snow  had  recently  melted  ;  for  it  lies  here  till 
the  end  of  June  and  middle  of  July.  When  we  reached  the  top  of 
the  pass  of  Takhta  Karatchi — about  5,200  feet  above  the  sea,  a 
broad  flat  platform  of  rock  hemmed  in  on  one  side  by  great  rough 
blocks, — we  let  our  horses  rest  while  we  enjoyed  the  beautiful 
view  before  us  of  the  valley  of  Shahrisabs,  and  of  the  serrated  out- 
lines of  the  snowy  Hissar  range  beyond.  Kitab,  Shaar,  and  even 
Yakobak  and  Tchiraktchi,  with  their  surrounding  villages,  were 
plainly  seen  ;  although  they  looked  like  forests  rather  than  cities 
from  the  numbers  of  gardens  and  orchards.  Indeed,  Shahrisabs 
means  the  '  green  city.'  The  southern  slope  of  the  mountains  is 
far  steeper  than  the  northern,  and  is  of  bare  gneiss  and  granite 
rock.  The  zig-zag  path  was  full  of  sharp  and  jagged  bits  of  rock, 
so  that  I  found  it  far  easier  to  descend  on  foot  and  have  my 


A  WELCOME.  63 

horse  led  by  a  jigit.  Indeed,  but  one  of  the  party  had  a  suffi- 
ciently strong  head  to  make  the  whole  descent  on  horseback. 
What  made  it  more  disagreeable  was  that  a  violent  wind  took 
up  the  fine  particles  of  the  disintegrated  rock  and  enveloped  us 
in  clouds  of  dust. 

In  about  four  hours  from  leaving  Kara-tepe  we  had  crossed 
the  main  ridge,  and  found  ourselves  on  a  dusty  but  tolerable 
road  among  the  hills,  already  on  Bukharan  soil,  where  we 
were  met  by  an  escort  of  some  twenty  men  sent  by  the  Bek 
of  Kitab.  The  chief  men  of  the  party  placed  their  hands  on 
their  breasts,  then  took  mine,  said  '  aman '  (the  term  of 
welcome  for  one  not  a  Mussulman),  and  immediately  entered 
into  a  long  series  of  inquiries  about  my  health  and  my  journey. 
Messengers  were  then  sent  on  in  advance,  and  we  rode  at  a 
leisurely  pace  eight  miles  further  to  the  little  village  of  Kainar, 
which  we  reached  about  noon.  Here  the  serkar,  in  a  scarlet 
robe  embroidered  down  the  back  with  white,  attended  by  his 
suite  of  jigits,  showed  me  into  a  kibitka  which  had  been  put  up 
forme  in  a  court- yard.  I  had  barely  time  to  bathe  my  face  and 
hands  after  my  dusty  ride  when  a  procession  entered  with  a 
dostar-khan,  consisting  of  nuts,  sugar-plums,  sweets,  loaves  of 
sugar,  grapes,  and  melons,  which  was  speedily  followed  by  green 
tea,  soup,  boiled  meat,  and  pilaf. 

Kainar '  is  a  true  kishlak,  or  winter  habitation  ;  for,  in 
summer  the  whole  population  lives  in  the  fields,  and  the  village 
is  deserted.  With  the  exception  of  the  officials,  no  one  was  there 
but  a  few  idlers,  who  had  strolled  in  from  the  country  to  have 
a  look  at  the  Frenghi.  After  an  hour's  rest  I  started  out  again, 
and  before  long  descended  into  the  valley  and  reached  Urus- 
kishlak,  or  Russian-village,  a  name  coming  down  from  very 
distant  times  with  a  tradition  that  some  Russians  had  lived 
there  —whether  fugitives  or  suppliant  princes  at  the  court  of  the 
Mongol  conquerors,  no  one  now  knows.  Here  I  found  waiting 
for  me  a  new  escort,  consisting  of  the  sons  of  the  Bek  of  Kitab, 
arrayed  in  the  whitest  of  turbans  and  the  most  gorgeous  of 
robes,  red  shot  with  gold,  and  mounted  on  beautiful,  richly 
caparisoned  horses.  Again  there  were  bows  and  hand-shakings, 
and  mutual  inquiries  after  our  respective  healths  and  the  well- 

1  The  name  Kainar  means  '  boiling,'  and  is  given  to  the  village  on  account  of 
some  bubbling  springs. 


64  TURKISTAN. 

being  of  our  immediate  relatives.  From  here  onwards  the  coun- 
try was  green  and  inviting,  but  the  wind  and  the  dust-clouds 
still  followed  us.  Soon  we  forded  the  clear  river  of  the  Kashka 
Darya,  which  gives  life  and  fertility  to  all  this  valley  as  far  as 
Karshi,  and  had  before  us  on  a"  little  rise  of  ground  the  crene- 
lated and  battlemented  mud  wall  (tchim1)  surrounding  the  twin 
cities  of  Kitab  and  Shaar,  which  together  constitute  Shahrisabs. 
Within  the  gate  were  gardens  and  orchards,  and  it  was  some 
little  time  before  we  reached  the  true  city  wall. 

Kitab  differs  in  no  respect  from  other  Central  Asiatic 
towns  :  there  are  the  same  irregular,  straggling  streets,  the 
same  clay  houses,  the  same  ditches  of  water,  the  same  people. 
As  I  passed  through  the  streets,  and  especially  through  the 
bazaar,  everyone  rose  to  greet  me  with  signs,  not  only  of 
respect,  but  of  pleasure.  As  I  was  leaving  the  bazaar  the  guard 
was  called  out  for  me,  but.  unfortunately  for  the  effect,  not 
quite  quickly  enough,  so  that  I  caught  the  men  in  the  greatest 
disorder,  running  to  and  fro,  hastily  adjusting  equipments, 
and  trying,  with  but  indifferent  results,  to  stand  in  a  straight 
line.  They  wore  scarlet  coats,  black  trousers,  and  black  fur 
caps.  Buttons  were  scattered  over  the  breast  in  one  or  several 
lines,  as  the  wearer's  fancy  dictated,  and  on  one  soldier  I 
noticed  buttons  which  bore  the  arms  and  numbers  of  English, 
French,  German,  and  Eussian  regiments.  The  words  of  com- 
mand were  a  mixture  of  English,  Eussian,  and  Turki,  and  the 
trumpeter  blew  his  calls  in  a  creditable  manner. 

Passing  a  large  medresse,  with  its  trees  and  its  pond,  I  was 
taken  to  a  house  near  by,  the  residence  of  my  guide,  the  Kur- 
bashi  Abdurrahim.  Here  carpets  had  been  spread  for  me  on 
the  balcony,  where  I  could  recline  on  silken  mattresses  and 
cushions,  and  enjoy  at  my  ease  the  really  picturesque  sight.  A 
little  below  me  was  a  platform,  also  covered  with  Turkoman 
carpets,  where  the  sons  of  the  Bek  and  a  few  other  honoured 
individuals  took  their  places,  sheltered  from  the  sun  by  large 
particoloured  awnings.  Still  lower  was  a  square  pond,  bordered 
with  trees,  around  which  sat  groups  of  people  ;  then  came  the 
large  lower  court  where  the  horses  stood,  which  was  soon  filled  by 
a  curious  crowd,  including  many  Hindoos ;  and  beyond  all,  rose 

1  Tchim  is  literally  turf  or  sod.     See  '  Note  on  Tchimkent,'  vol  i.  p.  75. 


THE   BEK  OF  KITAB.  65 

mud  walls  and  flat  roofs,  interspersed  with  trees.  When  I  had 
got  rid  of  my  heavy  riding-boots  and  my  huge  Kirghiz  leather 
trousers,  servants  brought  me  a  dostar-khan  of  more  than 
twenty  dishes.  By  the  rules  of  Bukharan  etiquette  this  was  my 
entertainment,  and  no  one  else  could  partake  of  it  unless  I  invited 
them.  Accordingly,  after  first  breaking  and  tasting  a  small  bit 
of  bread,  I  loaded  a  brazen  platter  with  the  choicest  grapes  and 
apricots,  and  another  with  bread  and  sweets,  and  sent  them 
with  my  compliments  to  the  sons  of  the  Bek.  When  I  was 
beginning  to  get  cool  and  comfortable  the  Kur-bashi  asked  me 
if  I  would  permit  them  to  show  me  a  dance.  As  I  was  perfectly 
willing  to  be  amused  I  at  once  consented,  and  in  a  few  minutes 
a  dozen  boys  of  different  sizes  came  trooping  in,  and,  after 
a  low  obeisance,  squatted  on  the  carpet  facing  me.  The 
musicians  tuned  up,  and  the  dancing  began,  and  continued 
without  intermission  for  about  two  hours,  when  I  graciously — 
for  I  had  already  fallen  into  the  habits  of  a  prince — gave  my 
consent  that  the  entertainment  should  cease.  Had  I  not  done 
so,  I  believe  the  dance-mad  natives  would  have  kept  it  up  till 
the  next  morning. 

Toward  evening  I  was  informed  that  the  Bek  was  ready  for 
my  formal  visit,  and  I  accordingly  mounted  my  horse  and  set 
out  for  the  ark,  or  citadel.  This  is  a  huge  artificial  mound, 
surrounded  by  high  clay  walls,  and  containing  two  large  courts 
and  several  houses.  In  accordance  with  Bukharan  etiquette,  I 
was  asked  to  dismount  at  the  bottom  of  the  steep  incline  lead- 
ing up  to  the  citadel.  Various  officials  stood  at  the  top,  and  the 
sides  as  well  as  the  neighbouring  streets  were  lined  by  soldiers, 
who  gave  me  a  military  salute  as  I  passed,  with  a  great  fanfa- 
ronade of  trumpets,  while  a  large  crowd  pressed  on  after  me. 
At  the  entrance  of  the  first  court  I  was  met  by  the  Bek,  Abul- 
Gaffar.  He  immediately  shook  hands  with  me  warmly,  and 
asked  after  my  health  and  that  of  General  Abramof,  and  then 
conducted  me  into  his  reception-room,  a  fine  large  hall,  with  a 
gaily  ornamented  ceiling,  and  walls  stuccoed  in  arabesque 
patterns.  Abul-Graffar  Bek  was  a  fine-looking  man  of  about 
fifty-five,  with  a  half-grey  beard,  and  was  evidently  a  person  of 
considerable  intelligence.  His  father  was  then  a  very  old  man, 
high  in  standing  at  Bukhara,  and  one  of  the  chief  councillors 
of  the  Amir.     The  red-covered  stools  upon  which  we  sat  were 

VOL.  II.  p 


66  TURKISTAK 

the  same  that  I  had  at  the  house  of  the  Kurbashi,  for  I  saw 
them  being  carried  in  procession  after  me.  The  Bek — who 
was  simply  dressed  in  a  dark  green  silk  gown — in  a  very  cordial 
manner  inquired  about  my  visit,  and  why  I  came,  telling  me 
that  I  did  right  to  go  to  Bukhara  by  that  route,  and  thus  see 
their  beautiful  country.  He,  as  well  as  the  other  dignitaries  I 
had  met,  had  his  ideas  of  America  ;  but  they  were  very  in- 
distinct, for  he  seemed  to  think  it  a  place  about  as  large  as 
Bukhara,  where  people  chiefly  devoted  themselves  to  the  culture 
of  cotton.  After  repeated  compliments  and  inquiries  about  my 
health,  he  insisted  that  I  should  stay  at  least  a  day  longer, 
although  I  had  promised  the  Bek  of  Shaar,  who  had  sent  a 
special  messenger  to  me,  'hat  I  would  visit  him  the  next  day. 
On  leaving,  he  presented  me  with  a  gown  of  crimson  and  gold 
stuff,  of  the  kind  worn  in  Russia  by  the  priests,  and  of  course 
imported  from  that  country.  My  interpreter  and  jigit  each 
received  a  silk  gown.  At  the  door  I  found,  waiting  for  me,  an 
apparently  very  fine  horse,  with  a  gold-plated  bridle,  and  em- 
broidered harness.  Politeness  obliged  me  to  mount  and  ride 
him  away,  although  I  was  nervous  at  the  thought  of  going  down 
such  a  steep  incline  on  a  strange  horse.  On  taking  off  the 
saddle  and  trappings  so  that  one  could  see  him,  I  found  him  to 
be  an  argamak  to  be  sure,  but  very  unsound,  and  worth,  perhaps, 
about  three  pounds  sterling. 

After  dinner,  the  dancing  boys  were  once  more  introduced, 
but  as  I  did  not  care  to  see  them  dance  again,  they  merely  sat 
and  talked  with  my  host.  I  allowed  my  entertainers  to  send 
for  two  or  three  mas kar abashes,  or  native  comedians,  who 
amused  us  until  late  in  the  night  with  their  comic  representa- 
tions of  low  life  and  of  animals,  constantly  calling  forth  peals 
of  laughter  from  the  spectators. 

The  night  was  cool  and  I  slept  till  late  in  the  morning. 
After  breakfast  I  sent  Andrei  to  the  Bek  with  my  presents,  a 
piece  of  green  satin  for  a  gown,  a  box  of  fancy  biscuits  and 
a  box  of  sweets.  The  Bek  kept  him  some  time  in  con- 
versation, and  asked  if  I  were  not  a  relative  of  the  Emperor, 
for,  although  he  knew  that  I  was  an  American,  he  still 
seemed  to  think  that  I  was  also  a  Russian.  Shortly  after  he 
sent  a  messenger  to  request  me  to  write  to  General  Abramof 
and  tell  him  how  well  I  had  been  received,  saying  that  he  would 


ENTEY  INTO   SHAAE.  67 

forward  the  letter.  At  the  same  time,  he  asked  for  a  pair  of 
spectacles,  saying  that  he  was  getting  to  be  an  old  man,  and 
that  his  eyes  were  weak, — a  request  with  which  I  was  happily 
able  to  comply.  I  walked  out  to  the  bazaar,  but  it  was  utterly 
empty  as  it  was  not  a  market  day,  and  with  a  temperature  of 
96  degrees  Fahr.,  in  the  shade,  I  was  very  glad  to  get  back  to 
the  house,  where  I  found  another  messenger  from  the  Bek  of 
Shaar,  saying  that  as  he  had  made  all  his  preparations  to  re- 
ceive me  he  would  be  offended  if  I  did  not  come  that  day. 
Many  persons  came  to  talk  with  me,  and  one  of  them  inquired 
about  Jura  Bek,  who  was  the  ruler  of  the  place  until  the  city 
was  captured  by  the  Eussians  and  given  up  to  the  Bukharans. 
I  afterwards  found  that  a  rumour  had  been  spread  that  a  friend 
of  Jura  Bek  had  come,  and  that  his  popularity  was  the  cause 
of  the  anxiety  of  the  people  to  see  me. 

After  sending  to  the  Bek  to  make  my  excuses  for  leaving, 
and  bidding  farewell  to  the  people  who  had  charge  of  me,  and 
giving  of  course  the  necessary  presents,  I  started  for  Shaar, 
which  was  about  six  miles  to  the  south-west.  The  Kurbashi 
and  the  Mirshab  accompanied  me  as  far  as  the  last  mosque 
between  Kitab  and  Shaar.  Passing  between  highly  cultivated 
gardens  and  fields  edged  round  with  trees  I  was  met  at  the 
boundary  line  by  the  nephew  of  the  Bek  of  Shaar,  with  a  large 
suite, — all  dressed  in  their  ivbesof  state — who' went  through 
the  usual  compliments  and  inq  uiries.  There  were  two  runners 
in  front,  for  the  custom  there  was  for  great  dignitaries  always 
to  have  men  running  before  their  horses.  I  whipped  up 
in  order  to  try  to  pass  them — everybody  following  my  example 
—but  none  of  us  succeeded  i»  overtaking  them.  As  we  ap- 
proached the  city  the  crowd  become  very  great,  several  persons 
came  up  and  shook  hands,  many  bowed  very  low,  especially  the 
Jews,  who  said  in  Eussian  '  Zclravstvui  ?'  or  '  How  do  you  do  ? ' 
and  the  Hindoos,  who  were  very  obsequious.  Near  the  fortress 
the  crowd  was  very  great,  and  could  with  difficulty  be  kept  in 
order  by  the  police  who  pushed  them  constantly  back.  Notice 
had  been  given  of  my  coming,  and  the  whole  city  was  there  to 
see  me,  and  no  doubt  I  amused  the  people  as  much  as  they  did 
me.  At  the  Bek's  express  desire,  I  was  taken  immediately  to  his 
palace.  At  the  gate  of  the  citadel,  which  stands  on  no  eleva- 
tion, and  the  earthen  walls  of  which  are  fast  crumbling  down, 

F  2 


68  TURKESTAN. 

a  guard  of  honour  hailed  me  with  a  blast  of  trumpets,  and 
passing  them  and  within  the  gates  through  several  crooked 
streets  I  came  to  a  large  open  place,  where  three  or  four  hun- 
dred soldiers  were  drawn  up  in  a  hollow  square  to  receive  me. 
There  was  another  grand  flourish  of  drums  and  trumpets  and  I 
was  astonished  by  a  salute  of  cannon.  Here  I  was  presented  to 
two  Ytczbashis,  (centurions),  wearing  gowns  made  of  Cash- 
mere shawls,  with  highly  wrought  silver  belts.  Dismounting 
from  my  horse  I  walked  on  with  them  past  the  ruins  of  the 
Ak-Sarai,  the  splendid  palace  constructed  by  Timur,  of 
which  there  now  remain  only  the  two  immense  piers  of  the 
front  arch,  solidly  built  of  large  bricks,  and  faced  with  blue 
and  white  porcelain  tiles  inlaid  in  arabesques  and  in  large 
Persian  and  Arabic  inscriptions. 

In  the  interior  court  of  the  palace  I  was  met  and  heartily 
greeted  by  the  Bek,  Abdul-Karim  Divan-Begi, — an  infirm  old 
man  with  trembling  hands.  We  sat  down  on  a  large  carpet 
spread  on  the  raised  platform  at  one  side  of  the  court,  I  at 
one  side  and  the  Bek  with  the  two  Yuzbashis  on  my  left,  the 
interpreter  being  at  the  corner  between  us.  I  gave  the  Bek 
my  letter  from  General  Abramof,  and  he  called  a  Mirza  to 
read  it  for  him.  Pie  was  exceedingly  talkative,  seemed  anxious 
to  know  all  about  me,  and  asked  me  if  I  were  going  to  meet 
General  Kaufmann  ?  where  I  was  going  next  ?  how  far  it  was 
to  St.  Petersburg  ?  how  much  farther  to  America  ?  and  many 
similar  questions.  Among  other  things,  he  asked  if  it  were 
true  that  the  Eussians  had  given  back  Khiva  to  the  Khan. 
'  Now,;  he  said,  '  that  the  Russians  have  taken  Khiva,  they 
have  taken  all  the  cities  possible.  I  suppose  none  is  left  for 
them  to  take  but  England.  Have  you  heard  anything  about 
it  ?  '  I  gravely  replied  that,  although  I  thought  the  Eussians 
had  no  immediate  intention  of  capturing  that  large  city,  yet 
that,  with  Alluh,  all  things  were  possible.  I  was  somewhat 
amused  by  this  question,  but  I  was  afterwards  told,  that  al- 
though Abdul-Karim  was  a  former  tutor  of  the  Amir,  he  was 
at  that  time  very  ill-disposed  towards  him,  and  meant  to  ask 
me,  in  the  concealed  parabolical  way  often  used  in  these 
countries,  if  the  Russians  were  intending  to  attack  Bukhara. 
In  the  meantime,  a  dostar-khan  of  more  than  thirty  dishes 
was  brought  in,  and  excellent  green  tea  was  served.     Besides 


THE  BEK'S  HOSPITALITY.  69 

pilaf  cooked  in  the  different  ways  in  vogue  there — some  of  them 
new  to  me — and  various  meats,  there  was  an  excellent  green  soup, 
made  of  grape  leaves.  When  I  had  eaten  as  much  as  politeness 
required  the  dishes  were  taken  away  and  sent  to  the  house 
assigned  to  me,  where  I  found  them  spread  out  on  my  arrival 
I  cannot  say  that  I  was  sorry,  for  the  cooking  at  Shaar 
was  by  far  the  best  that  I  had  found  in  Central  Asia.  This 
time  I  was  given  two  robes,  one  of  them  being  of  cloth  of 
gold.  As  it  was  against  etiquette  for  me  to  mount  my  horse 
within  the  palace,  and  the  Bek  was  too  feeble  to  come  out  of  it, 
a  large  white  horse  intended  for  me,  covered  with  an  immense 
embroided  cloth,  was  brought  in  and  shown  to  me  as  a  present 
from  the  Bek,  and  I  was  congratulated  by  his  officials.  When 
I  had  reached  the  proper  distance,  I  mounted  my  new  horse 
which  could  scarcely  be  induced  to  move  through  the  soldiers 
and  the  dense  crowd  that  constantly  hindered  our  passage 
through  the  town. 

I  was  taken  to  the  house  of  Seid  Merekhor,  the  chief  exe- 
cutive officer  of  the  Bek,  the  balconies  and  platforms  of  which 
were  covered  with  Bukhariot  embroidered  tents  and  awnings. 
The  platform  devoted  to  me  was  covered  with  handsome  rugs 
and  was  very  pleasantly  situated.  On  one  side  was  a  rapid 
stream,  muddy  to  be  sure,  but  the  only  water  that  could 
be  had ;  on  the  other,  a  garden  full  of  mint  balm,  balsams, 
portulaca  and  other  old-fashioned  flowers,  such  as  I  have  often 
seen  in  old,  half  neglected  country  gardens  of  the  West.  When 
I  had  finished  the  dinner  which  I  had  begun  at  the  palace,  I 
had  inflicted  on  me  another  dance  by  ten  boys,  of  whom  several 
had  performed  the  night  before  at  Kitab.  As  the  nephews  of 
the  Bek  came  to  spend  the  evening  with  me  I  had  to  allow  the 
ballet  to  continue  till  a  late  hour. 

The  continual  firing  of  the  soldiers,  who  were  exercising  at 
the  fortress,  woke  me  up  at  day-light.  The  tea  was  bad  and 
the  water  still  worse,  for  the  river,  which  I  had  found  perfectly 
clear  at  Kitab,  had  not  improved  by  irrigating  the  fields  along 
the  way.  I  wanted  to  visit  the  bazaar  and  found  myself 
obliged  to  ask  special  permission  of  the  Bek,  for  there  seemed 
to  be  an  impression  that  something  would  happen  to  me  if  I 
went  out  alone.  I  accordingly  sent  Andrei,  with  the  usual 
presents,  to  get  the  required  permit.     He  did  not  return  for 


TO  TURKISTAN. 

nearly  two  hours,  being-  kept  by  the  Bek,  who  gave  him  break- 
fast and  made  use  of  the  time  to  ask  all  possible  questions  about 
me  and  the  object  of  my  visit.  Here  as  everywhere  else  my 
interpreter,  who  was  dressed  like  a  Tartar,  was  taken  for  a 
Mussulman,  and  the  Bek  exhorted  him  to  serve  his  master 
well,  even  though  he  were  an  unbeliever,  and  presented  him 
with  a  large  turban  suited  to  the  requirements  of  a  learned 
Mullah. 

Attended  by  several  officials  on  horseback,  and  by  one 
runner  to  clear  the  way,  I  set  out  for  the  bazaar.  It  was 
fortunately  bazaar-day  (here  Thursday),  and  the  whole  town, 
but  especially  the  bazaar,  was  densely  crowded.  With  the  ex- 
ception of  one  round  building,  with  passages  radiating  from 
the  centre,  where  fine  cotton  and  silk  goods  and  small  articles 
were  sold,  the  bazaar  resembled  in  all  respects  those  which  I 
had  previously  seen,  each  trade,  keeping  to  its  own  locality.  I 
could  find  no  English  goods  except  a  few  thin  muslins  for 
turbans,  but  I  saw  many  Russian  prints  and  calico  and  other 
cotton  goods,  although  most  of  the  fabrics  on  sale  were  of 
native  manufacture.  The  only  things  special  to  the  place  were 
skull-caps,  embroidered  in  silk  in  the  same  cross-stitch  used 
by  our  ladies.  The  horse-bazaar  was  situated  some  little  dis- 
tance beyond  the  gate  to  the  south.  The  crowd  was  very 
respectful  and  the  Jews  were  all  extremely  polite,  for  they 
understand  that  the  only  relief  from  the  restrictions  under 
which  they  now  labour  can  be  obtained  by  Russian  inter- 
vention. The  garden  of  one  of  the  mosques  served  as  a  tea 
garden  and  was  crowded  with  merchants  and  other  natives 
seated  on  the  ground  in  all  varieties  of  costume  and  drinking  tea 
served  to  them  by  boys.  We  went  in  and  had  a  place  made  for 
us  between  two  small  streams  of  water,  and  at  once  a  large  ring 
of  curious  spectators  formed  around  us.  The  mirshab  who  had 
charge  of  me  introduced  some  jugglers,  one  of  whom  played 
tricks  with  a  tame  snake,  while  others  ate  fire,  swallowed  knives, 
turned  somersaults,  and  performed  other  gymnastic  feats  with 
large  knives  strapped  to  their  elbows  and  knees.  This  curious 
scene  amused  me  for  nearly  an  hour,  and  the  rest  of  the  day,  which 
was  fearfully  hot,  I  spent  at  home,  listening  to  two  men  playing 
on  the  dutara,  accompanied  by  a  tambourine,  and  singing  Uzbek 
and  Persian  songs.    I  had  some  conversation  with  Seid  Merekhor, 


THE   BIRTHPLACE   OF   TIMUR.  71 

and  with  his  retainers ;  but  it  is  difficult  talking  to  Moham- 
medans, with  whom  you  have  nothing  in  common,  and  who 
are  watching  you  with  suspicion  because  you  are  a  foreigner  and 
a  Christian.  Some  of  them  were  much  interested  to  know 
in  what  way  we  punished  criminals,  and  I  found  that  in 
Shahrisabs,  from  motives  of  humanity,  they  usually  cut  a 
man's  throat  before  hanging  him.  The  gallows  stands  in  the 
sheep-market  behind  the  chief  medresse. 

There  are  said  to  be  in  Shaar  ninety  mosques  and  three 
rnedresses,  which  would  indicate  a  population  of  about  20,000. 
Kitab,  which  is  somewhat  smaller,  has  about  15,000  inhabitants. 
Shaar  and  Kitab  being  surrounded  by  one  wall,  were  anciently 
known  by  the  name'  of  Kesh,  but  now,  when  taken  together, 
are  called  Shaar-i-Sabz,1  or  the  '  Grreen  City,'  a  name  given  to 
it  even  before  Baber's  time,  on  account  of  the  gardens.  Tirnur, 
who  was  born  at  Kesh,  at  first  intended  to  make  it  his  capital, 
but  gave  up  the  idea  on  account  of  the  superior  attractions  of 
Samarkand.  With  the  exception  of  the  Ak-Sarai,  already 
spoken  of,  there  are  no  remnants  of  Timur's  constructions. 
The  palace  is  a  large  house,  covered  with  plaster  in  the  ordinary 
style,    although    apparently   one   or    two    hundred   years    old, 


1  This  should  more  properly  be  written  Shahr-i-sabz,  or  even  Shehr-i-sebz.  It 
is  often  pronounced  Shehr-scbyz.  The  word  Kitab  means  'book,'  and  Shaar  is 
explained  as  the  same  as  shahr,  '  city ' ;  but  why  these  names  were  ever  applied 
would  be  difficult  to  tell.  More  probably,  Kitab  is  a  compound  of  ab,  '  water.' 
Baber  thus  describes  the  city: — 'Another  province  is  Kesh,  to  the  South  of 
Samarkand,  at  the  distance  of  nine  farsangs.  Between  the  cities  of  Kesh  and 
Samarkand  lies  a  hill  called  Amak  Dayan,  from  which  all  the  stones  brought  to 
the  city  are  quarried.  In  the  spring,  the  plains,  the  town  of  Kesh,  the  walls  and 
terraces  of  the  houses,  are  all  green  and  cheerful,  whence  it  is  named  Shehr-i- 
Sebz  (the  Green  City).  At  Kesh  was  the  place  of  Timur  Bek's  nativity  ;  he  made 
incredible  exertions  to  extend  and  render  it  his  capital.  He  built  a  number  of 
magnificent  edifices,  and,  among  others,  a  lofty  Twk,  or  arched  hall,  for  holding 
his  court.  On  the  right  and  left  of  this  great  Tak  he  constructed  two  smaller 
Taks  (or  arched  halls),  for  the  convenience  of  the  Bcks  who  attended  the  court, 
and  for  the  benefit  of  those  who  came  to  wait  the  result  of  their  applications, 
smaller  Taks  and  saloons  were  constructed  on  all  sides  of  the  great  hall  of  audience. 
There  is  not  in  the  world  any  Tak  or  arch  that  can  be  compared  with  the  large 
one,  which  is  said  to  exceed  even  the  Tak-e-Kesra.  In  Kesh  there  is  a  college 
and  mausoleum,  in  which  are  the  tombs  of  Jehangir  Mirza,  and  of  several  of  his 
family.  As,  however,  Kesh  was  found  not  to  possess  the  same  requisites  tor 
becoming  a  great  city  as  Samarkand,  Timur  Bek  at  last  fixed  on  Samarkand  as  his 
capital.' 


72  TUKKISTAN. 

judging  from  the  carved  wooden  pillars.     None  of  the  mosques 
seem  to  be  older. 

The  inhabitants  made  a  more  pleasing-  impression  upon 
me  than  those  of  the  other  Bukharan  cities,  partly  perhaps  on 
account  of  the  warmth  of  their  reception.  It  is  evident,  how- 
ever, that  the  conditions  of  life  there  are  different  from  those 
which  prevail  in  the  rest  of  the  Khanate.  Slavery  has  nevei 
been  allowed  there ;  Shahrisabs,  like  Magian,  Farab;  ana 
other  small  Bekships,  was  until  recently  nearly  always  semi- 
independent,  bearing  something  of  a  feudal  relation  to  the 
Amir  of  Bukhara*  The  whole  of  Central  Asia  has  probably 
never  been  under  one  homogeneous  rule.  Tchinghiz  Khan 
divided  his  conquest  among  his  children  as  appanages,  and  this 
system  was  afterwards  kept  up.  We  see  by  the  '  Memoirs  of 
Baber  '  that  in  his  time  the  appanage  system  was  in  full  force, 
and  we  know  that  it  existed  in  Bukhara  until  comparatively 
recent  times.  The  effect  of  the  appanage  system  was  to  give 
each  province  a  desire  for  independence,  which  in  many  cases 
was  to  a  certain  extent  realised. 

Such  was  the  case  with  Shahrisabs,  and  the  efforts  of  the 
present  dynasty  of  Bukhara  have  always  been  to  unite  the 
country,  and  abolish  the  semi-independence  of  the  outlying 
parts.  With  Shahrisabs  this  was  very  difficult,  for  this  fertile 
valley  was  separated  from  Bukhara  by  a  desert,  and  from 
Samarkand  by  a  mountain  range,  the  passes  of  which  were 
easily  defensible.  In  the  middle  of  the  last  century,  after  an 
obstinate  struggle,  Bahim  Bii,  the  Begent  of  Bukhara,  suc- 
ceeded in  getting  possession  of  Shahrisabs,  and  held  it  for  five 
years,  but  after  his  death  the  country  again  rebelled,  and  fell 
under  the  rule  of  one  of  the  chief  families  of  the  Kairosahj, 
one  of  the  Uzbek  tribes  of  the  neighbourhood.  In  the  early 
part  of  the  present  century,  Daniar  Atalyk,  one  of  the  most 
remarkable  of  the  rulers  of  Shahrisabs,  governed  the  country 
for  twenty-five  years,  from  1811  to  1836,  with  the  title  of 
Veli-n-niem.  Both  Mir  Haidar  and  his  son  Nasrullah,  endea- 
voured to  conquer  the  country,  but  met  with  such  opposition 
from  Daniar,  that  they  were  obliged  to  withdraw.  Daniar  was 
succeeded  by  his  two  sons,  Hodja  Kul,  who  reigned  in  Shaar 
from  1836  to  1846,  and  Baba  Datkha,  to  whose  share  Kitab 
fell.    Dissension  broke  out  between  the  brothers,  and  Nasrullah 


HISTOKY   OF  SHAHRISABS.  73 

profited  by  them  to  make  a  new  invasion,  hut  hefore  his  army 
had  arrived,  Hodja  Kul  had  driven  out  his  younger  brothei 
from  Kitab,  and  then  repulsed  the  Bukharans.  Angry  at  this, 
Nasrullah  sent  his  cavalry  twice  a  year  to  devastate  the  meadows 
of  Shahrisabs,  and  each  time  a  truce  was  made  which  lasted  till 
the  following  foray.  On  the  death  of  Hodja  Kul,  in  1846,  Kitab 
passed  to  his  brother  Iskender,  and  Shaar  to  his  son  Ashur-Kuli 
Bek,  who  was  very  speedily  driven  away.  Iskender  took  the  title 
of  Veli-n-niem,  which  he  retained  until  1856,  when,  after  ten 
years  of  constant  warfare,  Nasrullah  succeeded  in  capturing  Shaar, 
having  first  blockaded  and  reduced  it  by  famine.  Iskender  forti- 
fied himself  in  Kitab,  but  soon  surrendered  himself  to  the  Amir 
on  advantageous  conditions.  He  was  sent  with  his  family  to 
Bukhara,  and  received  the  revenues  of  Kara  Kul  for  his  support. 
The  Amir  Nasrullah  obtained  in  this  way  too  the  sister  of 
Iskender,  Aim  Keninghez,  who  was  a  remarkable  beauty,  but 
who  had  just  before  been  married.  The  husband  was  sent  to 
Tchardjui,  and  the  chief  families  of  Shahrisabs  were  colonised 
in  Tchardjui,  Karshi,  and  other  places.  Nasrullah  died  four 
years  later,  in  1860,  and  just  before  his  death  ordered  Iskender 
and  all  his  family,  including  his  own  wife,  Iskender's  sister,  to 
be  killed,  partly  perhaps  out  of  vengeance,  and  partly  out  of 
jealousy.1 

Scarcely  had  Nasrullah  died,  when  Shahrisabs  revolted 
against  his  son  Mozaffar  Eddin,  and  elected  two  members  of 
the  clan  of  Keninghez,  Jura  as  Bek  of  Shaar,  and  Hakim  as 
Be-k  of  Kitab.2  The  Amir  attacked  Shahrisabs,  but  was  obliged 
to  raise  the  siege,  and  conclude  peace  in  consequence  of  an 
invasion  by  Malla  Khan  of  Khokand,  who  had  taken  Ura-tepe, 
and  was  attacking  Jizakh.  The  Beks  acknowledged  the  pre- 
cedence of  the  Amir,  sent  him  yearly  presents,  and  assisted  him 
with  their  troops  in  case  of  need,  but  did  not  allow  him  to 
interfere  in  the  internal  affairs  of  the  country.  These  friendly 
relations  were  broken,  in  1866,  by  the  disorders  consequent  on 
the  defeat  of  the  Bukharans  by  the  Russians  at  Irdjar.  Some 
of  the  nomadic  Uzbeks  devoted  themselves  to  wholesale 
pillage*     The  Amir  was  shut  up  in  Samarkand,  afraid  to  show 

1  I  have  given  an  account  of  the  execution  of  Iskender  and  his  sister  in  vol.  i. 
pp.  75-79. 

2  See  vol.  i.  p.  85. 


74  TUKKISTAN. 

himself  in  Bukhara,  where  a  strong-  party  had  been  formed  in 
the  interests  of  his  nephew  Seid  Khan.  At  last  the  Amir's 
party  gained  the  ascendancy,  and  Seid  Khan  and  the  defeated 
leaders  of  the  rebellion,  took  refuge  at  Shahrisabs.  Some  of 
them  were  induced  to  return  on  promises  of  forgiveness,  which 
were  at  once  violated.  Jura  Bek,  therefore,  refused  to  give  up 
Seid  Khan  to  the  Amir,  and  successfully  resisted  all  attacks. 
Finally  the  Amir  thought  it  best  to  conclude  peace,  by  which 
he  paid  to  each  of  the  Beks  10,000  tengas,  and  in  addition  gave 
to  Jura  Bek  the  honorary  title  of  Latkha.  Of  the  relations  of  the 
Beks  of  Shahrisabs  to  the  Eussians  and  of  their  attack  on  the 
citadel  of  Samarkand,  I  have  previously  spoken,  vol.  i.  p.  241  ff. 
The  final  blow  to  the  independence  of  Shahrisabs  was  given 
by  the  Eussians.  In  the  summer  of  1870,  during  the  absence 
of  General  Abramof  on  the  Iskender  Kul  Expedition,  a  band  of 
marauders  attacked  Prince  Urusof,  who  was  engaged  in  the 
collection  of  taxes,  and  killed  several  of  the  Cossacks  forming 
his  escort.  Prince  Urusof  insisted  that  this  attack  had  been 
conducted  by  a  certain  Aidar  Hodja,  apparently  well  known  in 
the  region,  and  in  the  service  of  Jura  Bek.  A  message  was 
therefore  sent  to  Shahrisabs  demanding  his  instant  delivery. 
To  this  Jura  Bek  replied  that  he  was  not  bound,  either  by  any 
law  or  by  his  conscience,  to  deliver  up  an  innocent  man ;  that 
neither  Aidar  Hodja,  nor  any  other  inhabitant  of  Shahrisabs, 
had  taken  part  in  the  attack  ;  and  that  moreover,  Aidar  Hodja 
himself  had  been  at  the  time  in  another  place.  He  at  the 
same  time  wrote  that  he  believed  a  certain  Dervish,  coming 
from  Kunduz,  had  taken  part  in  the  attack,  and  sent  to  the 
Eussians  a  Cossack  rifle  which  had  been  taken  from  him.  The 
Eussians  still  insisted  that  the  leader  was  Aidar  Hodja,  and 
again  demanded  his  surrender.  To  this  letter  no  answer  was 
received.  Geneial  Kaufmann  therefore  decided  to  make  an 
end  of  Shahrisabs,  and  despatched  an  expedition  thither,  under 
the  command  of  General  Abramof.  Kitab,  after  a  vigorous 
defence,  during  which  the  Eussian  loss  was  heavy,  especially  at 
the  passage  of  the  river,  was  taken  by  storm  on  August  26,  and 
Shaar  immediately  surrendered.  The  Beks  fled  to  Khokand, 
and  Shahrisabs  was  immediately  given  up  by  General  Abramof 
to  the  Amir  of  Bukhara,  as  a  proof  that  the  Eussians  desired 
na  further  conquests. 


TCHIKAKTCHI.  75 

The  last  evening  of  my  stay  my  host  gave  another  entertain- 
ment of  dancing  and  jugglery,  his  chief  secretary  supporting  a 
variety  of  comic  parts. 

The  next  morning,  at  five  o'clock,  I  went  to  take  leave  of  the 
Bek,  who  received  me  in  a  very  simple  and  almost  fatherly  way. 
He  spoke  of  his  old  age  and  of  his  sons ;  talked  much  about 
God  and  God's  will  in  allowing  me  to  come  to  see  him ;  hoped 
that  I  had  enjoyed  myself  and  sent,  as  usual,  various  messages 
to  the  Kussian  officials.  His  goodness  and  simplicity,  if  not 
sincerity,  made  a  strong  impression  on  me,  and  I  recall  his 
kind,  old  face  with  much  pleasure.  On  leaving  Shahrisabs, 
Seid-Merekhor  and  his  officials  accompanied  me  beyond  the 
gate  to  the  little  village  of  Sharmitan.  At  the  next  small  village, 
about  six  miles  from  Shaar,  I  was  invited  to  stop  for  tea  in  the 
Amir's  garden.  The  day  was  not  too  warm  as  there  was  a  cool 
and  pleasant  breeze.  The  road  lay  through  the  valley  of  the 
Kashka,  but  the  mountains  to  the  south  were  almost  invisible 
through  the  haze.  About  four  miles  from  Tchiraktchi  we  were 
met  by  the  retainers  of  the  Bek,  who  had  previously  sent  a 
message  to  me  at  Shaar  to  offer  me  his  hospitality,  and  we 
went  off  at  a  gallop  to  the  town,  which  is  very  small  and  insig- 
nificant and  almost  in  ruins.  The  chief  bazaar  was  just  op- 
posite the  gate.  This  place  was  formerly  a  dependency  of 
Shahrisabs,  but  is  now  governed  by  a  Bek  appointed  directly 
by  the  Amir.  Salim  Bek,  whom  I  found  ruling  there,  a  son  of 
the  Bek  of  Kitab,  and  a  young  man  of  about  thirty-five,  lived  in 
a  mean,  low  house  well  situated  on  the  high  bank  of  the  river. 
He  was  very  uncommunicative  and  seemed  greatly  under  the 
influence  of  the  Eeis,  who  was  constantly  with  him  (but  who, 
I  learn,  was  soon  after  removed  for  misdemeanours),  and  the 
usual  ceremonial  meal,  which  I  took  with  them,  passed  in  silence. 
1  was  then  presented  with  a  horse  and  a  gold  embroidered 
gown,  and  was  conducted  to  a  kibitka,  which  had  been  placed 
for  me  near  two  large  ponds  of  clear  water,  and  at  a  short  dis- 
tance from  the  river,  in  the  valley  underneath  the  palace,  the 
Bek  excusing  himself  from  making  any  better  provision  for  me 
on  the  ground  that  he  had  but  just  entered  upon  the  govern- 
ment. I  had  barely  got  established  there  when  a  messenger  ar- 
rived from  Karabak,  sent  by  the  Serkar,  the  aid  of  the  Bek  of 
Karshi,  desiring  me  to  come  on  as  soon  as  possible.    I  sent  word 


76  TUEKISTAN. 

to  the  Bek  that  I  would  come  at  once,  as  it  would  be  pleasanter 
to  travel  in  the  evening  ;  but  Salim  Bek  was  very  desirous  that  I 
should  remain  overnight,  since  he  had  had  dancing  boys  brought 
up  from  Shaar,  there  being  none  in  Tchiraktchi.  As  it  was 
evident  that  he  expected  to  amuse  himself  in  entertaining  me, 
I  yielded  to  his  request.  My  supposition  was  correct,  for  in 
the  evening  the  Bek  and  the  Eeis  both  arrived,  and  could 
hardly  wait  to  finish  their  tea  and  melons  before  they  asked  if 
it  were  not  time  for  the  dances  to  begin.  Lamps  were  lighted 
and  set  around  a  raised  platform,  and  apparently  the  whole 
population  of  the  town  came  down  to  see  the  show,  until  I  was 
forced  to  tell  the  Bek  that  I  was  very  tired  as  a  hint  for  him 
to  retire  and  let  me  put  an  end  to  the  festivity.  At  sun- 
rise the  next  morning  I  had  a  delightful  view, — a  green  valley 
with  villages  and  fields  on  the  other  side  of  the  river,  and  to 
the  north  the  mountains  of  Shahrisabs  in  two  hig-h  ridges 
gradually  sloping  off  to  the  plain. 

It  was  a  pleasant  ride  of  a  dozen  miles  to  Karabak,  the  road 
running  through  the  steppe  and  through  cultivated  fields  con- 
stantly intersected  by  ditches,  with  the  river  on  the  right,  now 
near  and  now  far  off.  The  Hissar  range  was  barely  visible 
through  the  heated  air.  At  intervals  I  passed  country  people 
and  encampments  of  nomadic  Uzbeks,  and  near  Karabak  I  was 
met  by  the  Serkar  of  the  place  with  his  suite.  A  Bukharan 
tent  and  awning  were  prepared  in  a  court  near  a  pond,  and 
breakfast  had  been  made  ready  for  me.  At  noon  I  left  Kara- 
bak, which  is  a  very  insignificant  village,  and  made  ten  miles 
more  to  Sham,  where  I  was  lodged  in  a  kibitka  beside  a  dried-up 
pond  in  the  garden  of  a  mosque.  Starting  from  here  about 
half-past  two  in  the  morning,  I  jogged  along  quietly,  stopping 
only  for  a  cup  of  tea  and  a  five  minutes'  nap  under  a  shed  at 
the  large  village  of  Kanavat,  six  miles  from  Karshi.  Three 
miles  from  town  I  met  the  assistant  of  the  Bek  with  his  suite, 
when  we  all  alighted  and  embraced  one  another,  each,  however, 
taking  particular  pains  not  to  derogate  from  his  dignity  by 
alighting  too  soon.  I  had  soon  learned  whether  to  dismount 
first  or  last,  or  whether  to  watch  the  motions  of  the  dignitary 
who  met  me,  and  so  manage  it  that  we  should  put  our  feet  on 
the  ground  at  one  and  the  same  moment. 

Karshi,   which  I  reached  about  nine  o'clock,  is  surrounded 


karsiii.  77 

like  nearly  all  other  towns  of  Central  Asia,  by  extensive 
gardens.  This  seems  strange  here,  as  the  river  is  dried  up 
long  before  it  reaches  Karshi,  although  in  former  times  it 
probably  flowed  quite  to  the  Amu  Darya.  The  irrigation 
is  carried  on  in  summer  solely  by  means  of  wells,  from 
which  the  water  is  drawn,  sometimes  by  hand,  and  some- 
times by  rude  machines, — wheels  bearing  earthenware  jars. 
There  were  many  wells  along  the  road  as  we  drew  near  to 
Karshi,  and  men  were  constantly  employed  in  drawing  the 
water  and  emptying  it  into  troughs  for  the  use  of  travellers 
and  their  horses.  The  principal  street,  into  which  we  imme- 
diately entered,  was  originally  paved  with  huge  blocks  of  stone, 
once  probably  very  well  laid,  bat  now  dangerous  for  an  un- 
practised rider,  and  I  preferred  the  narrow  unpaved  strip  at  the 
edge.  The  houses  were  all  of  clay,  and  were  frequently  two 
stories  high.  As  I  drew  neal*  to  the  citadel  I  was  met  by  the 
oldest  assistant  of  the  Bek,  Mirza  Iraddin  Divan-Begi,  a 
handsome  Uzbek,  who  conducted  me  to  his  house  in  the  large 
square  citadel,  where  he  gave  me  a  comfortable  room,  furnished 
with  two  beds,  a  few  chairs,  and  a  table  of  reasonable  height. 
Usually  in  these  native  houses,  even  where  special  preparations 
had  been  made,  the  seats  were  a  foot  higher  than  the  tables. 
I  was  then  informed  that  my  proper  host,  the  Bek  Nureddin- 
Khan,  the  second  son  of  the  Amir  and  heir  to  the  throne,  a 
boy  of  about  eighteen,  had  gone  to  Khuzar,  a  distance  of  about 
thirty-five  miles.  After  dinner  I  was  asked  to  go  into  the  garden, 
situated  at  the  foot  of  the  hill  on  which  the  house  stood,  where 
carpets  were  placed  for  me  in  the  shade,  on  the  edge  of  a  dry 
deep  pond,  there  being  no  running  water  here  except  in  winter. 
The  Divan-Begi  came  down  to  see  me,  and  I  had  a  long  talk 
with  him,  as  well  as  with  several  other  officials  who  dropped  in, 
and  who,  apparently  with  great  willingness,  gave  me  what 
information  they  could  about  the  road  to  Kerki  and  Hissar  and 
about  the  country  beyond.1  The  evening  closed  with  the 
usual  entertainment. 

1  Since  then,  in  the  summer  of  1875,  a  Russian  exploring  party,  although  un- 
fortunately intended  rather  for  the  pursuit  of  decorations  than  of  information,  and 
including  no  scientific  man  except  an  astronomer,  visited  Hissar  and  penetrated 
as  far  as  Kulab.  Nothing  but  a  very  brief  account  has  yet  been  published,  a 
translation  of  which  appeared  in  the  'Geographical  Magazine'  for  November,  1875, 


78  TURKISTAN. 

In  the  morning,  I  was  informed  that  the  Bek  had  just  then 
returned,  but  as  I  had  heard  no  salutes  and  was  unable  to  find  that 
anyone  had  gone  to  meet  him,  I  began  to  think  that  his  absence 
was  feigned.  I  was  asked  if  I  desired  to  see  him,  and  replied 
that  I  should  certainly  be  very  happy  to  pay  my  respects  to 
him,  although  I  had  nothing  special  to  say  to  him.  The  Divan- 
Begi  went  to  him  with  this  information  and  returned  saying 
that  I  should  have  an  interview  at  one  o'clock.  At  the  ap- 
pointed hour,  I  sent  to  the  Divan-Begi  to  say  that  I  was  ready 
to  pay  my  visit,  and  he  went  to  the  Bek  to  see  if  he  were  ready 
to  receive  me,  but  soon  returned  with  many  excuses  on  the 
Bek's  part,  that  as  I  had  not  yet  been  presented  to  his  father, 
the  Amir,  whose  guest  I  was,  and  as  he  was  only  a  boy  and 
stood  in  awe  of  his  father,  he  did  not  dare  to  receive  me,  but 
that  if  I  insisted  upon  it,  he  would,  perhaps,  be  able  to  meet  me 
in  a  casual  manner,  and  hoped  that  I  would  not  be  offended.  I 
replied  that  my  request  to  see  him  was  dictated  merely  by 
politeness  and  of  a  desire  to  conform  to  Bukharan  usages,  and 
that  while  I  would  be  very  glad  to  make  the  acquaintance  of  the 
heir  to  the  throne,  I  certainly  did  not  wish  to  insist  upon  it.  The 
messenger  returned  again,  saying  that  the  Bek  was  glad  that  I 
was  not  offended,  and  would  be  very  well  pleased  if  I  would 
stay  longer.  He  sent  me,  as  a  present,  five  handsome  gowns, 
and  a  white  horse  with  bridle  and  trappings,  set  with  cornelians 
and  turquoise.  This  really  was  a  good  horse,  and  the  best 
I  received  during  my  stay  in  the  country,  but  he  nearly  broke 
my  neck,  by  running  away  with  me  the  first  time  I  tried  him. 
I  sent  the  Bek  some  presents  in  return,  and  excused  my  hasty 
departure.  From  that  time  until  early  evening,  when  I  left,  I 
did  nothing  but  receive  his  treasurer,  secretary,  and  various 
other  officials,  who  came  to  make  my  acquaintance.  On  my 
return  to  Samarkand,  I  learned  that  this  refusal  to  see  me  was 
owing  to  wounded  pride,  caused  by  the  fact  that  I  had  not 
brought  a  letter  of  introduction  from  General  Abramof,  while 
I  had  had  letters  for  the  other  Beks.  It  was  the  result  of  an 
oversight  on  my  part,  as  I  refused  a  letter  thinking  I  should 
not  go  to  Karshi,  but  expecting  to  find  a  more  direct  road  from 
Shahrisabs  to  Bukhara. 

except  a  list  of  67  elevations  (some  of  them  truly  astonishing)  and  of  14  astronomical 
determinations  in  the  'Turkistan  Gazette,'  No.  49,  1875. 


TEADE   AT  KAESHI.  79 

During  the  morning,  I  rode  about  the  city,  which  is  a  large 
straggling  place,  although  as  it  was  not  a  bazaar  day  it  seemed 
nearly  deserted.  Not  far  from  the  citadel  were  three  rue- 
dresses,  Ali,  containing  accommodation  for  130  students — Ab- 
dullah Khan,  with  room  for  80,  and  Biki,  intended  for  100 
students.  Turning  from  the  square,  I  came  to  a  sardoba,  a 
curious  large  cistern,  covered  by  an  arched  building,  close  by 
which  was  a  domed  bath,  the  best,  if  not  the  only  one  in  the 
place.  The  bazaar  was  chiefly  under  cover,  with  paved  streets. 
But  few  goods  were  to  be  seen. 

On  market  days,  however,  a  large  business  is  done  in  this 
bazaar.  The  fields  about  Karshi  are  full  of  poppies,  planted  for 
the  seed  and  the  capsules,  and  of  tobacco,  that  of  Karshi  being 
considered  the  best  in  Central  Asia.  Mulberry  trees  grow  every- 
where, although  but  little  silk  is  produced.  Karshi  is  a  great 
centre  of  the  grain  trade,  being  one  of  the  chief  places  for 
supplying  the  Bukharan  market,  grain  being  brought  here 
from  all  points  in  the  fertile  valley  of  the  Kashka  Darya,  and 
even  from  further  off  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Hissar,  and 
transported  to  Bukhara.  Near  Karshi  too  are  the  mines  of  that 
peculiar,  excellent,  rose-coloured  rock-salt,  which  is  largely  sold 
throughout  the  whole  of  Central  Asia.  It  is  obtained  in  the 
mountains  about  ten  miles  to  the  south  of  Karshi.  Although 
Karshi  lies  on  the  direct  road  of  the  trade  between  India, 
Afghanistan  and  Bukhara,  it  derives  no  advantage  from  it,  all 
merchandise  being  taken  directly  to  Bukhara  without  being- 
opened  ;  some  articles,  such  as  tea,  being  afterwards  sent  back  to 
Karshi.  For  this  reason  tea  and  Indian  wares  are  dearer  there 
than  at  Bukhara.  Karshi  is  also  the  chief  market  for  Turkoman 
goods,  and  especially  for  their  excellent  carpets  ;  although  most  of 
them  seem  to  be  sent  on  to  Bukhara  where  they  can  be  sold  at 
a  greater  profit,  and  at  this  season  of  the  year  I  was  unable  to 
find  any  there.  There,  too,  is  one  of  the  chief  markets  for  slaves. 
I  asked  to  see  the  slave  market  and  was  shown  the  sarai,  but 
saw  no  slaves,  though  I  was  told  that  the  next  day  (Tuesday), 
being  bazaar  day,  some  would  probably  be  brought  in  for  sale. 
Near  the  bazaar  is  another  medresse  called  the  Medresse  Sarai. 
After  passing  through  the  western  gate  of  the  city  I  went  round 
the  town  through  the  gardens  to  a  large  mosque,  on  the  south 
side,  which  is  especially  used  during  the  month  of  Ramazan  and 


80  TURKISTAN. 

at  the  festival  of  K urban,  when  its  large  gardens  are  filled  with 
people,  who  combine  their  prayers  with  dancing  and  other 
amusements.  The  inside  was  very  plain,  consisting  of  nine 
stone  vaults.  The  front  of  the  mosque  was  very  handsome  and 
well  proportioned,  and  was  covered,  as  was  also  the  cupola, 
with  blue  and  white  tiles  arranged  so  as  to  form  texts  from  the 
Koran  ;  but  wherever  hands  could  reach,  even  on  the  cupola,  the 
coloured  glaze  had  been  designedly  and  wantonly  scratched  off,  or 
the  bricks  knocked  out.  From  the  top  I  had  a  fine  view  of  the 
town  and  of  all  its  surroundings.  This  mosque  was  built  about 
three  hundred  years  ago,  by  Biki,  a  simple  Uzbek,  who  ivas 
made  a  Bii  and  governor  of  Karshi  by  Abdullah  Khan,  because, 
when  that  monarch  had  once  lost  his  way  during  a  hunt,  this 
Biki  had  met  him,  put  him  in  the  right  track,  and  shown 
him  the  greatest  civility  without  knowing  his  rank.  This  was 
the  same  Biki  who  constructed  the  medresse  bearing  his 
name. 

Soon  after  leaving  the  town,  on  the  road  to  Bukhara,  W6 
crossed  the  then  dry  bed  of  the  river  on  a  bridge  of  nine  brick 
arches,  built  by  Abduilah  Khan.  The  arches  have  all  fallen 
in  but  the  brick  piers  remain,  and  a  wooden  bridge  has  been 
constructed  upon  them.  I  was  told  that  in  the  spring,  the 
water  rises  so  high  as  to  float  away  the  roadway  of  the  bridge, 
which  is  replaced  when  the  water  has  fallen.  After  riding 
about  eighteen  miles  in  four  hours  through  a  well  cultivated 
country,  I  arrived  at  Karsan,  a  very  large  village,  and,  through 
the  stupidity  of  the  messenger  who  had  been  sent  ahead,  had 
to  wait  sometime  in  the  dark  streets  of  the  bazaar,  so  that 
it  was  nearly  midnight  before  I  could  find  the  place  prepared 
for  me.  I  was  at  last  admitted  to  the  garden  of  a  mosque, 
where  I  had  supper,  and,  for  the  first  time,  found  it  almost  too 
cool  to  sleep  in  the  open  air. 

It  is  difficult  to  exaggerate  the  unpleasantness  of  the  jour- 
ney from  Karshi  to  Bukhara.  During  the  whole  distance,  after 
leaving  Karsan,  there  is  absolutely  nothing  but  sand  and  a  few 
ruined  stations  over  wells  of  bad  water,  which  date,  as  everything 
is  said  to  date  here,  from  the  time  of  Abdullah  Khan.  The 
heat  was  intense,  and  a  strong  wind  constantly  drove  the  fine 
sand  into  our  eyes  and  nostrils,  and  made  riding  very  uncom- 
fortable.    Frequently  the  road  was  so  drifted  over  with  sand  as 


THE  KARSHI  DESERT.  81 

to  be  entirely  lost,  although  there  was  usually  visible  in  the  dis- 
tance the  dome  of  some  cistern,  or  some  natural  object,  by  which 
to  mark  the  way.  Fortunately  for  me,  tents  had  been  erected 
at  most  of  the  stations,  and  other  preparations  had  been  made 
to  receive  me,  with  plenty  of  fresh  water,  fruits,  and  eatables  ; 
but  for  this  I  should  have  found  the  journey  very  difficult.  It 
was  necessary  to  ride  as  much  as  possible  early  in  the  morning, 
and  then,  resting  at  some  station  during  the  heat  of  the  day, 
to  travel  again  in  the  evening.  As  I  had  with  me  the  arba  for 
my  luggage  I  could,  when  too  tired,  lie  down  in  that,  spread  a 
piece  of  felt  to  keep  the  sun  and  wind  out,  and  get  a  little 
sleep.  The  stations  are  still  the  same  as  those  given  in  the  list 
of  Khanikof. 

On  the  morning  of  the  second  day,  I  arrived  at  the  large 
station  of  Karaul,  the  Caravanserai  of  which  is  in  tolerably 
good  repair ;  it  consists  of  a  number  of  vaulted  rooms,  sur- 
mounted by  low  domes,  around  a  square  court.  I  found  here  a 
large  guard ; — I  had  had  an  escort  for  the  two  last  stations 
on  account  of  the  supposed  danger  from  the  Turkomans, 
who,  it  is  said,  at  times  make  raids  on  the  caravans  going  to 
Bukhara.  Preparations  were  being  made  here  to  receive  the 
Amir,  who  was  on  his  way  to  Karshi  and  Shahrisabs.  We  had 
been  told  along  the  road  that  he  had  already  left  Bukhara  for 
the  gardens,  and  that  he  was  expected  here  in  five  or  six  days' 
time,  but  about  noon  a  man  came  to  say  that  the  Amir  was 
some  eighteen  miles  from  the  station  of  Karaul,  and  that  if  I 
wished  to  see  him  I  must  either  go  at  once  or  wait  there  until 
the  morning.  I  sent  back  word  that  when  it  got  a  little  cooler 
toward  evening,  I  would  come  to  the  Amirs  camp,  but  that 
had  I  known  he  was  coming  I  would  have  waited  for  him  in 
Karshi.  A  couple  of  hours  after,  the  man  returned  with  an 
answer,  saying  that  his  message  was  not  believed. 

"When  I  finally  summoned  up  courage  to  brave  the  heat,  I 
found  that  the  advance  guard  of  the  Amir  had  just  arrived,  and 
for  fully  five  miles  I  passed  large  bodies  of  troops  straggling 
on  at  intervals,  I  should  think  about  8,000  men  in  all.  It  was  a 
most  curious  army, — men  in  every  kind  of  uniform,  some  on  foot, 
some  on  horses,  camels,  or  donkeys,  often  several  on  one  animal, 
and  as  they  were  on  the  march,  of  course  keeping  no  order.  Most 
of  the  men  were  armed  with  matchlocks,  but  a  few  had  flint  and 
VOL.  II.  G 


82  TUEKlSTAiT. 

percussion  muskets,  and  many  pikes  and  swords.  There. were 
several  cannon,  the  smaller  pieces  being  dismounted  and  carried 
on  camels,  and  there  were  three  large  heavy  guns,  drawn  by 
horses  and  camels.  The  troop  of  young  nobles,  part  of  the 
special  body-guard  of  the  Amir,  displayed  more  order,  and  were 
much  more  richly  dressed.  They  had  with  them  a  band,  com- 
posed of  a  large  number  of  drums,  trumpets,  and  clarionets,  and 
displayed  many  banners,  one  of  them,  I  remember,  being  a 
red  tea-pot  on  a  white  ground.  There  were  many  Afghans 
among  the  soldiers,  recognisable  at  once  not  only  by  their  fea- 
tures but  by  their  long  black  hair.  One  of  them  began  to 
threaten  and  revile  us,  and  it  was  with  difficulty  that  the 
officials  with  us  prevented  a  conflict.  At  last,  after  passing  over 
some  low  rocky  hills,  and  marching  through  deep  sand,  we  saw 
before  us  some  pools  of  brackish  water  looking  like  silver  in  the 
sunset,  and  near  by  the  guard  of  the  Amir  regularly  drawn  up 
near  a  mud  enclosure,  where  he  kept  those  of  his  harem  who 
were  selected  to  travel  with  him. 

After  passing  the  artillery,  I  was  shown  to  a  small  green 
t^nt  at  a  little  distance  from  the  lest  of  the  camp,  and  tea,  fruit 
and  pilaf  were  immediately  brought  to  me.  The  Mirza-bashi,  or 
Secretary  of  the  Amir,  and  Mohammed  Sherif  Taksaba,1  a  son 
of  the  Kush-Begi  or  Grand  Vizier,  came  to  see  me.  After  answer- 
ing the  Taksaba's  numerous  inquiries,  I  told  him  I  had  a  letter 
to  the  Amir  from  General  Abramof,  but  that  it  was  in  my  arba, 
which  had  not  yet  arrived,  and  that  I  would  send  it  to  him  as 
soon  as  it  came.  He  said  '  No,' — I  had  better  deliver  it  myself 
to  the  Amir,  who  would  receive  me  for  that  purpose.  Being 
very  tired,  I  soon  went  to  sleep,  although  my  rest  was  broken  at 
intervals  by  the  noise  and  singing  of  the  soldiers. 

I  was  awakened  at  four  o'clock  by  the  Mirza-bashi  with  the 
statement  that  the  Amir  was  desirous  of  starting  at  once  for 
Karshi,  and  that  he  wished  to  see  me  before  going,  so  that 
I  must  dress  and  go  to  him  immediately.  After  making  myself 
ready,  I  was  told  to  wait  until  I  was  sent  for.  I  waited  in  vain 
until  9  o'clock  with  increasing  ill-humour,  when  I  sent  for  the 
Taksaba,  to  ask  the  reason  of  this  delay.     He  came  to  me  im- 

1  Tdksaba  is  a  rank  nearly  equivalent  to  colonel.  Mohammed  Sherif,  besides 
being  in  attendance  on  the  Amir  in  case  of  the  reception  of  foreigners,  was  the 
ohief  Zekatchi,  or  customs  collector. 


MOZAFFAR-EDDIN,      AMIR      OF     BUKHARA. 


INTERVIEW  WITH   THE  AMIR.  83 

mediately  and  said  that  the  Amir  was  taking  a  nap,  and  that 
the  delay  was  entirely  my  fault ;  that  the  Amir  had  been  very 
anxious  to  see  me  the  night  before,  but  had  not  done  so  because 
I  had  not  my  letter  of  introduction  with  me  ;  and  that  he,  the 
Taksaba,  had  come  to  me  early  in  the  morning,  but  had  feared 
to  wake  me  ;  and  that  the  Amir  was  waiting  here  a  whole  day, 
merely  to  suit  my  convenience.  I  replied  that,  I  was  only 
waiting  for  the  Amir,  and  gave  him  my  letter  of  introduction, 
which  he  carried  off,  saying  that  he  thought  that  the  Amir 
would  receive  me  after  he  had  breakfasted  and  finished  his 
morning  business ;  meanwhile,  I  was  requested  not  to  leave  my 
tent.  At  last  about  noon,  we  were  told  that  the  Amir  was  awake, 
and  was  bathing,  and  in  about  half  an  hour,  I  was  sent  for. 

As  the  distance  was  very  short,  we  walked ;  but  as  there 
was  no  other  shelter  from  the  sun,  I  raised  my  umbrella,  which 
seemed  to  displease  the  Taksaba,  who  considered  it,  perhaps,  an 
infringement  of  the  Amir's  prerogatives.  However,  in  spite  of 
all  his  remonstrances,  I  kept  it  up  until  I  reached  the  door  of 
the  Amir's  tent,  for  I  was  convinced  that  the  more  I  asserted 
my  dignity  and  stood  up  for  my  rights,  the  better  I  should  get 
on.  I  think  that  I  was  right.  As  I  drew  near,  the  masters  of 
ceremonies  with  their  long  wands,  uttered  the  usual  loud  cry, 
'  Khuclai  Hazreti  Amirni  Mozaffar  Mansul  Kylsun  ' — '  Grod 
make  his  majesty  the  Amir  Mozaffar  powerful  and  victorious.' 
On  such  occasions  it  is  usual  for  the  masters  of  ceremonies  to 
drag  along  the  person  who  is  to  be  presented  to  the  Amir,  but 
my  presentation  being  somewhat  informal,  they  contented 
themselves  with  merely  touching  my  arm.  The  officials  re- 
mained outside,  and  I  and  my  interpreter  entered  alone. 

The  Amir  was  kneeling  on  a  broad  low  bedstead,  raised  a 
few  inches  from  the  floor,  and  covered  with  silken  cushions, 
there  being  no  other  furniture  in  the  tent  except  a  few  rugs  and 
cushions.  As  I  entered  he  turned,  and  smilingly  held  out  his 
hand,  took  mine,  and  said,  '  General  Aman  ?  '  '  Is  the  General 
well  ? '  I  replied,  '  Aman,''  '  he  is  well.'  He  then  gave  his 
hand  to  the  interpreter,  and  motioned  to  us  to  sit  down  facing 
him  at  the  end  of  the  tent  on  the  right  of  the  entrance. 

Supposing  it  to  be  etiquette  that  he  should  speak  first,  I 
kept  silence,  and  had  leisure  to  observe  him.  He  was  a  tall,  stout 
man,  with   sallow  complexion,  and  small,  dark,  uneasy  eyes, 

G  2 


84  TURKISTAN. 

which  he  kept  turning  in  all  directions.  His  flesh  looked  very 
flabby  and  unhealthy,  and  his  hands  trembled  constantly 
throughout  the  interview,  as  I  have  been  told,  from  a  too 
frequent  use  of  aphrodisiacs.  His  beard  is  very  dark,  but 
rather  thin.  He  "wore  a  plain  grey  silk  gown  and  a  white 
turban.  After  waiting  in  vain  for  him  to  speak,  and  finding 
the  silence  growing  awkward,  I  said, 

'  I  have  come  with  a  letter  from  General  Abramof.' 

'  Yes,  I  received  it,'  he  replied. 

6 1  have  been  in  Kitab,  Shaar,  and  Karshi,  where  I  was  very 
well  received,  and  passed  the  time  very  pleasantly. 

'  I  am  glad  you  were  pleased.     I  am  glad  you  came.' 

'  I  wish  now  to  go  to  Bukhara,  Kara-kul,  and  Tchardjui,  and 
then  back  to  Samarkand.' 

'  You  must  consider  this  country  as  your  own,  and  travel 
where  you  wish.  Gro  to  Bukhara,  Kara-kul,  and  Tchardjui,  and 
be  our  guest,  and  pass  the  time  pleasantly.  The  Taksaba  will 
make  all  arrangements  for  you.' 

I  thanked  him  for  this  permission,  and  waited  a  moment 
longer.  He  began  to  look  uneasily  towards  the  door,  the 
Taksaba  appeared,  and  the  Amir  said,  s  Now  go  ; '  upon  which 
we  immediately  took  our  leave.  On  the  way  home  I  told  the 
Taksaba  that  the  Amir  had  given  me  permission  to  go  to 
Tchardjui,  and  he  said  that  he  had  himself  heard  it.  I  was 
particular  in  saying  this  to  him,  because  I  knew  that  no 
Russian  had  been  allowed  to  go  there,  and  I  had  been  astonished 
at  having  so  readily  obtained  permission. 

In  connection  with  this  interview,  I  may  say  that,  after  I 
had  returned  to  Samarkand,  a  report  came  from  Bukhara  that 
the  Amir  was  very  much  dissatisfied  with  me,  alleging  as  the 
reason  that  I  had  squeezed  his  hand  too  hard  on  being  presented 
to  him. 

Mozaffar-Eddin,  although  without  the  sternness  and  strength 
of  character  of  his  father  Nasrullah,  inherited  his  cruel  and 
capricious  disposition.  His  subjects  detest  him,  and  more 
than  that,  believe  him  to  be  gifted  with  the  evil  eye ;  so  that, 
on  meeting  him,  or  coming  into  his  presence,  they  always 
secretly  make  the  sign  which  avails  as  a  countercharm.  In 
these  annual  journeys  to  Karshi  and  Shahrisabs,  he  is  always 
accompanied  by  his  army,  not  so  much  to  protect  himself  from 


APPEOACH   TO   BUKHARA.  85 

actual  violence,  as  to  assure  himself  of  its  fidelity,  and  to 
prevent  a  discontented  son,  or  a  rebellious  Bek,  from  winning 
its  favour  while  he  is  away,  and  shutting  him  out  of  the 
capital.  He  likes  also  to  wreak  his  vengeance  on  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Shahrisabs  by  subjecting  them  to  the  inconveniences 
caused  by  the  presence  of  a  large  body  of  troops,  and  to  the 
exactions  of  the  soldiery. 

I  had  packed  up,  and  made  preparations  for  starting  off, 
when  the  presents  from  the  Amir  arrived,  consisting  of  four 
gowns  and  a  richly  caparisoned  horse.  The  Taksaba  told  me 
that  the  Amir  had  a  garden  at  Kakan,  six  miles  from  Bukhara, 
and  another  twelve  miles  off,  and  asked  in  which  I  preferred 
to  live.  I  was  prepared  for  this  question,  for  I  had  been  told 
that  an  effort  would  probably  be  made  to  prevent  me  from 
living  in  the  town,  where  I  could  too  easily  learn  all  that  went 
on.  As  I  was  anxious  to  see  as  much  as  I  could,  and  did  not 
wish  a  long  ride  every  day,  I  told  him  that  I  should  prefer 
living  in  the  city  itself,  at  which  I  think  he  was  not  very  well 
pleased ;  but  after  reflecting  a  moment,  he  said  that  he  himself 
had  a  house  there,  and  would  be  very  glad  if  I  would  live  in 
it,  and  that  he  would  send  a  man  to  prepare  it  for  me.  This 
camp  was  about  ten  miles  from  the  city  wall,  and  after  riding 
two  or  three  miles,  we  came  to  gardens  and  fields  which 
surrounded  the  city.  The  walls  and  enclosures  seemed  to  be 
better,  but  the  trees  we're  smaller  and  not  so  thickly  planted  as 
in  the  suburbs  of  Tashkent  and  Samarkand. 

As  we  approached  the  city,  the  number  of  people  we  met 
constantly  increased ;  peasants,  merchants,  and  mullahs,  on 
foot,  on  horses,  and  on  asses.  It  was  bazaar  day,  and  everyone 
was  coming  away  loaded  with  purchases.  We  passed  village 
after  village,  and  indeed  the  whole. road,  from  the  numbers  of 
small  booths  and  shops,  seemed  to  be  one  long  bazaar.  At  last 
we  saw  on  the  left  the  blue  dome  of  the  mosque  Namazga 
standing  out  from  its  green  garden,  and  before  us  rose  the 
high  clay  walls  of  the  city.  The  gate  Sallia-Khani  was  com- 
paratively modern  in  appearance,  and  surmounted  by  two  large 
towers  of  burnt  bricks.  We  rode  on  through  narrow  streets  paved 
with  hard  clay  mixed  with  small  stones — almost  as  good  at  this 
season  as  a  Macadamised  road — along  the  canal,  and  through  the 
bazaar,  where  a  dense  crowd  collected  about  me  in  astonishment 


86  TTJRKISTAN. 

and  almost  prevented  my  passage.  We  passed  many  mosques 
and  medresses,  and  rode  through  the  Righistan  with  its  markets, 
the  ark  or  citadel  looming  up  to  my  right,  and  through  more 
narrow  streets,  almost  to  the  city  wall  near  the  Uglan  gate, 
where  I  found  the  house  intended  for  me.  After  o-oino-  through 
a  narrow  passage,  there  was  a  large  court  to  the  left  intended 
for  horses,  and  then  we  passed  into  another,  two  sides  of 
which  were  occupied  by  the  house;  on  the  third  were  sheds, 
which  were  usually  rilled  with  horses.  Two  large  rooms  were 
given  to  me  on  the  tipper  floor,  with  a  large  balcony,  and  I 
was  provided  with  chairs  and  a  table,  although  the  table  was 
so  low  that  I  was  compelled  to  turn  the  chairs  on  one  side, 
in  order  to  restore  anything  like  proportion.  At  the  end  of  my 
balcony  was  a  large  store  room  containing  clothes,  silk  mattresses 
and  pillows,  bread,  muskets,  and  other  weapons,  harness  and 
saddle  cloths,  and  jars  of  various  sweets.  The  ground  floor 
was  occupied  by  the  Mirzas  and  men  of  the  house,  and  was  also 
used  as  the  kitchen.  The  house  did  not  belong  to  the  Taksaba, 
as  he  had  informed  me,  but  to  a  different  man,  who  subsequently 
made  my  acquaintance,  and  it  has  been  of  late  the  residence  of 
many  Eussians  who  have  visited  Bukhara. 

During  the  week  that  I  spent  at  Bukhara,  my  days  all 
passed  in  very  much  the  same  way.  In  the  early  morning  I 
either  made  or  received  visits,  then  rode  through  the  town  and 
visited  the  mosques  and  medresses,  or  lounged  about  the  bazaar. 
In  the  evening  an  entertainment  of  some  kind,  usually 
dancing,  was  provided  for  me,  and  nearly  always  some  ac- 
quaintances were  present.  Already  in  Khokand  I  had  got  very 
tired  of  native  food, — pilaf,  and  greasy,  fried  or  stewed,  mutton, 
— and  had  taken  measures  to  have  a  slight  change  ;  but  with 
only  mutton,  although  the  most  excellent  I  have  ever  eaten, 
and  old  tough  chickens  to  choose  from,  my  menu  could  not  be 
very  varied,  especially  as  there  was  no  butter,  nor  any  variety 
of  vegetables  or  seasoning.  I  taught  my  servants  how  to 
prepare  stewed  kidneys,  mutton  chops,  eggs  in  various  ways, 
and  liver  with  tallow — the  nearest  obtainable  substitute  for 
bacon — and  I  managed  at  all  events  to  eat  with  considerable 
relish.  By  tallow  I  do  not  mean  candles,  but  the  fat  of  the 
kurdiuk,  or  rumps  of  the  so-called  big-tailed  sheep,  which  is 
by  far  the  most  delicate  portion   of  the  animal.     The   early 


NEIGHBOURLY   CURIOSITY.  87 

melons  were  now  all  gone,  but  those  of  midsummer  were 
coming  in,  usually  much  larger,  and  of  much  firmer  flesh,  and 
equally  good.  Peaches  of  two  kinds  were  plentiful,  as  were 
grapes  of  all  varieties,  although  not  equalling  those  of  the 
Crimea  or  of  Western  Europe.  The  Husseini  andSahibi  grapes 
were  especially  good;  the  celebrated  Bukhariot  plums  which 
were  coming  in  season  struck  me  as  being  hard  and  acid  ; 
but  the  purple  figs,  which  I  tasted  for  the  first  time,  were 
delicious.  Flowers  also  seemed  very  plentiful,  for  a  fresh 
bouquet  was  brought  to  me  two  or  three  times  a  day,  and  the 
natives,  who  are"  very  fond  of  flowers,  had  little  sprigs  of  mint, 
or  other  plants,  stuck  in  their  caps  over  their  ears. 

I  had  always  been  warned  against  the  water  of  Bukhara, 
which  is  very  apt  to  give  one  the  reslda,  a  disagreeable  worm, 
that  makes  its  appearance  through  the  flesh  a  year  after- 
wards; but  I  was  told  that  fresh  water  had  just  arrived  at 
Bukhara,  the  dyke  at  Samarkand  having  been  repaired,  and 
that  as  I  could  also  have  well  water,  there  would  be  no  danger. 
I  gave  orders,  however,  to  have  the  water  always  boiled  before 
giving  it  to  me,  although  I  suspect  my  commands  were  not  in 
all  cases  carried  out.  I  looked  uneasily  the  next  summer  for 
the  appearance  of  the  unpleasant  creature  in  one  of  my  legs,  but 
fortunately  escaped  an  attack.  The  water  from  the  ponds  must 
certainly  be  very  unhealthy. 

Besides  my  own  servants,  there  were  several  attached  to  the 
house,  and  three  or  four  secretaries,  under  whose  special  charge  I 
was>and  who  had  orders  to  accompany  me  wherever  I  went.  Gene- 
rally speaking,  they  were  very  polite,  and  did  not  seem  to  object 
to  my  seeing  any  part  of  the  city,  or  anything  which  I  wished. 

The  walls  of  the  Bukharan  houses  always  shut  out  one's 
neighbours,  but  the  fiat  roofs  afford  a  good  opportunity  for 
looking  into  another  court,  if  one  desires  to  take  advantage 
of  it ;  and  as  there  had  been  a  great  deal  of  curiosity  to  see  me, 
and  especially  to  witness  the  dances  and  other  entertainments 
which  were  provided  for  me,  the  surrounding  roofs  and  walls 
were  always  covered  with  a  crowd  of  women  and  children  ; 
and  many  a  time  I  found  the  black  horse-hair  veil  which 
usually  concealed  their  faces  uplifted,  and  had  a  chance  of 
seeing  the  beauty,  or  rather  the  lack  of  it,  of  the  Bukharan 
women. 


88  TUKKISTAN. 

I  myself  usually  slept  in  a  room,  on  a  camp  bedstead  which 
J  had  brought  with  me,  but  my  interpreter  lay  on  the  balcony 
outside.  One  evening  we  were  annoyed  by  some  stones  or  clods 
of  earth  being  thrown,  and  my  interpreter's  bed  was  struck  with 
one  of  them  ;  after  this,  we  had  the  roof  patrolled,  to  keep  off 
intruders.  I  was  not  sure,  however,  whether  this  missile  was 
intended  as  an  act  of  hostility  or  as  a  friendly  signal. 

One  evening,  I  was  taken  to  a  garden  of  the  Amir,  just  out- 
side the  Uglan  gate,  where  it  was  proposed  to  show  me  a  ram- 
fight.  The  garden,  though  a  very  large  one,  and  occasionally 
used  by  the  Amir  during  the  summer  season,  was  not  in  a 
flourishing  condition,  owing  to  the  lack  of  water,  the  trees 
being  all  small,  and  the  vines  unhealthy  looking.  Eam-fighting 
is  a  favourite  amusement  among  the  Uzbeks,  but  of  late  years  it 
has  somewhat  fallen  into  disuse,  and  bets  are  readily  made  and 
taken,  in  spite  of  the  strict  injunctions  of  the  Mussulman  law 
against  that  practice.  On  this  occasion  the  fight  was  unsuc- 
cessful. Four  large  and  excellent  rams  were  introduced,  and 
went  at  one  another  with  great  delight,  but  after  one  or  two 
butts,  three  of  them  retired,  and  could  not  be  brought  up  again 
to  the  mark  ;  they  were  willing  to  engage  with  each  other, 
but  the  moment  the  largest,  the  victor,  appeared,  they  imme- 
diately turned  tail  and  fled. 

I  am  not  surprised  at  the  high  idea  Asiatics  entertain  of 
Bukhara — it  is  officially  called  al  sherif,  the  noble,  although  pro- 
bably from  religious  reasons — for  in  spite  of  all  its  discomforts, 
it  made  upon  me  a  very  strong  and  a  very  pleasant  impression. 
You  cannot  walk  the  street  without  seeing  at  once  that  it  is  really 
a  capital ;  the  persons  at  leisure,  well  dressed,  and  riding  well 
groomed  and  richly  caparisoned  horses,  the  crowd  of  idlers  who 
beset  the  market  place,  even  the  very  narrowness  of  the  streets 
and  height  of  the  houses,  the  numerous  bazaars,  and  the  great 
amount  of  trade  which  is  constantly  going  on  there,  every  day 
seeming  like  a  bazaar  day,  show  you  that  this  is  a  metropolis. 
For  a  Central  Asiatic,  and  especially  for  one  coming  from  the 
steppes,  even  the  mild  amusements  allowed  in  Bukhara  are  not 
despicable.  There  are  plenty  of  mosques  in  which  to  pray, 
and  praying  seems  to  be  done  as  much  for  pastime  as  anything 
else.  There  are  plenty  of  shops  at  which  to  gossip,  and  ex- 
cellent baths,  and  even,  from  all  that  I  could  learn,  establish- 


THE   RIGHISTAN.  89 

ments  of  a  worse  character.  In  general  the  cities  of  Central 
Asia  are  all  alike,  the  same  crooked  streets,  the  same  high  clay 
walls,  the  very  colour  of  which  at  last  offends  your  eyes,  the 
same  windowless  houses,  with  flat  roofs  everywhere ;  but  Bukhara 
seems  to  have  more  individualit}7  than  the  others;  the  houses  are 
more  commonly  of  two  stories,  and  frequently  have  balconies 
with  lattices  or  carved  railings.  There  seem  to  be  very  few 
gardens,  and  trees  even  are  very  rare,  except  about  the  ponds 
of  the  mosques  and  along  one  or  two  of  the  canals,  thus  giving 
the  city  a  very  different  look  from  Tashkent  or  Ivhokand.  In 
my  morning  rides  I  was  able  to  see  almost  every  part  of  the 
town,  and  to  inspect  all  the  buildings  that  were  interesting, 
either  historically  or  architecturally.  The  mirzas  who  went 
with  me  used  to  be  somewhat  astonished  at  my  being  able  to 
find  the  way,  or  even  to  tell  them  in  which  direction  I  should 
go  in  order  to  reach  a  certain  gate  or  mosque  ;  and  once  or 
twice  the  Kush-Begi  sent  to  know  how  I  knew  of  the  existence 
of  certain  localities  ;  they  were  not  aware  that  I  had  with  me 
the  excellent  plan  of  Khanikof,1  if  indeed  they  could  under- 
stand its  existence. 

At  a  short  distance  from  my  house,  at  the  north-west  side 
of  the  town,  was  the  Righistan  or  public  place,  which  is  im- 
mediately in  front  of  the  ark  or  citadel,  and  is  surrounded  by 
fine  large  mosques  and  medresses.  On  the  west  side  of  it, 
which  is  raised  above  the  rest, — a  locality  greatly  frequented  by 
loungers — there  is  a  large  pond  surrounded  by  trees,  about  which 
are  placed  barbers'  shops,  tea  houses,  and  refreshment  booths  of 
various  kinds.  The  rest  of  the  square  seems  to  be  a  general 
market  for  bakers  and  butchers,  dealers  in  skins,  and  small 
wares  of  various  kinds.  It  is  the  real  centre  of  the  city, 
and  from  sunrise  until  evening  prayer,  is  filled  by  a  great 
throng.  To  the  right  of  the  citadel,  close  under  its  lofty 
walls,  lie  many  pieces  of  cannon,  of  which  some  few  seem  to 
be  good,  although  the  most  of  them  are  utterly  worthless.    Some 

1  Inserted  in  his  'Description  of  the  Khanate  of  Bukhara.'  The  name  Buk- 
hara is  derived  from  the  Sanskrit  Vihara,  a  Beunion  of  Wise  Men,  a  Monastery, 
and,  like  several  other  names  in  Central  Asia,  is  a  relic  of  Buddhist  influence.  In 
earlier  times,  and  even  in  the  sixth  century,  as  we  find  in  Chinese  authors,  the  place 
was  called  Nurni,  or  Numijket.  In  Appendix  II.,  at  the  end  of  Vol.  I.,  will  ba 
found  an  article  of  Professor  Grigorief  on  the  '  History  of  Bukhara.' 


90  TURKISTAN. 

had  been  captured  in  Khokand,  and  as  Jiey  bear  dragon 3 
and  other  similar  devices,  had,  probably,  been  previously  taken 
from  the  Chinese  in  Kashgar.  The  ark  itself  is  a  large  square 
mound,  evidently  artificial,  for  the  ends  of  the  beams  on  which 
it  is  constructed  are  occasionally  visible  through  the  clay 
wails.  It  is  surrounded  by  a  high  crenelated  wall,  two  lofty 
round-topped  towers  guard  the  entrance,  and  high  above  is  a 
clock  with  Arabic  numerals,  made  some  years  ago  by  Giovanni 
Orlandi,  an  Italian  enslaved  in  Bukhara.1      From  the  entrance 

1  Modesto  Gavazzi,  who,  with  Count  Litta  and  another  Italian,  visited  Bukhara 
in  1863-4  for  the  purpose  of  buying  silkworms  eggs,  and  was  imprisoned  there  by 
the  Amir  fur  thirteen  months,  gives  an  interesting  account  of  Orlandi  in  his  littlo 
book,  '  Alcune  Notizie  raccoltein  un  viaggio  a  Bucara,'  Milan,  1865.  Some  of  the 
facts  in  this  statement,  especially  those  about  the  Russian  merchant,  I  have  had 
recounted  to  me  by  Russians  cognizant  of  the  circumstances. 

'His  (i.e.  Karataefs)  predecessor  as  eloekmaker  and  artificer  of  the  Amir  was 
Giovanni  Orlandi  of  Parma,  about  whom  we  collected  some  information  from  an 
old  Negai,  whom  we  knew  in  the  last  days  of  our  stay  in  Bukhara,  and  who  under 
Nasrullah  had  lieen  the  companion  of  this  poor  man  in  prison.  Orlandi  was  the 
last  European  victim  of  Bukharan  despotism,  and  what  we  have  heard  of  him  from 
persons  who  knew  him  is  enough  to  render  his  memory  venerated  as  a  man  of 
intelligence,  of  firmness  of  mind,  and  of  nobility  of  character.     Twelve  or  fifteen 

years   back  there  lived  at   Orenburg  a  certain  Z ,  a  Russian  by  birth,  who 

maintained  an  extended  commerce  with  the  Kirghiz  Steppe  and  with  the  Khanates 
of  Central  Asia,  and  was  reputed,  not  without  reason,  to  be  the  richest  merchant 
of  that  city,  because,  with  a  certain  elasticity  of  conscience  which  was  peculiar  to 
him,  he  knew  how  to  get  profit  from  every  kind  of  business,  and  to  find  secret  and 
safe  sources  of  gain.  One  of  these  was  the  sale  to  the  Kirghiz  of  men  whom  he 
inveigled,  under  pretext  of  colonisation,  to  an  estate  of  his  situated  on  the  borders 
of  this  steppe,  which  was  from  time  to  time  invaded  by  bands  of  Kirghiz  robbers, 
who  carried  off  all  the  people  stationed  there  and  sold  them  as  slaves  in  Bukhara. 

The  infamous  traffic  was  at  last  found  out,  Z was  tried  and  condemned  for 

life  to  Siberia  ;  but  as  in  Russia  gold  is  omnipotent,  and  he  could  dispose  of  much 
of  it,  it  was  found  that  he  had  died,  although  in  reality  he  had  in  the  meantime 
changed  his  name  to  avoid  the  punishment.  Orlandi  had  been  sent  to  this  estate 
as  a  superintendent,  and  together  with  his  companions  had  been  carried  as  a  slave 
to  Bukhara  and  sold  to  the  Amir.  As  Orlandi  was  a  Christian  and  a  Frcnghi,  the 
Amir  repeatedly  tried  to  convert  him  to  Islamism,  and  angry  at  his  obstinate 
refusal  threw  him  into  prison,  and  later  condemned  him  to  death.  Orlandi  would 
not  even  then  change  his  mind,  but  knowing  that  Nasrullah  was  a  great  lover  of 
mechanical  works,  promised  to  construct  lor  him  a  machine  for  measuring  time, 
and  thus  obtained  his  pardon.  Orlandi  then  made  the  clock  which  is  on  the  tower 
over  the  palace  gate,  the  only  one  which  exists  in  all  Bukhara.  Nasrullah  was 
so  satisfied  with  it  that  he  appointed  Orlandi  his  artificer,  and  gave  him  at  the 
same  time  his  liberty.  Orlandi  then  lived  an  endurable  life  with  the  fruit  of  his 
labours,  and  as  independently  as  he  could  under  a  government  as  capricious  as 
that  of  Bukhara.     During  this  time  he  made  a  telescope  for  the  Amir,  who  unfor- 


THE  DUNGEON  OF  SHEEP-TICKS.  91 

there  is  a  steep  incline  to  the  top,  where  are  the  palace  of  the 
Amir,  his  treasury,  the  house  of  the  Kush-Begi,  a  mosque,  the  ab- 
kha.neh  or  water  reservoir,  which  serves  also  as  a  prison  for  state 
offenders,  and  the  Jean a-hhan eJi,  that  noted  place  of  punishment 
into  which  men  used  to  be  thrown  to  be  slowly  devoured  alive 
by  sheep-ticks  and  other  vermin.  I  had  heard  that  this  dungeon 
had  been  abolished  ;  but  people  in  Bukhara  assured  me  of  its 
existence,  and  said  that  some  criminals  had  been  confined  there 
not  long  before ;  the  story  however  that  in  the  absence  of  prisoners 
the  ticks  are  fed  by  raw  meat  to  keep  up  their  diet,  is  probably 
untrue.  At  the  right  of  the  entrance,  under  the  archway,  is  a 
raised  platform,  where  at  certain  hours  the  Kush-Begi  is  obliged 
to  sit,  in  order  to  learn  the  business  of  all  who  enter  the 
fortress ;  during  the  absence  of  the  Amir,  when  the  Kush-Begi 
remains  above,  another  officer  is  detailed  for  this  duty.1  In 
this  passage  mamr  curious  objects  are  hung  on  the  walls,  such 
as  an  immense  whip  seven  feet  long,  which  is  said  to  have  be- 
longed to  the  hero  Rustam  ;  a  snake-like  staff  of  some  saint ; 
various  battle-axes  and  halberds  ;  hammers  of  command  (ai- 
balta)  ;  a  curious  root  brought  by  a  Mecca  pilgrim,  &c.  In  a 
word,  this  is  the  Amir's  museum. 

Passing  to  the  right  round  the  arJc  and  down  through  the 
narrow  high-walled  street,  we  came  to  a  mosque,  called  Masjid 
Baliand,  a  Jumma  mosque  that  is  intended  for  the  holding  of 
the  Jumma  or  Friday  public  service.     Properly  speaking  such 

tunately  one  day  let  it  fall  from  the  top  of  a  minaret  near  Bohoneddin.  On  re- 
entering the  city  he  sent  immediately  tor  Orlandi  to  repair  it ;  but  Orlandi  that 
day  had  been  on  a  drinking  bout  in  company  with  an  Armenian  or  Hebrew  who 
■was  allowed  to  drink  wine,  and  came  to  the  Amir  a  little  intoxicated  The  Amir 
therefore  condemned  him  a  second  time  to  death,  but  repenting  shut  him  up  again 
in  prison,  enjoining  him  to  embrace  Islam  if  he  wished  his  life  to  be  spared.  A 
Cossack,  then  a  slave  in  Bukhara,  was  ordered  to  persuade  Orlandi  to  be  con- 
verted, which,  according  to  him,  was  the  only  means  of  saving  his  life.  He  said 
that  a  mere  appearance  of  submission  would  satisfy  the  Amir,  who  wished  an  act 
of  submission  rather  than  a  formal  renunciation  of  his  religion,  but  Orlandi  was 
so  firmly  opposed  to  it,  saying  that  he  preferred  death  to  shame,  that  the  Amir 
resolved  on  a  hard  trial.  He  had  the  executioner  cut  the  skin  of  his  throat,  warn- 
ing him  that  if  on  the  morrow  he  should  still  be  obstinate,  he  would  have  him 
killed.  The  threat  did  not  move  him.  and  the  next  day  he  -was  beheaded.  This 
happened  in  1851.' 

1  '  Sitting  in  the  gate  of  the  king '  is  a  very  ancient  cu*:om  in  the  East,  as  may 
be  seen  from  many  passages  in  the  st">ry  of  Esther,  and  especially  from  Daniel  ii. 
48,  49. 


92  TURKISTAN. 

a  mosque  should  be  large  enough  to  contain  the  whole  popula- 
tion of  the  city,  and  this  one  will  hold  at  least  ten  thousand 
people  within  sound  of  the  preacher's  voice.  It  is  one  of  the 
largest  and  most  solid  constructions  of  Bukhara.  The  interioi 
consists  of  a  large  open  court,  surrounded  by  a  sort  of  wide 
vaulted  cloister  of  brick,  two,  and  sometimes  three  aisles  in 
width.  The  walls,  especially  of  the  sides  and  back,  where 
the  ground  is  lower,  are  all  built  of  brick,  supported  b^ 
immense  buttresses.  The  front,  which  is  in  bad  repair,  has 
a  great  arched  portal  covered  with  porcelain  tiles  set  in 
arabesques,  and  the  roof  is  surmounted  by  tiled  domes. 
Opposite  to  this  mosque,  is  a  very  tall  round  tower,  called  the 
manari  kalian  or  great  minaret.  The  surface  is  covered 
with  pretty  and  curious  designs  in  inlaid  bricks,  and  on  the 
top  is  now  a  huge  stork's  nest.  It  is  sometimes  used  as  a  place 
of  punishment,  outrageous  criminals  being  thrown  from  the  top 
and  dashed  to  pieces  on  the  ground  below.  The  last  person 
thus  punished  was  the  noted  robber  Baban,  who  had  taken 
refuge  in  Samarkand,  and  had  been  sent  back  by  General 
Abramof  in  1871.  On  the  other  side  of  the  small  square  is  the 
medresse  Miri-Horab,  a  very  large  and  fine  building,  contain- 
ing one  hundred  and  ten  students'  rooms  which  open  on  the  cor- 
ridors and  galleries  that  surround  the  court.  The  vaulting  of 
the  corridors  is  very  well  done,  and  is  inlaid  in  patterns  with 
tiles  and  coloured  bricks,  and  in  various  niches  are  canopies  of 
alabaster  work,  similar  in  design  to  those  seen  in  the  Alhambra. 
After  passing  through  the  bazaar,  we  came  to  a  number  of 
large  mosques  and  medr esses,  the  two  largest  of  which  are  the 
Medresse  Kukoltash,  and  the  Medresse  Divan-Begi,  and  opposite 
this  latter  is  a  large  paved  place  with  mosques  on  each  side, 
surrounding  a  square  pond  known  as  the  Liabehaus  Divan- 
Begi.  This  pond,  which  is  shaded  by  rows  of  mulberry  trees,  is 
the  constant  resort  of  the  idlers  and  loungers  of  Bukhara,  and 
is  surrounded  by  markets,  houses,  and  the  booths  of  cooks  and 
barbers.  As  it  is  so  large  that,  according  to  Mohammedan  ideas, 
the  water  is  always  pure,  one  may  see  people  drinking,  bathing, 
or  performing  their  ablutions  at  any  hour  of  the  day.1     Near  by 

1  The  Mussulman  doctrine  is  that  a  pond  of  water  is  pure  for  religious  pur- 
poses, no  matter  what  its  real  condition  may  be,  if  it  be  10  altehins  long  by  10 
altchins  broad  (23  x  23  feet),  and  if  it  contain  three  fingers  of  water,  so  that  ia 
tilling  the  water  in  the  hollow  of  tho  hand  the  bottom  cannot  be  seen 


A   EUKHAEAN  BATH.  93 

is  a  medresse,  called  Irnazar-Eltchi,  of  no  very  imposing  ap- 
pearance, founded  by  the  Empress  Catherine  II.  of  Russia,  who 
gave  the  sum  of  40,000  rubles  to  build  a  college  in  Bukhara 
for  Tartars  and  other  Russian  Mussulmans.  Irnazar-Eltchi 
was  a  Bukharan  envoy  sent  to  the  Empress,  and  the  local  story 
is  that  this  money  was  given  to  him  by  Catherine  after  a  liai- 
son which  she  had  with  him.  On  the  western  side  of  the  city, 
near  the  Talipan  gate,  is  a  large  medresse  called  Kosh  Medresse 
Abdullah  Khan,  supposed  to  have  been  founded  by  that  sove- 
reign, which  consists  of  two  large  buildings  on  opposite  sides  of 
the  street  constructed  in  the  usual  style,  with  two  stories  and 
corridors  about  a  central  court.  Continuing  down  the  same 
street,  close  by  the  gate  Sheikh-Jelal  are  the  medresses  Jubar 
and  Hodja-Jelal,  a  large  basin  called  the  Haus-Van,  and  the 
cemetery  Jubar.  Such  cemeteries  are  not  infrequent  within 
the  walls  of  the  town.  None  of  the  mosques  and  medresses  in 
Bukhara  are  as  old  as  the  great  and  splended  ruins  in  Samar- 
kand, unless  perhaps  the  mosque  Baliand,  which,  it  is  said,  was 
built  by  Timur  on  the  ruins  of  another,  and  repaired  by  Abdul- 
lah Khan  ;  the  style  of  architecture  is,  however,  the  fame  ;  there 
are  the  same  ornamental  tiled  fronts  and  blue  domes,  although 
the  buildings  are  much  lower,  and  minarets  and  towers  are 
rare. 

There  are  many  bath  houses,  the  Bukhariots  being  very  fond 
of  the  luxury  of  a  hot-air  bath.  The  best  of  these  is  situated  in 
the  bazaar,  to  which  I  was  taken  one  night  about  nine  o'clock, 
when  the  bazaar  was  already  deserted,  except  by  the  watchmen, 
and  the  streets  were  dimly  lighted  by  lamps  slung  across  them 
on  ropes  at  intervals.  The  bath  itself  is  nearly  the  same  as  the 
Turkish  bath,  and  certainly  is  not  so  good  as  that  which  one 
finds  in  civilised  countries.  You  enter  a  large  room  surrounded 
by  raised  platforms  covered  with  rugs,  where  you  undress,  and 
then,  wrapping  a  large  cloth  about  you,  you  go  into  the  next 
room  where  the  temperature  is  already  very  warm,  and  where 
are  a  succession  of  square  or  octagonal  vaults,  with  niches  in 
the  sides  for  bathers.  After  remaining  there  some  time  to 
accustom  yourself  to  the  temperature,  you  are  taken  into  the 
hottest  room  of  all,  where,  after  having  water  thrown  over  you 
to  make  you  perspire,  you  lie  on  your  face  and  are  rubbed  and 
kneaded  by  the  bath  attendant,  who  cracks  all  your  joints  and 


94  TURKISTAK 

leaves  you  in  a  very  weak  and  helpless  state.  After  this  you 
are  taken  back  to  the  room  you  left  and  placed  in  one  of  the 
niches,  thoroughly  washed  with  soap  and  water,  and  again 
kneaded.  You  are  then  wrapped  up  in  your  cloth,  and  go  iuto 
the  front  room,  where,  reclining  on  a  cushion,  you  take  green 
tea  and  fruit  and  gradually  dress.  There  is  no  regular  pay- 
ment, but  you  are  expected  to  give  whatever  you  please.  This 
process  of  kneading  is  much  liked  by  the  Bukhariots,  even  with- 
out a  bath,  and  often  at  night  they  have  attendants  to  knead 
them  until  they  go  to  sleep. 

The  most  important  of  the  many  bazaars  in  Bukhara  are  the 
open  bazaar  on  the  Eighistan  and  the  bazaar  of  Tchar-su,  which 
occupies  the  centre  of  the  town,  extending  nearly  from  the  Ark 
to  beyond  the  medresse  Divan-Begi.  The  bazaar  of  Tchar-su 
is  interesting  and  peculiar;  it  has  not  the  grandiose  appearance 
of  the  bazaar  at  Khokand,  but  it  in  every  way  shows  that  it  is 
an  old  haunt  of  trade.  Not  only  are  the  sides  of  all  the  streets 
filled  with  shops  and  caravanserais  for  the  storage  of  goods,  but 
there  are  large  numbers  of  timis,  brick  or  wooden  buildings 
with  passages  radiating  from  the  centre,  where  goods  of  special 
kinds  are  sold.  The  timi  of  Abdullah  Khan,  for  instance,  is 
appropriated  to  the  trade  in  silk,  velvet,  and  cloth  goods,  while 
others  are  filled  with  cotton  goods,  shoes,  caps,  turbans,  and 
knives. 

Bukhara  is  evidently  the  trading  centre  of  all  this  region 
of  Asia,  and  one  sees  here  productions  from  all  parts  of  the 
world.  Besides  the  Bussian  cottons  and  calicoes,  I  saw  many 
English,  and  even  French  and  German  goods.  The  English 
goods  are  known  chiefly  by  the  name  of  Kabuli,  on  account  of 
being  imported  through  Afghanistan,  and  are  sold  at  a  slight 
advance  only  on  Russian  goods.  As  far  as  I  noticed  the  English 
goods  were  chiefly  manufactured  by  Greek  firms,  such  as  Ralli  and 
Co.,  Petrococchino  and  Co.,  Schillizzi  and  Co.,  and  by  some  Cal- 
cutta houses.  Among  miscellaneous  articles,  I  found  American  re- 
volvers, at  a  price  somewhat  cheaper  than  in  Tashkent.  Strangely 
enough  Russian  sugar  is  cheaper  in  Bukhara  than  in  Tashkent, 
and  has  often  been  re-imported  to  that  place  from  Bukhara. 
There  was  at  this  time  only  one  Russian  merchant  in  Bukhara, 
Shmelef,  the  agent  of  the  firm  Bykoff  Brothers  ,  who  occupies 
two  small  rooms  in  the  Aim  Sarai,  and  who  deals  not  only  in 


THE   TRADE  OF  BUKHARA.  05 

cotton  goods,  but  particularly  in  small  and  fancy  articles.  He 
told  me  that  most  of  the  Russian  trade  was  in  the  hands  of  Tar- 
tars, but  that  the  openings  for  it  are  very  great,  although  unfor- 
tunately neglected.  A  person  of  small  means  would  even  have 
an  advantage  over  a  large  trader,  if  he  lived  in  Bukhara,  dealt 
in  such  European  articles  as  there  was  a  demand  for,  and 
attended  to  his  business  himself.  Such  a  small  trader  could 
sell  all  his  goods  immediately,  collect  his  debts  at  once,  and 
turn  over  his  capital  at  least  three  times  a  year,  making 
each  time  a  profit  of  fifty  per  cent.  In  Bukhara  itself,  for  a 
resident  trader,  there  is  little  difficulty  in  collecting  debts,  but 
the  traders  in  Orenburg,  Troitsk,  and  Petropavlovsk,  who  sell 
largely  on  credit  to  merchants  coming  from  Bukhara,  lose 
much  money  by  bad  debts.  Unfortunately  the  Eussian  law 
does  not  allow  foreign  trade  to  be  carried  on  by  any  one  except 
a  merchant  of  the  first  guild,  and  the  guild  tax  to  be  paid  is  so 
large  as  to  be  a  burden  upon  a  person  of  small  means.  The 
Russian  merchants,  although  they  adopt  to  a  certain  extent 
the  native  dress,  are  not  subject  to  the  same  restrictions  as 
in  Khokand ;  in  other  respects  the  commercial  treaty  is  no 
better  carried  out,  merchants  being  obliged  to  pay  in  addi- 
tion to  the  2^  per  cent,  duty  on  exports,  a  further  illegal  duty 
on  cotton,  amounting  to  at  least  3  per  cent.2 

1  One  other  Russian  clerk  lived  in  Hazliduin,  looking  after  the  cotton  cloth 
manufactured  for  the  Russian  troops. 

2  In  1872  Mr.  Petrofsky,  the  agent  of  the  Minister  of  Finance,  went  to 
Bukhara  for  the  purpose  of  studying  its  commercial  relations.  I  quote  a  few- 
extracts  from  his  account  published  in  the  '  European  Messenger,'  March  1873  : 

'  Bukhara  is  the  chief  point  of  Central  Asiatic  trade,  and  is  very  important  to 
us,  because  the  state  and  direction  of  this  trade  must  govern  our  further  move- 
ments in  Central  Asia.  Being  an  important  depot  of  Russian  and  Anglo-Indian 
■wares,  Bukhara  carries  on  an  immense  and  active  trade  with  all  the  remaining 
Mussulman  countries,  receiving  from  them  their  local  productions  and  supplying 
them  in  return  with  wares  from  her  depots.  The  conditions  of  the  Anglo-Indian 
trade  with  Bukhara  we  unfortunately  know  very  little  about,  but  we  know  well 
enough  the  commercial  enterprise  and  energy  of  our  rivals  and  our  own  Russian 
carelessness  and  disposition  to  let  matters  take  their  course.  "Who  can  guarantee 
that  with  our  carelessness  with  regard  to  the  Bukharan  market,  all  the  trade  with 
Central  Asia  will  not  pass  into  the  hands  of  the  English  or  the  Afghans;  and 
there  are  signs  of  it  already.  In  that  case  we  should  of  course  have  nothing  left 
to  do  in  Central  Asia.  My  previous  ideas  with  regard  to  the  bazaar  of  Bukhara, 
I  must  admit,  were  far  weaker  than  the  reality.  One  has  only  to  look  at  this 
bazaar,  at  least  five  times  greater  than  that  of  Tashkent,  with  its   immense  cara- 


96  TURKISTAN. 

Some  of  the  larger  shops  I  came  to  know  well ;  such  were 
those  of  the  armourers,  where,  in  addition  to  chain-armour, 

vanserais  and  timis  of  baked  brick  (24  of  the  former  and  6  of  the  latter)  filled  tc 
overflowing  with  all  sorts  of  goods  from  distant  India  and  from  still  more  distant 
Moscow,  with  its  merchants  from  the  Peshawuri  to  the  Kazan  Tartar,  to  see  that  the 
Tashkent  market  can  bear  no  comparison  with  this.  From  India  and  Afghanistan 
there  are  brought  the  thousand  objects  of  the  so-called  Attar  trade  (dye  stuffs  and 
drugs),  and  about  sixteen  kinds  of  green  tea,  quantities  of  various  cotton  goods, 
shawls,  cloth  of  gold,  opium,  earthenware,  metallic  manufactures  and  printed 
books.  Six  large  caravanserais  serve  as  store  houses  for  Indian  goods  exclusively. 
Persia  supplies  Bukhara  with  some  dye  stuffs,  the  so-called  Ma  shad  muslin,  silver, 
pepper,  arms,  and  large  numbers  of  written  and  printed  books.  Prom  Khiva 
there  are  brought  fur,  robes,  linseed  oil,  mutton -tallow,  wheat,  rice,  apples,  sheep, 
poppy  heads,  copperas,  and  Russian  goods,  such  as  sugar,  sugar-candy,  iron 
kettles,  &c.  Herat  sends  dried  fruits,  furs,  sheep  and  slaves,  and  Merv  Turko- 
man horses  and  arms.  Finally,  the  Bukharan  bazaar  is  the  market  for  all  sorts 
of  local  productions.  In  return  she  sends  to  these  countries  either  her  own,  or  the 
productions  of  the  neighbouring  regions;  to  Afghanistan  gold,  silk,  camel's  hair, 
goat's  hair,  madder,  silk  and  half-silk  stuffs,  Russian  cloth,  velvet  and  satin,  fur, 
robes,  horses,  asses  and  even  cats  and  nightingales ;  to  Khiva  tea,  tobacco, 
opium,  silk,  madder,  drugs  and  dyed  stuffs,  silk  and  cotton  goods  ;  to  Persia,  gold, 
lambskins,  silk  stuffs  and  Russian  cloth  and  velvet.  Even  the  bare  enumeration 
of  countries  and  goods  is  enough  to  confirm  my  opinion  of  the  commercial  im- 
portance of  the  Bukharan  market,  the  yearly  transactions  of  which  are  estimated 
at  not  less  than  forty  million  of  rubles  (5.500,000Z.). 

'Without  studying  the  commerce  of  Bukhara  we  shall  never  put  Central 
Asiatic  trade  on  a  profitable  footing  for  us,  and  will  even  perhaps  finally  lose  it, 
and  it  will  then  be  too  late  for  us  to  repair  our  mistake.  At  present  I  think  we 
can  say  that  trade  in  Russian  wares  has  here  the  first  place,  and  the  dependence 
of  Bukhara  on  the  Nizhni  Novgorod  fair  is  felt  at  every  step.  Bukhara  is  literally 
filled  from  top  to  bottom  with  Russian  cotron  goods,  and  there  seems  to  me  to  be 
at  least  six  times  as  much  of  them  as  of  English  goods.  ..... 

'  The  prices  of  all  Russian  goods  in  Bukhara  are  considerably  less  than  at 
Tashkent.  During  my  visit  there  the  difference  in  price  of  sugar,  for  example, 
was  five  rubles  a  pud  (in  Bukhara  eleven,  and  in  Tashkent  sixteen) ;  they  say 
that  the  difference  is  even  greater 

'  All  the  trade  in  Russian  goods  at  Bukhara  is  carried  on  either  by  the  natives  or 
by  Tartars.' 

Mr.  Petrofsky  goes  on  to  speak  of  the  disadvantage  to  Russian  trade  of  this 
condition  of  things.  He  is  of  opinion  that  it  would  be  better  for  the  Russians 
themselves  to  take  their  goods  to  Bukhara  than  to  sell  them  at  Moscow,  Orenburg 
and  Troitsk  to  Bukharan  merchants,  whose  credit  cannot  be  guaranteed  and  who 
frequently  do  not  pay  their  debts. 

'  The  tea  trade  in  Bukhara  has  passed  entirely  out  of  our  hands.  Immense 
caravans  (of  even  5,000  camels)  of  green  tea  yearly  come  to  Bukhara  from 
Afghanistan,  and  their  loads  are  distributed  through  Bukharan  possessions, 
Turkoman  Steppes,  go  to  Khiva,  and  penetrate  even  to  Khokand  and  Russian 
Turkistan.  There  is  literally  no  black  tea  to  be  found.  The  stores  of  green  tea 
in  Bukhara  are  immense.     It  is  impossible  for  Russian  teas  to  compete  with  them. 


THE   LIBRAE Y  OF  TDJTE.  97 

matchlocks,  and  Khorasan  blades,  I  found  good  American 
revolvers  no  dearer  than  at  Samarkand,  of  the  jewellers  and 
the  silk  merchants,  the  booksellers  and  the  dealers  in  Turko- 
man and  Persian  rugs  and  carpets.  After  exhausting  the  shops 
I  accepted  the  suggestion  of  one  of  the  Alirzas  to  have  things 
brought  to  my  house,  and  every  afternoon,  therefore,  I  had 
visits  from  dealers  in  silks,  books,  coins,  and  gems.  Coins 
were  held  at  a  high  valuation,  from  some  mistaken  idea  of 
their  worth.  Among  those  which  I  procured  were  some  good 
specimens  of  Demetrius,  Euthydemus,  and  other  rulers  of  the 
Gra;co-Bactrian  dynasty,  as  well  as  of  the  rude  contemporary 
imitations  struck  in  the  neighbouring  countries  ;  pieces  of  the 
Golden  Horde,  of  Timur,  and  of  Afghan  and  Persian  monarchs. 
One  remarkable  and  unique  silver  coin  (now  in  the  Asiatic 
Museum  at  St.  Petersburg),  originally  struck  by  one  of  the 
Timurides,  bore  one  mint  mark  of  Baber  at  Samarkand  in  903, 
and  another  of  the  date  of  904,  stamped  by  Sultan  Ali  Alirza, 
who  expelled  Baber  from  the  city  after  his  seven  months'  occu- 
pation of  it.  I  obtained  also  a  few  gems  with  Pehlevi  and 
Cufic  inscriptions,  and  one  with  a  finely  cut  female  head  of 
Greek  workmanship. 

It  seemed  to  me  that  books  were  unwillingly  sold  to  an 
'  infidel,'  and  I  was  sure  that  many  I  wanted  were  concealed 
from  me.  Nevertheless,  I  obtained  some  relating  to  the  history 
of  Bukhara  which  are  more  or  less  rare  in  Europe ;  and  one — 
'  Lives  of  the  Bukharan  Saints ' — which  was  apparently  un- 
known. I  was  told  that  in  the  Treasury  of  the  Amir  there  are 
many  books,  written  in  languages  unknown  to  the  learned  men 
of  Bukhara,  which  for  that  reason  lie  neglected.  These  books 
are  said  to  have  come  down  from  very  ancient  times.  It 
immediately  occurred  to  me  that  they  might  be  a  remnant  of 
the  famous  library  said  to  have  been  carried  off  from  Brussa 
by  Timur,  the  fate  of  which  has  so  long  excited  the  curiosity  of 
scholars.     It  is  long  since  Bukhara  was  sacked,  so   that  it   is 

both  on  account  of  their  comparative  clearness  and  because  the  market  is  already 
occupied.  It  only  remains  for  us  now  to  ke<=p  this  tea  out  of  our  dominions,  giving 
up  all  hope  of  crowding  it  out  of  Bukhara.  What  I  hare  said  above  refers  onlv  to 
green  tea.  As  for  brick  tea.  viz.  apple  tea  (alma  tchai),  I  make  an  exception.  The 
tnergy  of  our  merchants  will,  perhaps,  succeed  in  crowding  this  tea  out  of 
.  Bukhara  by  means  of  the  better  quality  which  we  receive  from  Eiakhla.' 
VOL.  II.  H 


98  TURKISTAN. 


possible  that  unknown  literary  treasures  may  exist  there,  and 
the  story  of  Timur's  library  ought  not  yet  to  be  regarded  as 
wholly  mythical — the  fantasy  of  some  Armenian  monk.  My 
imagination  was  haunted  with  visions  of  lost  classics,  but  unfor- 
tunately, in  the  absence  of  the  Amir  at  Karshi,  it  was  impos- 
sible to  get  a  sight  of  the  books.  By  a  little  strategy  these 
volumes  might,  perhaps,  be  obtained,  but  many  precautions 
should  be  observed ;  lest,  with  the  usual  suspicion  of  Asiatics, 
the  Bukharan  authorities  imagine  that  the  books  are  valuable, 
and  conceal  or  destroy  them. 

In  general  I  travelled  in  European  dress,  once  or  twice  only 
putting  on  a  turban  and  robe  to  visit  the  bazaar,  but  finding  no 
special  advantage  in  so  doing,  as  from  my  not  speaking  the 
language  I  was  immediately  known  to  be  a  foreigner.  One  an- 
noyance was  that  I  was  constantly  surrounded  by  a  crowd, 
which  hindered  my  movements,  although  it  was  frequently 
driven  back  by  the  attendant  Mirzas.  I  was  usually  treated 
with  civility,  but  I  occasionally  met  with  insult  and  abuse,  and 
there  certainly  was  not  the  same  respect  and  politeness  paid  to 
me  as  at  Shahrisabs  and  Karshi ;  in  fact  in  all  the  towns, 
that  had  been  occupied,  even  for  a  day,  by  the  Eussian 
troops,  the  behaviour  of  the  inhabitants  was  much  more  re- 
spectful. 

What  greatly  pleased  me  at  Bukhara  was  being  able  to  talk 
comfortably  with  all  sorts  of  people.  I  often  stopped  in  a  shop 
at  the  bazaar  for  twenty  minutes  or  half-an-hour ;  in  the  sarai 
of  my  Eussian  friend,  I  met  Bukharans,  Persians,  and  other 
Asiatics,  who  were  always  willing  to  talk  on  almost  any  subject. 
I  liked  much  going  into  a  Hindoo  sarai,  thinking  that  possibly 
I  might  find  some  one  who  spoke  English,  but  my  efforts  in  that  : 
direction  were  vain,  although  the  Hindoos  were  all  glad  to  see 
me,  and  to  talk  with  me.  In  my  bargainings  at  home  I 
had  occasion  to  see  the  display  of  great  varieties  of  character. 
Then  too,  I  had  visits  from  various  personages,  official  and 
other,  and  I  somehow  managed  to  hear  all  that  was  going  on 
that  was  worth  knowing.  Since  I  found  out  that  my  talk  was 
repeated  from  one  to  another, — occasionally  something  I  had 
said  in  the  morning,  came  back  to  me  at  night  from  the  fourth 
or  fifth  person, — and  as  everything  I  said  or  did  was  immedi- 
ately reported  to  the  Kush-Begi   and  often  with  variations,  I' 


BUKHARAN   ACQUAINTANCES.  90 

took  a  special  pleasure  in  letting  out  all  I  had  heard,  and  in 
showing  as  much  knowledge 'as  1  could  about  Bukharan  affairs. 
I  had  been,  to  some  extent,  informed  in  Tashkent,  about  the 
principal  personages  I  should  be  likely  to  meet,  and  I  have  no 
doubt  that  I  often  surprised  them  by  some  of  my  revelations. 
As  I  knew  of  course  that  no  end  of  lies  were  being  told  to  me, 
I  sometimes  invented  a  little  myself  in  order  to  get  at  the 
truth,  and  professed  myself  interested  in  a  great  many  subjects, 
which  I  had  no  care  for,  in  order  to  obtain  geographical  and 
political  information.  One  of  the  Mirzas  with  me  could,  I 
was  told,  speak  Russian ;  but  he  took  great  pains  to  conceal 
that  accomplishment  from  me,  his  self-composure  not  deserting 
him  even  when  I  suddenly  addressed  him  in  that  language. 

Among  the  persons  with  whom  I  was  brought  in  contact 
the  Kush-Begi,  Mohammedi  Bii,  was  of  course  the  most  promi- 
nent. The  day  after  my  arrival,  I  paid  him  a  formal  visit,  in  the 
citadel.  He  was  an  old  man  of  about  sixty-five,  still  hale  and 
hearty,  with  a  full  grey  beard  and  a  very  kindly  eye  and  face. 
He  was  a  Persian  by  birth,  and  in  his  youth  had  been  a  slave, 
having  become  free  by  marrying  one  of  the  cast-off  wives  of 
the  Amir.  Although  I  had  occasion  to  have  several  disputes 
with  him,  and  had  no  doubt  that  he  was  a  cunning  old  rascal, 
his  bonhommie  was  such  that  it  was  impossible  to  be  angry 
with  him,  and  we  parted  the  best  of  friends.  He  was  exceed- 
ingly talkative,  and  ready  not  only  to  ask  but  to  answer  ques- 
tions, and  on  both  my  visits  he  kept  me  more  than  an 
hour.  His  son,  the  Taksaba,  Mohammed  Sherif,  was  of  a  far 
different  character.  Though  personally  a  handsome  man,  with 
his  black  beard  and  finely  cut  features,  he  had  a  face  which 
at  once  made  me  suspicious  and  on  my  guard  ;  his  restless  eyes 
never  looked  at  me  directly,  and  in  his  talk  he  was  always 
evading  the  point.  With  all  that,  he  was,  as  everybody  told 
me,  even  his  official  friends,  very  stupid  ;  at  all  events,  he 
was  not  bright  enough  to  be  consistent  in  his  lying  for  ten 
minutes  at  a  time.  My  friend,  the  Russian  merchant  Shmelef, 
was  of  a  very  different  stamp,  simple  and  frank,  with  long, 
frousy  hair  and  grizzly  beard.  Disliking  all  the  natives  and 
thinking  them  utter  rascals,  he  had  yet  been  so  long  in  Bukhara, 
that  he  told  me  he  felt  ill  at  ease  when  he  went  back  to  Russia, 
and  he  lived  much  as  the  natives  themselves  do.     His  assis- 

H  2 


]  00  TUEKISTAN. 

tant,  an  intelligent,  handsome  Tartar,  named  Muruk,  was  one 
of  the  best  specimens  of  a  civilised  Mussulman  of  the  mer- 
cantile class  that  I  have  met.  A  strong  believer  in  his  own 
religion,  he  was  tolerant  of  that  of  others,  and  was  willing  even 
to  admit  the  ridiculous  side  of  some  parts  of  bis  own  belief. 
He  had  seen  something  of  the  world,  and  was  an  exceedingly 
good  man  to  show  one  the  under  side  of  Bukharan  life. 

There  was  another  Tartar  there,  Karataef  (called  in  Buk 
hara  Usta-Ali),  who  had  become  bankrupt  in  Eussia,  and  had 
run  away,  twenty  years  before.  Here  he  entered  the  service  of 
a  merchant ;  but  when  he  wanted  to  return  to  Eussia,  he  was 
forcibly  retained  by  the  Amir,  and  when  he  attempted  to  escape, 
was  caught  and  brought  back.  He  is  a  clockmaker  by  trade, 
but  his  chief  employment  now  is  that  of  confidential  secretary 
to  the  Amir.  Knowing  Eussia  as  well  as  he  does,  he  has 
been  able  to  give  the  Amir  much  good  counsel  and  has  pre- 
vented many  difficulties.  It  was  he  who  saved  the  lives  and 
alleviated  the  captivity  of  the  Eussian  Envoys  sent  by  General 
Tchernaief  in  1865.  He  is,  however,  heartily  tired  of  this 
uncivilised  country,  and  of  the  role  which  he  is  playing  there, 
and  has  expressed  a  desire  to  apply  to  the  authorities  at 
Tashkent  to  have  his  offences  condoned,  and  to  be  allowed  to 
return  to  Eussia. 

By  the  Bukharan  politicians  I  was  looked  upon  as  a  spy ; 
and  no  one  was  willing  to  believe  the  truth  of  my  statements 
as  to  who  I  actually  was  ;  but  the  authorities  made  every  inquiry 
of  all  my  servants,  and  even  tried  to  bribe  my  interpreter  to  tell 
them  the  exact  truth.  I  have  no  doubt  that  my  conduct,  in 
some  respects,  helped  on  this  belief,  for  I  had  two  disputes  with 
the  authorities  which,  as  they  show  the  methods  of  Bukhariot 
diplomacy,  I  will  recount  with  some  detail. 

In  visiting  Bukhara  I  was  especially  anxious  to  learn 
something  about  the  slave  trade,  and  if  possible  to  see  for 
myself  what  was  going  on.  The  Eussian  authorities  had  ex- 
pressed their  desire  that  the  slave  trade  should  cease,  and  had  been 
of  course  informed  by  the  Bukharians  that  it  had  long  since  come 
to  an  end.  Nearly  all  the  Eussian  officials  who  had  been  in 
Bukhara  had  been  deceived  in  this  respect,  and  an  official 
report  had  been  made  to  General  Kaufmann  that  the  slave 
trade  no   longer  existed  there.     Merchants,  however,  told  me 


BUYING  A   SLAVE.  101 

that  they  had  frequently  seen  public  sales  of  slaves  in  the 
bazaar,  and  my  interpreter  said  that,  on  two  visits  to  Bukhara 
during-  the  preceding  year,  he  had  seen  the  slave  market  tilled 
with  Persians  who  were  dying  of  cholera  and  hunger,  for,  in 
the  panic  caused  by  the  epidemic,  they  had  not  been  fed  ;  and 
the  Agent  of  the  Ministry  of  Finance  had  been  able,  in  the 
spring  of  1872,  to  see  slaves  publicly  exposed  for  sale.  He 
had  made  a  report  of  this,  but  the  matter  had  been  passed  over 
without  notice  by  the  Russian  authorities.  I  knew  very  well 
that  if  I  said  to  the  Taksaba,  or  to  any  of  the  Mirzas  with 
me,  that  I  was  going  to  the  slave  market,  measures  would 
be  taken  to  shut  it  up,  and  I  should  be  assured  that  nothing 
of  the  kind  existed  there.  I  therefore  said  to  the  Tartar 
Muruk,  one  day  when  I  was  at  tea  in  the  Aim-sarai,  that  I 
should  like  to  see  the  slave  market,  and  he  offered  to  take  me 
at  once,  as  it  was  in  the  immediate  vicinity.  We  started  out, 
without  telling  where  we  were  going,  and  although  the  Mirzas 
followed  after,  they  were  not  in  time  to  prevent  us.  Entering 
into  a  large  sarai,  we  went  upstairs  into  a  gallery,  and  found 
several  rooms,  some  of  which  were  locked,  and  a  number  of 
slaves — two  little  girls  of  about  four  years  old,  two  or  three 
boys  of  different  ages,  and  a  number  of  old  men — all  Persians. 
There  were  no  women,  either  young  or  old,  such  being  bought 
up  immediately  on  arrival.  The  slaves  were  shown  to  me  by 
an  old  Turkoman,  who  acted  as  broker,  and  who  told  me  that 
the  market  was  rather  dull  just  then,  but  that  a  large  caravan 
would  probably  arrive  in  the  course  of  a  few  days.  Without 
the  slightest  idea  of  purchasing,  but  out  of  curiosity  to  see 
how  a  sale  was  conducted,  I  asked  the  price  of  one  of  the 
boys,  a  lively  looking  lad  of  fifteen,  who  had  been  stolen  only 
five  months  before  from  near  Astrabad.  I  was  immediately 
asked  to  take  a  seat  on  a  mat,  and  the  room  soon  filled  with 
people,  all  of  whom  seemed  to  take  much  more  interest  in  the 
sale  than  did  the  boy  himself,  who  did  not  understand  what  was 
being  said,  the  conversation  being  in  Turki.  The  first  price  asked 
was  more  than  1,000  tengas  ( 30£.),  which  I  gradually  reduced 
to  850  tengas  {251.)  ;  the  seller  constantly  dilating  on  the  good 
points  of  the  boy,  what  an  excellent  jigit  he  would  make,  and  so 
on,  the  bystanders  joining  in  on  one  side  or  the  other.  Mean- 
while, I  asked  one  of  the  men  how  be  dared  sell  a  Mohammedan 


J  02  TUEKISTAN. 

as  a  slave,  when  he,  as  a  Mullah,  knew  that  it  was  strictly  pro- 
hibited by  the  Shariat.  To  this  he  indignantly  replied,  '  He  is 
not  a  Mussulman,  he  is  only  a  Persian,  a  Kaffir.  All  Persians 
are  Kaffirs  and  unbelievers.' 

It  seems  that  some  Mullah,  in  order  to  legalise  the  sale, 
had  declared  that  the  Persian  Shiites  were  not  heretics,  a? 
they  are  regarded  by  the  Turks  and  other  Mussulmans,  but 
were  absolutely  infidels. 

I  thought  that  850  tengas  was  too  much  to  pay  for  the  lad, 
especially  as  I  had  no  desire  to  buy  him  ;  at  the  same  time,  the 
wistful  looks  of  the  boy,  who  seemed  very  anxious  to  be  bought, 
smote  my  conscience  a  little,  and  I  asked  for  the  refusal  of 
him  at  that  price,  which  was  given.  We  then  looked  about  in 
the  other  rooms  to  find  some  more  slaves,  but  were  unsuccessful. 
On  my  return  to  the  Aim-sarai,  I  thought  the  matter  over,  and 
finally  concluded  to  purchase  the  boy,  take  him  with  me  to 
Russia,  and,  if  an  opportunity  offered,  send  him  back  to  his 
friends  at  Astrabacl.  I,  therefore,  sent  one  of  the  Mirzas  aftei 
the  boy,  saying  that  I  had  concluded  to  take  him.  He  returned 
bringing  him,  and  with  him  came  another  broker,  a  swarthy, 
thick-set  fellow,  from  Kara-kul,  a  well-known  slave  dealer.  But 
now  a  difference  arose  ;  the  broker  said  that  some  one  else  had 
agreed  to  pay  900  tengas  (271.),  and  to  give  in  addition  two 
gowns,  and  besides  this,  that  the  real  owner  was  not  there,  and 
that  the  other  broker  had  no  right  to  sell  him  to  me.  Finally, 
after  a  long  argument  I  persuaded  the  broker  to  give  me  the 
boy,  to  take  a  portion  of  the  price  as  hand-money,  and  to  refer 
the  dispute  to  the  Taksaba,  who,  as  chief  overseer  of  the  bazaar, 
had  the  settlement  of  all  such  matters.  As  I  afterwards  found 
to  my  cost,  it  was  very  stupid  in  me  not  to  retain  possession 
of  the  boy,  for  I  sent  him  by  the  Mirza,  together  with  the 
broker,  to  the  Taksaba. 

When  the  Mirza  came  to  me  on  reaching  home,  he  informed 
me  that  the  Taksaba  had  decided  in  my  favour,  and  that  the 
price  which  I  had  agreed  to  give  was  the  correct  one,  that  the 
boy  was  a  nice  fellow,  and  well  worth  the  money,  and  that  he 
had  given  orders  that  he  should  be  delivered  to  me  at  six 
o'clock. 

At  six  o'clock  the  boy  did  not  come,  so  I  sent  the  Mirza 
after  him.     He  stayed  away  a  long  time,   and  at  last  came 


THE  TAKSABAS  .DUPLICITY.  103 

back  with  a  long  story,  saying  that  the  master  of  the  boy  had 
gone  away,  he  believed  out  of  town,  for  some  circumcision 
feast,  but  that  it  would  be  all  right  in  the  morning. 

In  the  morning  the  boy  did  not  make  his  appearance,  but 
an  official  did,  sent  by  the  Taksaba  to  ask  after  my  health 
and  to  know  if  there  was  anything  he  could  do  for  me.  After 
a  long  conversation  with  him  on  various  matters,  during  which 
I  took  occasion  to  compliment  the  Taksaba  and  the  Kush-Begi, 
knowing  very  well  that  it  would  be  repeated  to  them  and 
might  render  them  more  obliging,  I  asked  about  the  boy  and 
insisted  upon  having  him.  The  Mirza  professed  to  know 
nothing  about  the  affair,  but  said  that  the  Taksaba  wished  him 
to  tell  me  that  he  would  himself  call  and  see  me  in  the  after- 
noon. As  the  afternoon,  however,  passed  without  his  visit,  I 
asked  the  Mirza  if  he  were  not  coming ;  he  immediately  sent 
a  messenger  to  him,  who  returned  with  the  answer  that  he 
regretted  very  much  his  inability  to  come,  but  that  he  was 
very  ill,  the  reshta  having  suddenly  declared  itself  upon  one 
of  his  legs.  As  I  knew  that  he  had  been  riding  about  the 
bazaar  all  day,  and  had  seen  him  myself  in  excellent  health 
in  the  street  that  morning,  although  he  did  not  notice  me, 
I  thought  it  rather  strange  that  such  a  lingering  and  gradual 
illness,  should  have  become  at  once  so  violent,  and  sent  the 
Mirza  back  to  say  that  I  regretted  extremely  to  hear  that  he 
was  ill,  but  hoped  that  his  malady  would  soon  pass,  and  that, 
as  I  was  unable  to  see  him  upon  the  subject  of  the  slave  boy 
whom  I  had  bought,  and  who  had  not,  in  compliance  with  his 
orders,  been  delivered  to  me,  I  should  be  obliged  to  at  once  go 
to  his  father,  the  Kush-Begi,  and  demand  an  explanation. 

I  had  barely  finished  my  dinner,  when  the  Taksaba  appeared, 
accompanied  by  a  venerable  white-bearded  man,  who,  as  I  found 
out,  understood  Eussian  perfectly,  and  had  come  to  listen  to 
what  I  said  to  my  interpreter.  The  Taksaba  limped  very 
much  as  he  came  up  the  stairs,  and  pretended  to  be  in  great 
agony.  After  much  general  conversation,  I  broached  the 
subject  of  the  boy.  'Yes,'  he  said,  '  they  brought  the  boy  to 
me,  and  told  me  about  it ;  he  is  a  very  nice  boy,  but  un- 
fortunately he  has  run  away ! ' 

I  expressed  my  surprise  at  this,  for  the  boy  knew  that  he 
was  going  to  be  freed,  and  wished  me  to  buy  him. 


]  04  TUEKTSTAN. 

He  said  he  trusted  I  did  not  doubt  bis  word. 

6  Certainly  not,'  I  replied  ;  '  still,  it  seems  to  be  very  strange. 

In  reply  to  this  remark,  he  said  that  people  had  frightened 
the  boy,  by  telling  him  that  Greneral  Kaufmann  had  freed  all 
the  slaves  in  Khiva,  and  that  they  were,  probably,  all  going  to 
be  freed  in  Bukhara,  and  that  on  account  of  this  story  he  had 
run  away. 

This  was  so  amusing  that  I  burst  out  into  a  laugh,  which 
seemed  to  discompose  him.  He  said  that  he  knew  Greneral 
Abrarnof,  and  Greneral  Kaufmann,  but  that  me  he  did  not  know ; 
he  had  only  received  a  letter  about  me,  and  he  did  not 
think  that  General  Kaufmann  would  at  all  approve  of  my 
buying  a  slave  here. 

Whereupon  I  said  that  I  also  knew  these  gentlemen,  that 
his  acquaintance  with  Kussian  generals  was  notbing  to  me,  nor 
did  it  matter  to  him  who  I  was,  that  I  had  been  at  the  bazaar, 
and  had  seen  merchandise  publicly  exposed  for  sale,  and  had 
bought  it ;  and  tbat  all  I  wished  to  know  of  him  as  overseer  of 
the  bazaar  was  whether  he  allowed  his  merchants  to  refuse  to 
fulfil  their  agreements. 

He  then  said  that  the  boy's  master  had  become  frightened 
at  a  foreigner  having  bought  him,  and  had  taken  him  back  to 
Tcbardjui;  at  which  I  said  that  this  seemed  very  strange, 
because  sellers  are  always  glad  of  a  good  bargain,  and  he  him- 
self bad  said  that  what  I  had  offered  was  a  fair  price,  especially 
in  the  dull  season. 

After  some  more  talk  of  this  kind,  the  Taksaba  said  that 
the  slave  trade  was  about  to  stop,  and  that  he  was  sorry  I  did 
this  without  asking  his  permission. 

I  told  him  that  I  had  not  come  there  to  interfere  with  their 
commerce,  and  that  I  did  not  know  why  I,  as  well  as  any  one 
else,  had  not  the  right  to  purchase  articles  openly  exposed  for 
sale  at  the  bazaar,  without  asking  the  permission  of  any  one. 
He  again  said  that  the  slave  trade  had  stopped,  that  these 
were  only  some  few  '  remnants  '  that  were  being  sold — evidently 
in  fear  lest  I  should  be  able  to  prove  by  means  of  the  boy  the 
actual  existence  of  the  trade. 

I  told  him  that  I  did  not  doubt  his  words,  although,  at  the 
same  time,  it  appeared  very  strange  to  me  in  this  case,  that 
when  a  caravan  of  sixty   slaves  had  arrived  at  Bukhaia  the 


THE   MIRZAS  LIE.  105 

night  before,  at  nine  o'clock,  lie  himself  had  given  order  that 
it  should  remain  outside  the  Kara-kul  gate,  in  order  that  I 
should  not  see  it. 

The  Taksaba  was  so  much  confused  at  my  knowing  this  so 
soon,  that  he  was  only  able  to  stammer,  and  say  that  if  they 
found  the  boy,  they  would  be  very  glad  to  send  him  to  me,  and 
that,  of  course,  I  should  pay  nothing  for  him,  for  they  would 
make  me  a  present  of  him ;  that  if  [  had  only  told  him  before 
about  it,  he  would  have  given  me  ten  slaves,  or  if  I  had  even 
sent  the  boy  to  him,  he  would  have  arranged  the  matter,  but 
that  as  he  knew  nothing  about  it  until  that  evening,  he  of 
course  had  been  unable  to  take  any  steps  in  the  matter. 

I  was  rather  astonished  at  this  denial  of  what  he  had  pre- 
viously said,  and  called  on  the  Mirzas  who  were  present,  to 
corroborate  my  words  ;  but  they,  as  was  very  natural,  although 
it  rather  surprised  me  at  the  time,  denied  they  had  spoken  to 
him  on  the  subject,  or  that  I  had  sent  them,  or  that  they  had 
even  seen  the  boy.  When  I  afterwards  privately  demanded  an 
explanation  of  the  Mirzas,  they  admitted  that  they  had  lied, 
but  said,  *  You  know  he  is  our  master,  and  of  course  we  must 
say  what  he  wishes.' 

At  the  moment  I  was  very  angry,  though  I  endeavoured  to 
keep  within  moderation,  and  the  Taksaba  remarked  that  it  was 
evident  I  did  not  believe  him,  when  he  said  that  he  had  nothing 
to  do  with  it,  and  had  given  no  orders  to  hide  the  boy,  and  added, 
in  a  regretful  tone,  that  he  had  come  to  be  merry  with  me, 
and  ease  his  pain,  but  that  he  felt  insidted  by  my  words. 

I  told  him  I  regretted  this  very  much,  that  it  was  ex- 
ceedingly disagreeable  for  me  to  speak  to  him  about  business, 
but  that  I  thought  that  the  boy  could  be  found,  as  I  knew 
very  well  that  a  man  so  high  in  position  as  he  must  know  all 
that  passed  in  Bukhara,  that  it  was  very  difficult  for  slaves  to 
escape,  as  the  penalty  by  law  was  death,  and  that  I  expected 
he  would  send  me  the  boy  by  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning,  for, 
if  I  did  not  receive  him,  I  might  be  obliged  to  take  steps  which 
might  be  disagreeable  to  him. 

He  at  last  turned  the  conversation,  by  asking  if  I  had  any 
curious  European  things  to  show  him.  I  was  sorry  to  tell 
him,  that,  as  I  had  left  St.  Petersburg  very  hurriedly,  I  had 
brought  almost  nothing  with  me,  but  finally  produced  my  air- 


106  TUEKISTAN. 

cushion,  which  I  showed  to  him,  and  asked  him  to  accept,  as  it 
would  be  good  for  his  leg,  he  having  just  described  to  me  the 
symptoms  of  his  illness  ;  and  with  that  we  parted. 

The  next  morning  the  Taksaba,  as  usual,  sent  a  man  to 
talk  with  me,  and  find  out  all  that  I  was  doing ;  and  I  after- 
wards went  to  the  bazaar  by  a  round-about  way,  and  sent 
Andrei  in  native  dress  to  the  slave  market.  He  found  there 
one  boy  and  the  two  little  girls,  and  his  visit  was,  apparently, 
unsuspected.  I  then  sent  him  to  the  Taksaba,  to  stir  him  up 
on  the  subject.  He  offered  Andrei  a  piece  of  silk  as  a  present, 
and  150  tengas  in  money,  and  told  him  to  persuade  me  not  to 
be  so  hard  on  them,  and  to  endeavour  to  put  me  in  better 
humour.  As  regards  the  boy,  he  beat  about  the  bush.  I  was 
informed  in  another  way,  that  he  w  s  waiting  for  an  answei 
from  the  Amir,  to  whom  he  had  written  on  the  subject,  to 
know  if  the  boy  should  be  delivered  to  me.  I  told  Andrei  that 
he  should  make  no  difficulty  about  accepting  all  the  bribes 
that  were  offered  to  him,  as  it  might  allay  suspicion,  but  only 
on  condition  that  he  should  tell  me  all  that  occurred. 

The  next  day  the  Taksaba  himself  came  to  me,  with  his 
Eussian  interpreter ;  we  had  another  talk  about  the  boy,  in 
which  he  utterly  denied  having  seen  him,  or  having  made 
the  statements  which  he  had  made  to  me  two  days  before. 
This  was  said  in  such  a  way  as  to  make  me  very  angry,  and 
I  immediately  rose  and  told  him  that  I  could  not  permit 
him  to  lie  to  my  face,  that  I  saw  there  was  no  use  talking  to 
him  any  further,  and  that  I  desired  no  further  intercourse 
with  him. 

At  this  he  was  taken  very  much  aback,  and,  as  I  afterwards 
heard,  said  that  I  evidently  did  not  understand  the  Bukharan 
mode  of  doing  things.  It  is,  I  believe,  considered  impolite  to 
remember  what  a  man  has  said  five  minutes  before,  if  it  be 
contradicted  by  anything  he  says  five  minutes  after. 

That  same  day,  after  sending  off  the  Mirzas  for  something 
else,  I  went  to  the  slave  market  myself,  but  found  that  one  of 
the  Mirzas  had  been  too  quick  for  me,  and  was  there  before 
me  ;  the  whole  place  was  shut  up,  not  a  slave  was  visible,  and 
the  Turkoman  trader,  with  whom  I  had  made  my  first  bargain, 
denied  ever  having  seen  me,  or  ever  having  had  the  boy  whom 
I  described ;  but  after  some   pressure,  he  confessed  that  the 


ANOTHER   SLAVE   BOUGHT.  107 

master    of    the   boy    bad    taken    him    away    by    order    of  the 
authorities. 

I  was  convinced  by  my  first  conversation  with  the  Taksaba, 
that  it  would  be  impossible  for  me  to  obtain  the  boy  back,  but 
resolving  not  to  be  outwitted  by  him,  I  made  up  my  mind  to 
purchase  another,  if  it  were  possible  to  do  so.  I  knew  very 
well,  and  indeed  I  had  been  so  informed,  that  the  authorities 
were  very  fearful  that  I  should  show  the  boy  in  Samarkand 
and  Tashkent,  as  visible  proof  to  the  Russians,  not  only  of 
their  falsehoods,  but  of  the  present  existence  of  the  slave  trade. 
I,  therefore,  sent  out  Pulat,  my  arbakesh,  or  cart-driver,  whom 


PULAT    THE    ARBAKESH. 


I  had  taken  at  Samarkand,  who  knew  the  city,  his  family  living 
there,  and  who  seemed  to  me  a  very  straightforward,  faithful 
man,  to  find  oat  if  a  slave  could  anywhere  be  purchased.  After 
remaining  away  all  day,  he  came  back  in  the  evening,  and  said 
that  he  had  found  a  boy  about  seven  or  eight  years  old,  who  could 
be  had  for  700  tengas  [2\l.)  and  a  good  gown.  I  immediately 
gave  him  the  money,  and  directed  him  to  purchase  the  boy  and 
buy  him  some  clothes,  for  in  Bukhara,  unless  a  special  bargain 
be  made  for  the  clothes,  the  slaves  are  delivered  to  you  in  a 
state  of  nature  ;  in  buying  a  horse  one  does  not  have  the  saddle 
and  bridle  thrown  in.     The  boy  whom  I  thus  purchased,  turned 


108  TUKKISTAtf. 

out  to  be  very  small  and  ±oeble,  although  intelligent,  a  Persian, 
from  near  Meimana,  who  had  been  stolen  from  his  parents,  as 
he  was  playing  on  the  steppe  with  other  boys,  by  the  Salor 
Turkomans,  some  three  years  before.  His  recollections  of  his 
parents  were  very  slight,  and  as  he  did  not  seem  to  know  his 
real  name,  I  took  the  liberty,  which  in  these  countries  is 
always  allowed  on  the  purchase  of  a  slave,  and  named  him 
Hussein.  The  arbakesh  passed  him  off  as  his  brother,  and 
although  I  think  people  in  the  house  suspected  the  truth,  yet 
no  one  made  any  remark. 

Having  thus  succeeded  in  outwitting  the  Bukharan  autho- 
rities, I  resolved  to  make  one  last  trial  with  the  Kush-Begi  for 
the  recovery  of  my  first  purchase,  and  at  the  last  interview  I 
had  with  him,  we  talked  on  the  subject  for  a  long  time.  But 
he  so  completely  absolved  himself  from  all  blame,  so  smiled 
and  regretted,  that  there  was  nothing  to  be  done  with  him. 
I  attacked  his  philanthropy,  and  quoted  the  sentence  from  the 
Shariat,  that  '  to  free  a  slave  is  a  work  pleasing  to  Grod,'  and 
asked  to  be  allowed  to  complete  the  good  work.  He  agreed 
with  me  in  all  I  said,  and  promised,  if  the  lad  could  only  be 
found,  to  free  him,  and  give  him  to  me,  but  that  he  could  not 
think  of  his  guest  paying  money.  Although  the  Kush-Begi  and 
the  Taksaba  offered  me  so  many  slaves  as  presents,  they  were 
very  careful  not  to  give  me  any. 

I  of  course  carefully  concealed  my  new  purchase  till  the 
time  of  my  departure.  When  the  Taksaba  came  to  bid  me 
'  good-bye,'  I  told  him  that  although  I  wished  to  part  with 
him  on  good  terms,  I  was  perfectly  aware  of  all  that  had  been 
done  with  reference  to  the  boy ;  that  I  had  regretted  very 
much  that  he  had  retained  him,  as  I  had  given  him  my  word 
that  I  would  buy  him  and  free  him,  and  disliked  to  be  false 
to  it ;  that  I  understood  he  feared  I  would  show  the  boy  in 
Samarkand  as  a  proof  of  the  existence  of  the  slave  trade,  but 
that  he  need  not  be  anxious  about  that,  as  I  had  bought 
another  for  that  express  purpose ;  and  I  then  produced  the 
little  Hussein,  at  which  the  Taksaba  was  in  such  rage  and 
confusion  as  to  be  almost  speechless. 

When  I  reached  the  shrine  of  Bohoueddin,  about  six  miles 
from  Bukhara,  the  former  master  of  Hussein  met  me,  and  said 
that  the  government  had  already  discovered  that  it  was  he  who 


ABOLITION   OF  THE  SLAVE   TllADE.  109 

had  sold  the  boy,  arid  that  he  was  anxious  to  receive  him  hack, 
being  willing  to  repay  the  price,  for  he  feared  that,  if  he  left 
him  in  my  hands,  he  would  probably  have  his  head  cut  off. 

I  told  him  I  did  not  wish  for  my  money,  and  certainly  could 
not  give  up  the  boy ;  and  that  if  he  had  his  bead  cut  off,  I 
should  have  no  regrets,  but  should  feel  that  he  had  been  served 
perfectly  right.  On  this  he  went  off:  but  as  we  were  about 
starting,  he  returned,  and  tried  to  take  the  boy  by  force ;  my 
jigits  soon  put  him  to  flight,  and  I  was  able  to  bring  the  boy 
safely  to  Samarkand  and  St.  Petersburg.1 

This  purchase  was  the  subject  of  a  great  deal  of  comment 
in  Samarkand  and  Tashkent,  some  few  declaring  that  it  was 
impossible  that  I  could  have  bought  the  boy,  when  the  govern- 
ment had  official  evidence  that  the  slave  trade  did  not  exist ; 
but  most  people  were  very  much  delighted  that  so  decisive  a 
proof  of  its  being  carried  on  could  be  given,  although  they  ex- 
pressed a  doubt  aa  to  whether  General  Kaufmann — then  absent 
in  Khiva — would  be  very  well  pleased,  as  he  had  just  then 
gained  great  fame  by  abolishing  slavery  in  Khiva,  while  he  had 
allowed  it  for  years  to  exist  within  200  miles  of  the  capital  of 
Russian  Asia.  I  was  afterwards  pleased  to  learn  that  on  the  re- 
turn of  the  army,  General  Kaufmann  concluded  a  treaty  with 
tbe  Amir,  by  which  the  slave  trade  is  for  ever  abolished  in 
Bukhara. 

At  my  interview  with  the  Amir,  I  had  asked  for  permission 
to  visit  Tchardjui,  having  a  desire  to  see  the  Amu  Darya,  and 
especially  to  know  what  was  going  on  there,  for  Tchardjui  is  a 
place  of  exile  for  Bukharan  political  offenders,  and  it  is  said 
that  the  treasure  of  the  Amir  is  kept  there  so  as  to  be  ready 
for  any  emergency. 

On  my  first  visit  to  the  Kush-Begi,  I  told  him  that  the 
Amir  had  given  me  permission  to  go,  to  which  he  had  said 
'  Yes  I  know  all  about  it,  my  son  has  told  me.'  Several  times 
subsequently,  in  conversation  with  the  Taksaba,  I  spoke  of  going 
to   Tchardjui,  as  soon  as  I  should  have  finished  my  visit  in 

1  The  boy  Hussein,  who  displayed  remarkable  cleverness  and  intelligence, 
remained  with  me  for  two  years  at  St.  Petersburg,  going  to  school,  where  he 
learned  to  read  and  write  Eussian  and  a  little  of  German.  He  was  afterwards 
apprenticed  to  the  Court  clockmaker,  a  worthy  Tartar  of  the  Mussulman  faith. 


1 1  0  TUKKISTAN. 

Bukhara,  and  even  promised  to  stay  a  day  or  two  longer  on 
my  return.  My  proposition  was  always  received  with  assent, 
and  no  objection  of  any  sort  was  made.  When  I  felt  I  uad 
seen  sufficient  of  Bukhara  and  was  ready  to  go  on,  I  told  the 
Taksaba,  on  one  of  his  morning  visits,  that  I  proposed,  that 
evening,  to  start  forKara-kul  and  Tchardjui.  He  immediately 
began  to  dissuade  me,  and  said  that  the  road  was  very  bad  ; 
that  for  two  days  I  would  be  without  water ;  and  that,  further, 
it  was  impossible  for  a  cart  to  travel  on  that  road.  I  told 
him  that  I  knew  all  about  the  road,  and  had  calculated  all  these 
difficulties,  and  did  not  intend  to  let  them  stop  me.  He  then 
said  that  the  road  was  dangerous  ;  that  the  Turkomans  were  be- 
setting this  route  ;  and  that  I  might  get  into  some  danger.  I 
laughed  at  the  idea  of  a  road  being  dangerous  so  close  to  the 
capital ;  but  he  assured  me  that  it  was  really  so,  and  begged  me 
not  to  go.  He  asked  me  if  I  had  not  heard  of  Sadyk,  the  cele- 
brated robber  chief,  who,  with  his  band,  was  then  on  this  road. 
I  told  him  that  I  thought  he  was  mistaken,  for  that  I  knew  very 
well  that  after  the  capture  of  Khiva,  Sadyk  with  his  Turkomans 
had  gone  far  on  the  other  side  of  the  Amu.  He  then  said  the 
ferry  over  the  Amu  was  dangerous,  and  that  although  I  might 
be  safe  on  land,  he  would  not  be  willing  to  guarantee  the  risk 
of  my  crossing  the  river  on  the  unsafe  boats.  He  then  re- 
turned to  the  Turkomans,  and  said  that  the  road  was  so  dan- 
gerous, that  the  Bek  of  Tchardjui,  the  son  of  the  Amir,  had 
sent  word,  only  the  day  before,  that  no  one  should  be  allowed 
to  go  there.  I  still  persisted  in  my  intention,  and  he  then  desired 
two  weeks  time,  to  write  to  Greneral  Kaufmann,  and  see  whether 
he  wished  me  to  go,  and  asked  why  Greneral  Abramof  had  not 
mentioned  it  in  his  letter.  On  my  refusing  to  wait,  he  said 
that  it  would  be  necessary  to  ask  permission  of  the  Amir.  I 
told  him  that  I  had  already  done  so,  to  which  he  himself  could 
bear  witness.  This  he  admitted,  but  said  that  I  ought  to  have  the 
consent  in  writing,  as  a  verbal  order  amounted  to  nothing  ;  that 
this  was  their  usage  ;  that  I  could  not  go  without  an  escort,  and 
that  he  must  get  permission  from  the  Amir  to  give  me  one  ;  that 
if  I  would  wait,  they  would  ask  the  Amir  for  his  consent,  and 
would  make  other  arrangements  for  a  safe  and  pleasant  journey, 
and  would  even  give  me  a  carriage  as  far  as  Kara-kul.  He  spoke 
of  Russians   who   had  desired  to  go  to  Kara-kid,  but  who  had 


NO   HOPE   OF   TCHARDJUI.  II. 

been  deterred  on  bearing  the  danger  of  the  road.  I  told  hirn 
that  I  knew  very  well  that  Mr.  Struve  had  been  frightened  by  re- 
ports of  fevers  (an  idea,  which  he  at  once  seized,  and  told  me, 
that  the  fever  was  raging  frightfully  there),  while  Mr.  Petrof- 
sky  insisted  to  the  last  on  going,  and  was  only  prevented  b} 
the  positive  refusal  of  the  Kush-Begi.  I  finally  told  him  that  1 
intended  to  start  that  afternoon  or  the  next  morning,  and  that 
if  he  took  measures  to  prevent  me,  I  should  at  once  return  to 
Samarkand  and  tell  of  the  difficulties  placed  in  my  way. 

That  evening  Karataef  came  to  me  on  the  part  of  the 
Kush-Begi,  and  endeavoured  to  dissuade  me  from  going,  using 
very  much  the  same  arguments.  The  next  morning  I  went  to 
see  the  Kush-Begi,  and  told  him  of  my  intention  to  start  at  once 
for  Tchardjui.  He  argued  with  me  for  half  an  hour  on  this 
subject,  telling  me,  among  other  things,  that  it  was  a  great 
pity  I  did  not  mention  this  subject  to  him  at  first,  for  then 
he  would  have  had  time  to  obtain  the  Amir's  consent ;  that  he 
refused  to  recognise  the  verbal  consent  of  the  Amir  as  valid  ; 
and  that  although  he  was  ruling  in  his  place,  he  could  do  nothing 
without  a  written  order. 

I  told  him  that  his  son  had  been  witness  to  the  interview,  at 
which  he  seemed  astonished,  saying  that  his  son  had  never 
mentioned  the  fact  to  him,  and  sent  for  him  to  hear  what  he 
had  to  say.  Of  course  the  Taksaba  did  not  appear,  and  although 
1  reminded  the  Kush-Begi  that  he  himself  had  said  at  my  first 
interview  that  he  already  knew  of  this  from  his  son,  he  seemed 
unable  to  bring  the  matter  to  his  recollection.  He  said  that 
if  I  had  only  arranged  this  matter  at  first,  before  I  had  been  there 
so  long,  and  had  only  gone  at  once,  the  case  would  have  been 
other ;  that  I  could  even  have  started  apparently  for  Khiva,  and 
turned  down  to  Tchardjui — thus  admitting  that  the  road  was 
passable — and  referred  to  the  fact  that  Milutin,  a  young  Kussian 
officer  (son  of  the  Minister  of  War),  had  gone  two-thirds  of  the 
same  way,  a  few  weeks  before,  in  perfect  safety.  '  But  now,' 
he  said,  '  you  have  been  so  long  in  Bukhara,  that  everybody 
knows  you  are  here,  and  is  talking  about  you  ;  so  if  you  go  to 
Tchardjui  people  will  say  that  Bukhara  is  good  for  nothing 
now-a-days,  because  foreigners  are  going  everywhere,  whereas 
you  might  easily  have  deceived  them  by  going  at  first.' 

Finding  it  impossible  to  dissuade  me,  the  Kush-Begi  finally 


112  TUEKISTAN. 

raid  that  I  could  not  go  without  an  escort.  I  asked  if  the 
decision  were  final  ?  He  said  it  was.  I  then  said  that  I  should 
be  very  glad  to  accept  an  escort ;  on  which  he  seemed  to  think 
that  there  might  be  danger  to  me  from  the  very  escort,  and 
desired  me  to  give  him  a  written  paper  that  if  I  should  be  killed, 
or  anything  should  happen  to  me,  the  Eussian  Government  would 
not  hold  the  Amir  responsible.  I  told  him  that  on  the  contrary 
I  would  give  no  such  paper,  as  I  had  been  especially  requested 
not  to  do  so ;  but  that  further,  if  a,  finger  were  raised  against  me, 
or  I  were  injured  in  any  way,  the  Bukharan  Government  would 
be  held  responsible. 

This  seemed  to  frighten  him  a  little,  and  he  insisted  the 
more  on  the  necessity  of  an  escort.  I  asked  him  if  I  could  have 
the  escort  to-day.  '  No.'—'  To-morrow  ?  '— '  No.'—'  When  ?  ' 
— He  was  not  sure  I  could  have  it  at  all,  but  he  should  be 
obliged  to  write  to  the  Amir,  and  in  the  course  of  five  days 
would  probably  receive  an  answer,  saying  whether  I  could  have 
an  escort  or  not. 

I  then  said,  '  You  do  not  permit  me  to  go  to  Tchardjui  to- 
morrow ?  ' 

'No.' 

'  Very  well,'  I  replied  ;  '  in  that  case  I  shall  start  at  once  for 
Samarkand.' 

At  this  the  face  of  the  Kush-Begi  became  radiant ;  he  was 
delighted  to  think  he  was  not  going  to  have  the  responsibility  of 
my  journey  to  Tchardjui ;  and,  in  fact,  the  announcement  that 
I  was  to  leave  Bukhara  immediately  seemed  to  fill  him  with 
great  pleasure,  and  with  a  feeling  of  relief.  I  think  I  must 
have  worried  him  a  great  deal  over  these  various  matters. 
He  was  then  as  cordial  as  possible,  hoped  that  we  should  always 
be  good  friends,  and  said  that  he  would  do  everything  to  make 
my  return  journey  pleasant,  and  would  instruct  everybody  on 
the  road  to  treat  me  well. 

On  my  return  to  Samarkand,  I  had  a  copy  given  to  me  of 
a  letter  he  then  wrote  to  General  Abramof,  speaking  of  my  visit 
in  pleasant  terms,  and  saying  that  I  had  expressed  a  desire  to  go 
to  Tchardjui,  that  the  Bukharan  Government  had  been  anxious 
to  facilitate  me  in  every  possible  way,  but  that  on  hearing  that 
the  road  was  dangerous,  I  had  of  my  own  accord  declined  to 
go. 


AN   ATTEMPT    AT   ASSASSINATION.  113 

True  to  my  determination,  I  left  Bukhara  the  next  day 
(August  13).  The  Taksaha  and  Karataef  came  to  bid  me  good- 
bye, bringing  me  some  tea  and  three  pieces  of  silk.  We  had 
rather  a  stormy  scene,  but  finally  parted  on  good  terms. 

Leaving  Bukhara  by  the  Mazar  gate,  I  rode  through 
gardens  and  fields  along  a  dusty  road  to  Baha-Uddin,  the  shrine 
of  a  celebrated  saint,  at  a  distance  of  six  miles  from  Bukhara. 
We  found  an  immense  bazaar  going  on  there,  and  the  streets 
were  thronged  with  a  crowd  of  people  of  every  class  and  con- 
dition, beggars  and  pilgrims  preponderating.  As  I  passed 
through  the  crowd,  a  respectably  dressed  Mullah  walked  close 
to  my  side  ;  he  had  a  large  stone  in  his  hand,  and  was  muttering 
to  himself,  '  Just  let  me  hit  him,  and  he  will  drop  dead  at 
once,  and  there  will  be  one  Kaffir  the  less.'  Fortunately  Andrei 
noticed  this,  and  immediately  rode  at  him,  when  he  dropped 
the  stone  and  retreated  some  distance,  and  then  picked  up 
another  and  threw  it  at  Andrei.  At  this  Andrei  and  the  jigits 
ran  after  him  and  drove  him  across  the  ditch  into  a  large  open 
field,  where  they  beat  him  soundly  with  their  whips,  and  left 
him  half  dead.  He  protested  against  this  treatment,  saying  that 
he  was  a  Mullah,  and  that  they  had  no  right  to  beat  him.  I 
did  not  at  first  understand  that  the  man  actually  proposed  to 
kill  me,  supposing  he  was  merely  reviling  me,  as  people  oc- 
casionally did ;  but  when  I  found  that  there  was  a  struggle, 
I  fired  my  pistoL  into  the  air,  in  order  to  show  the  crowd  that  I 
was  armed,  and  passed  on  without  further  trouble.  Had  this 
man  been  wise  enough  to  keep  his  own  counsel,  he  could  easily 
have  disposed  of  me. 

We  were  soon  brought  to  a  small  house,  near  the  shrine  of 
the  great  saint  of  Central  Asia,  Hazret  Baha-Uddin,  or  Hazret 
Nakshband,  who,  it  is  said,  died  in  1303.  The  tomb  of  the 
saint  is  in  a  small  enclosure  about  twelve  paces  square,  raised 
about  six  feet  above  the  ground,  with  a  small  temple-like 
mausoleum  at  the  top,  covered  with  old  bushes  and  grass,  and 
with  the  usual  rams'  horns  and  rags  with  which  all  sacred 
places  are  decorated,  having  in  every  way  an  uncared-for  look. 
At  one  side  is  the  inscription,  and  let  into  the  wall  near  it  a 
black  stone,  called  Sianghi  Murad,  which  all  pious  pilgrims 
rub  with  their  hands,  and  touch  with  their  face  and  beard,  an 
operation  which  leaves  evident  traces  on  the  stone,  and  which  is 

VOL.  II.  I 


114  TUEKISTAN. 

supposed  to  cure  and  to  prevent  all  maladies  of  the  head.  I, 
being  a  Kaffir,  was  exempted  from  this  ceremony,  but  my 
attendants  all  performed  it.  Two  or  three  monks  near  by 
received  money  for  this  privilege,  as  did  others  for  pointing 
out  another  small  inscription.  The  Ishan  had  also  to  be  paid. 
This  tomb  stands  in  one  corner  of  a  square  court,  enclosed  on 
two  sides  by  mosques  filled  with  graves,  said  to  be  of  the 
descendants  and  pupils  of  the  saint.  Here  are  also  the  tombs 
of  the  great  Abdullah  Khan,  and  of  Daniar  Atalyk.  The 
mosque  on  the  south  of  the  shrine  is  said  to  have  been  built 
by  Hakim  Kush-Begi.  A  large  portico  at  the  side  contains  a 
great  number  of  dingy  chandeliers,  brass  and  bronze,  some  of 
which  with  the  silver  plating  nearly  rubbed  off  are  evidently  of 
Russian  workmanship.  From  this  mosque  there  is  a  long 
narrow  passage  to  the  street,  with  another  mosque  at  the  right 
side,  full  of  pilgrims  and  beggars,  who  almost  despoil  one  of 
whatever  money  he  may  have  with  him.  Still,  one  should  not 
be  ungenerous,  for  a  visit  to  this  shrine,  which  ranks  next  to 
Mecca  in  sanctity,  would  be  sure  to  alleviate  the  future  punish- 
ment even  of  a  Kaffir  pilgrim. 

Starting  from  this  place  about  half-past  three  o'clock,  we 
arrived  at  six  at  the  village  of  Kuyuk  Mazar,  about  twelve 
miles  further,  where  we  had  refreshment,  and  where  we  were 
advised  to  pass  the  night,  but  we  concluded  to  go  on  twelve  miles 
more  to  Varganzi.  Here  we  were  placed  in  a  caravanserai, 
and  a  large  verandah  was  given  up  to  my  use.  The  whole 
road  from  Bukhara  to  Varganzi,  and  especially  in  the  vicinity 
of  that  place,  led  through  well  cultivated  gardens  and  fields, 
this  being  one  of  the  best  parts  of  the  Khanate.  Shortly  after 
my  arrival,  there  came  a  message  from  the  Kush-Begi  to 
inquire  about  my  health,  and  to  say  that  the  man  who  attacked 
me  had  been  arrested  and  brought  to  Bukhara,  and  that  they 
were  desirous  of  cutting  his  throat,  but  had  been  obliged  to  send 
to  the  Amir  to  know  if  they  could  do  so.  I  sent  back  word  that 
when  the  man  should  be  punished,  I  hoped  that  he  would  be 
punished  publicly,  so  that  all  the  people  might  know  that  they 
could  not  molest  or  insult  a  foreigner,  and  requested  the  Kush- 
Begi  immediately  to  write  to  General  Abramof  at  Samarkand, 
informing  him  what  had  been  done  with  this  man.  The  last 
dav  that  I  spent  in  Tashkent,  a  merchant,  an  acquaintance  of 


KERMINEH.  ]  15 

mine,  arrived  from  Bukhara,  and  told  me  the  various  rumours 
he  had  heard  about  me  among  the  people ;  very  exaggerated 
stories  about  my  actions,  and  especially  the  belief  that  I  was  a 
minister  in  disguise  from  St.  Petersburg,  to  find  out  the  actual 
condition  of  affairs  at  Bukhara,  and  that,  as  I  had  been  dis- 
satisfied at  the  action  of  the  government,  the  Kussians  would 
shortly  invade  and  conquer  the  country.  I  asked  him  about 
the  man  who  had  attacked  me,  and  he  said  that  he  was  still  in 
prison,  and  had  not  yet  been  punished,  and  that  the  popular 
belief  was  that  I  had  sent  a  letter  to  the  Amir,  requesting  him 
to  be  detained  for  the  present,  as  I  desired  to  behead  him  with 
my  own  hands  !     This  is  the  last  I  heard  of  him. 

Starting  from  Varganzi  at  half-past  six  o'clock  in  the 
morning,  passing  several  Mazars,  or  tombs,  by  the  way,  and 
taking  tea  at  a  village  called  Bustan,  on  the  edge  of  a  narrow 
canal,  on  the  shady  side  of  a  small  shop,  we  reached  Malik, 
about  twenty-four  miles  further,  at  about  noon.  I  went  the 
whole  way  in  my  arba,  as  we  passed  through  a  desert  steppe, 
and  it  was  very  windy  and  dusty.  There  were  rumours  here 
of  Turkomans  and  robbers,  and  we  always  had  an  escort  of 
two  or  three  horsemen.  At  Malik,  which  was  formerly  a 
town  of  some  note,  there  are  the  ruins  of  a  very  large  castle 
(or  caravanserai),  with  arched  windows,  the  whole  building 
being  somewhat  in  the  Gothic  style,  with  minarets  at  the 
corners  ;  the  drawing  of  Lehmann  gives,  to  one  who  has  seen 
it,  a  very  fair  idea  of  the  building.  We  rested  here  for  a 
few  hours  in  a  very  small  hot  room,  and  while  we  were 
taking  our  tea,  the  son  of  the  Divan  Begi  of  Kermineh  came  to 
meet  me.  Near  Kermineh,  which  was  twelve  miles  further, 
we  were  met  by  an  escort,  and  I  was  asked  if  I  wished  to  go 
through  the  bazaar  into  the  town,  or  by  a  round-about  road. 
I  of  course  preferred  the  bazaar,  and  was  then  told  that  the 
people  there  were  very  bad,  and  might  perhaps  insult  me  or 
throw  stones  at  me  ;  upon  which  I  said  that  if  they  dared  to 
do  so  in  the  presence  of  their  rulers,  they  should  be  taught 
better.  They  then  agreed  to  take  me  directly  through  the 
town,  but  we  went  by  a  round-about  way  which  led  through 
a  small  part  of  the  bazaar  to  the  house  of  the  Divan  Begi,  where 
1  was  given  very  comfortable  apartments,  and  a  platform  on 
the  edge  of  a  large  square  pond  of  fresh  water,  shade  1  by  some 

l  '2 


116  TUKKISTAN. 

great  elms.  After  a  little  repose,  I  walked  to  the  house  of 
the  Bek,  which  was  near  by.  In  the  fortress  square  there 
was  a  long  line  of  soldiers,  who  saluted  me  with  a  fan- 
far  snade  of  trumpets  as  I  passed,  and  a  crowd  of  richly 
dressed  people  stood  on  the  slope  which  led  to  the  small  fort 
containing  the  palace.  The  Bek,  a  small,  but  intelligent-looking 
boy  of  thirteen,  Seid  Abdullah,  a  son  of  the  Amir,  who  was 
sitting  by  the  window  when  we  were  shown  in,  rose  and  gave 
me  his  hand,  and  asked  after  the  health  of  the  Emperor  and 
that  of  the  Governor  General.  We  then  took  seats,  and  the 
Bek,  who  was  dressed  in  a  dark  red  silk  robe  and  white  turban, 
immense  for  his  years,  remained  silent,  leaving  the  Divan  Begi 
to  speak  in  his  name,  and  only  as  we  were  leaving  the  room, 
and  had  already  made  our  last  salaam,  he  suddenly  cried  out  to 
remember  him  to  the  Emperor  and  to  the  Governor  General 
when  I  saw  them.  This  Bek  is  the  favourite  son  of  the  Amir, 
who  frequently  calls  him  to  Bukhara,  and  apparently  intends 
him  as  his  successor.  He  maintains  a  little  court,  with  all  a 
boy's  love  for  finery  and  display.  Everyone  here  is  obliged  to 
dress  richly,  with  girdles  if  not  gowns  of  Cashmere  material, 
and  daggers  in  heavy  gold  sheaths  carved  and  set  with  precious 
stones.  As  we  were  going  out,  the  Namaz  was  cried,  and 
everyone  rushed  off  as  fast  as  possible  to  get  to  prayers  in  the 
mosque  opposite  the  palace,  before  the  Bek  himself  should  go 
in.  The  scene  was  very  amusing.  Eobes  were  brought  to  me, 
which  were  much  handsomer  than  I  had  received  at  any  other 
place ;  one  of  my  seven  robes  was  of  Cashmere  stuff,  worth 
about  thirty  pounds.  Among  the  presents  I  had  brought  for 
this  Bek  were  some  toys  from  Tashkent,  including  a  small 
trumpet  and  a  velocipedist  going  by  clockwork,  with  which  he 
was  very  much  amused,  although  he  immediately  put  them  out 
of  order. 

Kermineh  is  a  small  town  with  four  mosques  and  one 
medresse,  and  contains  nothing  of  interest  except  one  mosque, 
which  is  comparatively  ancient,  standing  on  the  edge  of  a  pond. 
In  the  house  of  the  Divan  Begi  I  did  not  lack  for  entertainment. 
My  host  had  formerly  been  a  merchant,  had  resided  at  Oren- 
burg, and  had  even  been  to  the  Fair  of  Nizhni  Novgorod ;  he 
was  a  shrewd,  observant  man,  who  had  outgrown  many  preju- 
dices, and  whose  conversation  was  agreeable  and  instructive. 


ZIAUEDDIN.  117 

His  enlightenment  seemed  to  extend  to  bis  household,  for  even 
his  son,  a  bright  little  boy  of  five,  had  no  objection  to  being 
petted  by  the  strangers,  and  amused  us  greatly  by  his  babble. 

The  next  afternoon  we  went  to  Ziaueddin,  twenty-four 
miles,  stopping  for  refreshment  at  Tash-kupri-uk,  or  Stone 
Bridge.  At  Ziaueddin  I  was  lodged  in  a  part  of  the  palace  of 
the  Bek,  who  was  himself  out  of  town,  and  did  not  return  until 
the  next  morning.  It  was  his  duty  to  see  that  the  dykes  of 
Samarkand,  which  turn  the  water  into  Bukhara,  were  always 
kept  in  good  order,  which  necessitated  his  going  there  two  or 
three  times  a  year,  and  as  he  had  been  much  with  Eussians,  he 
was  far  more  civilised  and  agreeable  than  any  of  the  other  Beks 
whom  I  met.  Ziaueddin  seems  to  consist  only  of  the  Bek's 
palace,  and  of  a  square  outside  on  which  a  bazaar  is  held,  each 
trader  being  accommodated  with  a  small  clay  conical  mound, 
of  exactly  the  shape  of  the  hill  of  the  white  ant. 

The  next  day  I  went  on  as  far  as  Shirin-hatun,  where  I 
passed  the  night  in  a  large  garden,  having  stopped  only  for  an 
hour  at  Mir,  where  lodgings  had  been  prepared  for  me  ;  and  the 
next  day  (August  17),  about  ten  o'clock,  I  arrived  at  Katta 
Kurgan. 

The  last  days  of  a  journey  seem  to  one  always  more  fatiguing 
than  the  previous  ones,  and  the  whole  distance  from  Kermineh 
to  Katta  Kurgan  was  very  wearisome.  The  road  lies  at  the  edge 
of  a  beautiful  country,  the  celebrated  district  of  Miankal,  with 
the  low  mountains  or  hills  to  the  south  always  visible,  but  is 
itself  on  the  high  ground  which  is  not  watered  or  cultivated, 
and  as  the  soil  is  of  clay  the  dust  was  more  than  a  foot  deep 
and  like  an  impalpable  powder.  I  was,  therefore,  all  the  more 
pleased  to  go  to  a  place  where  I  could  find  at  least  some 
civilisation  in  the  residences  of  the  District  Commandant  and 
in  the  post  station,  not  to  speak  of  my  travelling  carriage, 
which  was  a  very  agreeable  change  after  so  much  horseback 
travelling.  Though  I  had  had  some  discomforts,  and  a  great 
many  disputes  with  the  authorities  and  other  disagreeable  in- 
cidents, I  look  back  to  my  journey  in  Bukhara  with  extreme 
pleasure.  Not  only  was  the  country  itself  interesting,  but  the 
government,  no  matter  how  suspicious  and  jealous,  as  far  as 
hospitality  went,  did  everything  in  its  power  to  render  me 
comfortable.     Still,  it  seemed  like   getting  to  another  world  to 


118  TUEKISTAN. 

arrive  at  Katta  Kurgan,  eat  civilised  food,  enjoy  rational  con- 
versation on  ordinary  topics,  and,  more  than  all,  to  meet,  after 
such  a  long  absence  from  female  society,  as  the  wife  of  one  of 
the  officers,  a  well-known  French  actress  from  the  Theatre 
Berg  at  St.  Petersburg.  I  found  also  at  Katta  Kurgan  a  very 
good  friend  of  mine,  whom  General  Abramof  had  kiudly  sent 
to  meet  me  at  the  frontier,  and  after  a  pleasant  evening  spent 
at  the  Commandant's,  we  got  into  our  travelling  carriage  and 
by  morning  were  safely  back  in  Samarkand. 

Throughout  the  whole  of  my  journey  I  had  endeavoured  to 
maintain  my  independence,  had  refused  to  allow  myself  to 
be  bullied  or  imposed  upon,  and  had  insisted  that  no  one 
should  consider  me  his  inferior,  being  siiffieiently  acquainted 
with  the  native  character  to  know  that  the  more  respect  I 
demanded,  the  more  I  should  receive.  I  had  the  satisfaction 
of  enjoying  myself  while  travelling,  even,  or  perhaps  I  may 
say  especially,  in  my  disputes  with  the  Taksaba,  and  of  re- 
turning in  safety. 

When,  two  months  later,  a  Eussian  colonel  passed  through 
Bukhara  on  his  way  home  from  Khiva  and  asked  the  officials 
what  had  been  going  on,  he  received  the  reply :  '  An  American 
was  here  for  ten  days,  and  kept  the  Bukharan  people  completely 
under  his  control.' 


ISSYK  KUL.  119 


CHAPTER   XI. 

ISSTK   KUL   AND    SEMIEETCH. 

Aulie-ata — Old  ruins — Prester  John  -Spiders  and  Tarantulas — Cockroaches 
— Tokmak — The  Buam  Pass — Lake  Issyk  Kul — Submerged  cities — The 
Tian  Shan — No  volcanos—  The  road  to  Kashgar — The  Muzart  Pass — The 
Kara  Kirghiz — Their  legends — -A  court  of  Biis — Bad  interpreters — 
Attempt  to  navigate  the  Tchu  Signal  defeat  of  the  Khokandians  at 
Uzun-agatch — The  White  Tsar — Vierny — Chinese  merchants— A  Polish 
refugee — General  Kolpakofsky — Semiretch — Eussian  and  Cossack  colonisa- 
tion—Navigation of  the  Hi — Kopal — Lake  Balkash — Through  Siberia. 

I  had  been  warmly  invited  to  go  to  Khiva  after  the  capture  of 
that  city,  and  I  might  easily  have  done  so  from  Bukhara  before, 
and  perhaps  even  after,  my  dispute  with  the  Kush-Begi  about 
Tchardjui.  I  could  have  proceeded  by  road  to  the  little  fort 
of  Ustyk  on  the  Amu-Darya,  and  could  then  have  descended  that 
river  in  a  boat  almost  to  the  very  walls  of  Khiva,  a  journey  at  the 
utmost  of  about  four  or  five  days  from  Bukhara  ;  but  the  coming 
back  would  have  been  a  very  different  matter.  It  would  have 
been  very  difficult  to  ascend  the  river  against  the  current,  and 
riding  up  along  the  river  bank  or  through  the  desert  of  Khalata 
where  the  Russian  army  was  so  nearly  lost,  was  more  than  I  cared 
for  after  my  experience  in  the  waste  of  Karshi.  I  could,  indeed, 
have  gone  on  from  Khiva  by  steamer  to  Kazala,  but  this  would 
have  brought  me  out  in  a  place  far  from  my  base  of  operations, 
for  I  had  left  my  carriage  in  Samarkand,  and  most  of  my  luggage 
and  the  few  curiosities  I  had  picked  up  in  Tashkent.  Having 
seen  Khokand  and  Bukhara,  I  felt  that  my  curiosity  for 
that  region  of  Central  Asia  was  entirely  satisfied,  for  I  knew 
that  the  Khivan  oasis  did  not  differ  in  any  great  respect  from 
the  countries  which  I  had  already  seen.  Then,  too,  ugly 
rumours  were  rife  about  the  condition  of  the  Russian  army,  a 
campaign  against  the  Turkomans  had  been  begun,  and  there 


120  TURKISTAR 

were  widely  credited  and  apparently  well-authenticated  reports, 
— which  fortunately  proved  untrue — of  the  massacre  of  Russian 
garrisons  and  of  the  defeat  of  separate  detachments.  When, 
therefore,  I  returned  from  Bukhara,  I  was  desirous  of  pressing 
on  as  fast  as  possible  towards  Issyk  Kul  and  Kuldja,  but  I  was 
delayed  for  a  few  days  waiting  for  authentic  intelligence  about 
the  movements  of  Mac  Gahan,  who,  I  was  erroneously  told,  was 
on  his  way  to  Tashkent.  It  was  not,  therefore,  until  the  even- 
ing of  September  9,  that  I  finally  started  from  Tashkent, 
after  having  been  accompanied  by  some  kind  friends  to  a  little 
country  house  called  Izbushka,  on  the  edge  of  the  town, 
where  many  '  God-speeds '  were  wished  me  amid  the  sparkle  of 
champagne.  A  moonlit  drive  brought  me  the  next  morning 
to  Tcbimkent,  and  after  staying  a  few  hours  to  look  again  at 
the  town  and  to  call  on  the  Prefect,  I  started  off  through  the 
mountains  eastward.  An  unlucky  hill  did  some  damage  to 
my  carriage,  and  I  was  forced  to  pass  the  night  at  Mashad,  a 
little  valley  between  some  hills.  The  mountains  here  are  not 
high,  and  I  reached  Aulie-Ata  without  difficulty  at  sunset  the 
next  evening,  passing  on  my  way  the  double  peak  of  Kazikurt- 
ata,  about  7,000  feet  high,  one  of  the  many  Asiatic  mountains 
on  which  Noah's  Ark  finally  rested  after  the  flood,  and  where 
some  pieces  of  it  are  still  to  be  seen  by  believing  eyes. 

Aulie-Ata,  which  is  situated  on  the  rapid  river  Talas,  pro- 
bably near  the  site  of  the  well-known  ancient  city  Taraz  or 
Talas,  is  now  but  an  insignificant  country  town,  important  only 
as  the  chief  place  of  the  district,  and  as  a  market  for  the 
Kirghiz,  who  live  in  large  numbers  among  the  neighbouring 
mountains.  It  was  taken  by  storm  by  General  (then  Colonel) 
Tchernaief,  on  June  16,  1864,  with  a  loss  of  only  five  wounded  on 
the  part  of  the  Russians,  and  of  over  300  killed  on  the  part  of  the 
Khokandian  defenders — the  first  step  of  the  memorable  campaign 
of  1864,  which  has  resulted  in  the  Russian  conquest  of  nearly  the 
whole  of  Central  Asia.  Since  that  time  the  place  has  greatly 
increased  in  population  and  in  business,  but  it  is  still  a  straggling, 
shabby  looking  village  with  almost  no  trees,  set  down  on  the 
bare  steppe.  At  one  time  there  was  an  idea  of  making  this  the 
administrative  centre  of  the  province,  and  when  General  Kauf- 
mann  went  to  Turkistan,  in  1867,  he  was  undecided  whether  to 
place  his  capital  at  Tashkent  or  at  Aulie-Ata. 


MKM 


THE  LEGENDS   OF  AULIE-ATA.  121 

There  is  a  road  through  the  mountains  from  Aulie-Ata  to 
Namangan,  which  is  of  some  commercial  importance,  especially 
for  the  trade  in  cattle  and  sheep.  In  1869,  above  300,000 
head  of  sheep,  worth  more  than  700,000  rubles,  passed  on  this 
road  from  the  steppes  to  Namangan.  The  whole  distance  is 
165  miles,  and  the  usual  time  consumed  is  eight  days.  The 
two  passes  are  not  high,  although  on  account  of  the  snow  they 
cannot  be  crossed  by  horses  or  camels  during  two  months  of 
the  winter. 

Aulie-Ata  owes  its  name  to  the  tomb  of  a  patron  saint  of 
the  Kirghiz — Aulie-Ata,  holy  father,  said  to  have  been  a  certain 
Kara  Khan  and  a  descendant  of  the  Sheikh  Akhmed  Yasavi, 
who  is  buried  at  Turkistan.  The  tomb  itself,  which  is  an 
ordinary  brick  building,  is  in  a  woeful  state  of  dilapidation,  and 
is  by  no  means  as  interesting  as  the  similar  monument  erected 
over  the  grave  of  Assa-bibi,  some  female  relation  of  Kara 
Khan,  which  can  be  seen  on  the  road-side  ten  miles  west  of  the 
town.  Ten  miles  below  Aulie-Ata  on  the  Talas,  amidst  the 
sands  of  the  Muyun-kum,  are  the  ruins  of  what  was  apparently 
a  city,  called  by  the  natives  Tiume-Kent.1 

Tradition  says  that  a  maiden  once  lived  here  who  was 
beloved  by  the  prince  of  the  Divs,  giant  spirits  who  dwelt  in 
the  neighbouring  mountains.  In  order  to  prepare  a  fit  re- 
sidence for  her,  this  Div  began  to  build  a  city,  and  for  that 
purpose  threw  down  immense  stones  from  the  mountain  of 
Mak-bal.  The  city  was  never  finished,  but  its  remains  are  still 
visible,  called  by  the  natives  Akhyr-tash  (Akhyr-tepe),  or 
Tash-kurgan.  The  legend  may  be  absurd,  but  the  ruins,  which 
are  about  thirty  miles  east  of  "Aulie-Ata,  are  very  curious.  They 
consist  of  an  immense  unfinished  building,  600  feet  by  450,  of 
reddish  sandstone,  the  lower  layers  of  the  front  being  built  of 
large  stones  seven  feet  long  by  four  broad.  Mr.  Lerch, 
who  investigated  this  ruin,  thinks  that  it  was  intended  for  a 
Buddhist  monastery.  The  scattered  stones  are  supposed  by  the 
natives  to  have  been  mangers,  or  feeding-troughs,  for  an  encamp- 
ment, and  hence  the  name  Akhyr-tash,  stone-manger.  The 
Chinese  traveller,  Tch'ang  Tch'un,  who  passed  here  in  1221, 
says :  '  We  travelled  westward  along  the  hills  and   after  seven 

1  These  ruins,  which  have  never   been  investigated,  may  perhips  prove  to  be 
those  of  the  city  Talas. 


122  TURKISTAN. 

or  eight  days"  journey  the  mountains  suddenly  turned  to  the 
southr  We  saw  a  city  built  of  red  stone,  and  there  are  the 
traces  of  an  ancient  military  encampment.  To  the  west  we 
saw  great  grave  mounds  placed  like  the  stars  in  the  Great  Bear.' 
These  mounds  also  still  exist,  and  from  a  short  distance  they 
indeed  appear  to  be  seven  disposed  like  the  seven  stars  of  the 
Great  Bear.  In  reality,  however,  there  are  sixteen  mounds  of 
different  sizes,  the  largest  being  from  200  to  250  paces  in  cir- 
cumference. They  are  called  by  the  Kirghiz,  Jitte-tepe,  or  the 
seven  mounds.  On  one  of  them  Mr.  Lerch  found  a  stone  bear- 
ing a  Mantchu  inscription,  relative  to  a  victory  of  the  Chinese 
over  the  Jungars,  in  1758. 

Indeed,  all  this  region  is  to  the  geographer  classic  ground. 
Here  began  the  Min-bulak,  or  'thousand  springs'  of  Hiouen 
Thsang;  here  too  was  the  realm  of  Prester  John,  that  semi-mythi- 
cal, Christian  pope-king  so  celebrated  in  mediaeval  histories  ;  l 
here  was  the  country  of  the  Karakidans,  and  a  little  to  the  north 
lay  their  capital  Bala  Sagun  ;  and  here  was  the  great  highway 
between  the  East  and  the  West  along  which  passed  so  many 
travellers  from  Zemarchus  and  Hiouen  Thsang  to  Rubriquis  and 
Tch'ana-  Tch'un.2 


1  Prester  John  now  seems  to  be  thoroughly  identified  with  Yeliu  Tashi,  the 
founder  of  the  realm  of  Karakitai,  who,  after  his  conquest  of  Eastern  and 
"Western  Turldstan  ,  became  known  by  the  title  of  the  Gur-Khan,  and  had  his 
capital  at  Bala  Sagun.  A  full  account  of  the  legend  of  Prester  John  and  of  the 
modifications  which  it  underwent,  will  be  found  in  the  interesting  book  of  Dr. 
Augustus  Oppert,  '  Der  Presbyter  Johannes  in  Sage  und  Gesehiehte.'  See  also 
Yule's  'Cathay,'  pp.  ] 73- 182,  and  his  second  edition  of  'Marco  Polo,'  vol  i.  pp. 
229-233,  and  vol  ii.  pp.  539-513.  Professor  Bruun,  of  Odessa,  in  his  article  on 
the  '  Migrations  of  Prester  John,'  (Odessa,  1870)  propounds  with  some  fcrco  a 
theory  that  he  was  Prince  John  Orbelian  of  Georgia. 

2  For  a  slight  sketch  of  t  tie  routes  taken  by  the  great  mediseval  travellers,  see 
Appendix  III.,  at  the  end  of  Vol.  I. 

Bala  Sagun,  for  reasons  which  I  in  part  stated  in  the  '  Geographical  Magazine,' 
December,  1874,  p.  389,  and  January,  1875,  p.  25,  seems  plainly  to  have  been  in 
the  valley  of  the  Tchu,  although  not  necessarily  on  the  very  hanks  of  that  river. 
In  the  present  state  of  our  knowledge  it  would  be  impossible  to  identify  it 
with  any  particular  place.  It-kitchu,  the  place  proposed  by  Mr.  Howorth  (-Geog. 
Mag.'  July,  1875,  p.  216),  is  a  Turkish,  but  not  Kirghiz,  name  meaning, 
'  Dog-ford,'  given  probably  on  account  of  the  shallowness  of  the  Tchu  at  that 
place. 

I  cannot  find  that  there  is  the  slightest  reason  of  any  kind  for  confounding  Bala 
Sagun,  which  is  probably  of  Persian  origin,  with  the  Mongol  word  Balghasun,  city, 
and  am  at  a  loss  to  imagine  how  the  idea  arose,  and  why  it  is  so  persistent. 


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TARANTULAS  AND  PHALANGES.  123 

The  kind  Prefect  of  Aulie-Ata  wished  me  to  wait  a  few 
days,  and  to  accompany  him  twenty  miles  into  the  mountains 
to  a  great  Kirghiz  festival.  Gladly  would  I  have  availed 
myself  of  this  invitation  to  see  something  more  of  the  Kirghiz, 
who  now,  after  my  experience  of  the  Sarts,  seemed  patterns  of 
simplicity,  manliness  and  virtue ;  but  I  thought  that  there 
were  better  things  in  store  for  me.  North  of  the  mountains  I 
seemed  to  breathe  a  different  air.  I  had  left  the  fanaticism 
and  the  narrow  life  of  the  sedentary  populations  of  Central 
Asia  behind  me,  and  was  again  on  the  Steppe  in  a  most 
healthful  and  delightful  region.  All  along  my  right  was  the 
beautiful  Alexandrofsky  range,  with  many  of  its  summits  then 
white  with  snow.  At  almost  every  step  I  crossed  rivulets 
trickling  down  from  the  hills,  showing  well  the  truth  of  the 
old  name,  '  the  thousand  sources.'  The  road  was  good,  the 
horses  were  fresh,  and  I  drove  the  whole  distance  from  Aulie- 
Ata  to  Ak-su,  150  miles,  in  24  hours,  including  all  stoppages. 
At  Merke  there  is  a  small  military  post,  but  there  is  nothing 
there  of  interest,  and  1  cared  not  to  stop  longer  than  for  dinner, 
on  account  of  the  kara-kv^rt  spiders  which  infest  this  region, 
about  the  venomous  qualities  of  which  I  had  often  heard. 

The  spider  called  kara  kurt,  or  black  worm,  by  the  Kirghiz, 
(the  scientific  name  is,  I  believe,  Latrodectes  lugubris),  is  not 
larger  than  the  finger-nail,  but  it  has  the  power  of  jumping 
several  feet,  and  is  by  far  the  most  venomous  of  all  such  vermin 
native  to  this  country.  It  is  said  that  its  poison  will  kill  a 
man,  although  I  have  never  known  of  authenticated  instances ; 
buo  I  was  told  that  the  Kirghiz  who  live  on  the  small  streams 
coming  down  from  the  Alexandrofsky  range,  especially  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Merke,  annually  lose  many  animals  through 
the  bite  of  this  spider.  It  lives  in  the  grass,  and  there  is  a 
belief  that  it  is  unable  to  walk  over  a  woollen  substance,  for 
which  reason  the  Kirghiz,  as  well  as  the  Cossacks  and  the  soldiers, 
always  spread  down  large  pieces  of  felt,  on  which  to  sit.  More 
terrible  in  appearance,  although  less  deadly,  are  the  tarantulas 
and  phalanges.  The  tarantula  (Lycosa  singoriensis)  is  black, 
with  a  body  of  the  size  of  a  pigeon's  egg,  covered  with  dark 
brown  or  black  hair.  The  phalange  (Solpuga  araneoides  and 
$  intrepida)  is  of  a  yellowish  or  reddish  brown,  also  with  long 
hair,  and  when  walking  seems  as  large  as  one's  two  fists.     They 


1 24  TURKISTAN. 

frequent  the  steppes,  and  live  in  the  sand,  but  a.e  rarely  found 
in  gardens  or  villages. 

A  Mantchu  officer,  in  an  account  of  his  travels  in  Eastern 
Turkistan,  in  1777,  gives  a  curious  and  nearly  correct  descrip- 
tion of  the  phalange. 

He  says, '  The  pa-tcha  tchung  (the  insect  with  eight  legs)  is 
found  everywhere  in  the  countries  of  the  sin  kiang  (the  new 
frontier — Turkistan).  It  resembles  the  spider,  and  is  of  a 
roundish  form,  and  of  a  dirty  yellow  colour.  It  has  eight  not 
very  long  legs,  and  a  reddish  brown  mouth.  The  mouth  is  formed 
by  four  branches.  "When  the  insect  bites  iron,  it  caa  be  heard. 
The  body  of  it  is  yellowish  green,  the  skin  is  transparent  like 
that  of  the  silk-worm.  It  is  found  in  damp  places,  near  canals, 
and  also  in  the  houses.  The  larger  ones  are  of  the  size  of  a 
hen's  egg ;  the  smaller  ones  are  as  big  as  a  walnut.  They  run  to 
a  light  as  moths  to  a  candle.  When  a  violent  wind  blows 
they  quit  their  holes,  and,  aided  by  the  wind,  enter  the  houses. 
They  run  very  quickly,  and  when  angry,  rise  on  their  eight 
legs  and  attack  men.  If  one  should  happen  to  creep  upon  a 
man's  body,  he  must  not  touch  it,  but  wait  until  it  goes  away 
of  its  own  accord,  when  there  will  be  no  danger.  But  as  soon 
as  one  interferes  with  the  insect,  he  is  bitten  immediately.  The 
poison  enters  the  body,  causes  great  pain,  and  penetrates  to  the 
heart,  and  to  the  marrow  of  the  bones.  When  in  such  a  case 
immediate  help  cannot  be  obtained,  the  man's  body  will  mortify 
and  death  will  ensue.  When  he  has  been  only  slightly  bitten, 
if  he  catch  the  insect  and  bruise  it,  there  will  be  no  danger. 
But  when  it  has  succeeded  in  spitting  a  white  web  on  the 
wound,  death  will  be  inevitable.  Sometimes  the  sap  ex- 
pressed from  the  plant  si-is' as  (a  kind  of  madder  plant,  rubia) 
and  applied  to  the  wound  is  useful,  but  generally  out  of  a 
hundred  men  bitten  by  the  pa-tcha  tch'uny  only  one  or  two 
escape.  The  Mohammedans  say  that  the  only  means  of  cure  is 
calling  in  an  Akhun  to  read  from  the  holy  book,  but  I  have 
often  heard  that  the  Mohammedans  bitten  by  this  insect,  when 
they  turn  for  help  to  the  Akhuns,  often  die  before  the  reading- 
is  finished.'  1  With  its  four  jaws  the  phalange  makes  four  little 
holes,  but  the  bite  is  much  less   deadly  than  is  stated  by  the 

1  '  Description  of  Jungaria  and  Eastern  Turkistan,'  by  the  Monk  Hyacinth  ;  p. 
218.     St.  Petersburg,  1829. 


BLACK-BEETLES.  125 

Chinese  author.  Mr.  Fedtchenko  held  the  opinion  that  there 
was  no  poison  whatever  in  the  phalange,  as  its  teeth  have  no 
openings  through  which  poison  can  run,  and  as  he  found  in  it 
no  poison  bag.  Mrs.  Fedtchenko  was  bitten  by  a  large  one 
with  no  consequences  except  a  slight  pain,  although,  as  she  was 
bitten  through  her  clothing,  the  instance  was  not  decisive 
The  Cossacks  and  the  soldiers,  who  are  very  frequently  bitten,  say 
that  at  first  the  pain  is  no  greater  than  the  sting  of  a  gnat,  and 
that  it  is  even  difficult  to  find  the  place  of  the  bite ;  but  that 
after  some  time  the  pain  spreads  through  the  whole  body,  and 
is  attended  with  fever  and  great  exhaustion. 

It  is  curious  that  Eitter,  in  an  interesting  digression,  while 
citing  the  description  of  the  Chinese  traveller  whom  I  have 
quoted  above,  from  some  preconceived  idea  concludes  that  the 
insect  spoken  of  was  not  a  phalange,  but  a  cockroach  (Blatta), 
and  endeavours  to  show  that  the  black-beetle,  or  cockroach, 
came  into  Europe  through  Siberia  from  Central  Asia.  But 
strangely  enough  the  true  black-beetle  is  not  found  in  Turkis- 
tan,  and  the  one  now  to  be  seen  in  the  Eussian  houses  is  of  a 
different  species.  In  Eastern  Siberia,  too,  it  does  not  exist,  the 
river  Ob  forming  a  sharp  boundary  line,  on  the  west  of  which 
even  at  the  very  first  station,  cockroaches  are  abundant,  while 
on  the  other  side  there  are  none  at  all.  The  Eussians  have 
various  superstitions  connected  with  this  disagreeable  beetle, 
and  consider  that  its  presence  in  the  house  brings  good  luck. 
They  therefore  have  frequently  endeavoured  to  naturalise  them 
in  Eastern  Siberia,  but  always  without  success,  and  the  peasants 
with  a  tone  of  sadness  say, '  They  cross  the  Ob  and  die.'  Eitter 
also  says  that  Turkistan  was  the  birth-place  of  the  bed-bug,1  but, 
as  I  have  said  before  (vol.  i.  p.  149),  bed-bugs  were  never  known 
there  until  introduced  by  the  Eussians.  On  this  Fedtchenko 
remarks  that  it  was  formerly  very  much  the  fashion  to  point  to 
Turkistan  as  the  native  country  of  many  of  our  cultivated  and 
domestic  plants  and  animals,  through  ignorance  of  that  region, 
but  that  the  result  of  his  travels  was  to  show  that  Turkistan 
received  nearly  all  its  animal  and  vegetable  population  from 
the  neighbouring  countries,  by  the  migration  of  forms  which 
were,  of  course,  to  some  degree  changed  by  the  new  conditions 

1  'Die  Erdkunde  von  Asien,'  vol  v.  pp.  453 -461. 


126  TUEKISTAN. 

which  they  found  there,  and  by  the  consequent  struggle  for 
existence.1 

After  leaving  Ak-su  we  seldom  met  any  Sarts,  hut  on  the 
contrary  numbers  of  genuine  Eussian  peasants,  for  here  begin 
the  Russian  colonies. 

Opposite  Pishpek  are  the  highest  peaks  of  the  Alexan- 
drofsky  range,  15,000  and  16,000  feet  high.  As  we  ap- 
proached Tokmak,  near  the  banks  of  the  Tchu,  the  country 
became  marshy  and  the  road  was  through  meadows  covered 
with  tall  grass  and  reeds.  Both  Pishpek  and  Tokmak  were 
small  Khokandian  forts  which  were  taken  by  the  Russians, 
under  Colonel  Zimmerman,  in  1860.  The  old  town  of  Tokmak, 
about  fifteen  miles  above  the  present  place,  of  which  now  only 
almost  undistinguishable  ruins  exist,  was  formerly  the  capital  of 
a  principality  and  gave  to  the  Mongols  the  name  for  all  the 
country  to  the  west — the  realm  of  Kiptchak.2  Tokmak  is  now 
the  chief  town  of  a  district,  and  has  a  Russian  population  of 
about  800.  The  town  was  built  here  to  be  near  the  junction 
of  the  road  to  Issyk  Kul  and  the  Naryn  with  that  going  north 
over  the  Kastek  Pass  to  Vierny,  but  as  in  order  to  avoid 
the  Kastek  Pass,  the  Vierny  road  has  now  been  taken  very 
much  to  the  west,  joining  the  other  road  at  Pishpek,  it  is 
proposed,  on  account  of  the  unhealthiness  of  the  site,  arising 
from  the  fevers  caused  by  the  surrounding  marshes,  to 
abandon  it  and  to  change  the  seat  of  the  administration  to 
Pishpek. 

Leaving  my  carriage  and  luggage  at  Tokmak,  I  took  a  light 
post-cart  for  an  excursion  to  Lake  Issyk  Kul.  Beyond  Tokmak 
our  way  lay  again  through  the  reedy  lowlands  until  we  came  to 
the  ford  over  the  Tchu,  a  few  miles  above  the  town.  Here  we 
found  a  small  picket,  and  one  of  the  Cossacks  piloted  us  across, 
for  the  current  is  so  rapid  and  deceitful  that  it  would  be 
difficult  to  cross  without  a  guide.  We  went  on  twenty  miles  to 
Kara  Bulak,  on  the  Little  Kebin,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Kastek 
Pass,  and  then  turned  south-east  till  we  recrossed  the  Tchu, 

1  Fedtehenko : — 'Travels  in  Khokand,'  p.  42. 

8  In  the  '  History  of  East  Mongolia '  by  Sanang  Setzen  we  find  (as  for  example, 
under  the  years  1196-1452)  frequent  references  to  the  wars  between  the  Mongol 
Khan  and  the  Sultan  of  Tokmak,  by  whom  we  must  understand  the  iShah  of 
Kharezm. 


THE   BUAM   PASS.  127 

over  a  fine  bridge,  just  below  the  place  where  it  receives  the 
Great  Kebin.  Here  the  banks  of  the  Tchu,  as  well  as  of  the 
Kebin.  are  rocky  and  precipitous,  and  the  river,  confined 
within  a  narrow  space,  rushes  swiftly  by,  forming  picturesque 
rapids  and  cataracts.  The  view  from  the  bridge,  as  well  as  that 
from  the  bank  above  it,  is  very  fine.  We  soon  entered  the 
mouth  of  the  Great  Buam  Pass,  separating  the  Alexandrofsky 
range  from  the  two  parallel  chains  of  the  Trans-Hi  Ala-tau. 
The  road  crossed  and  recrossed  the  torrent,  now  passing  on  a 
cornice  through  a  narrow  defile,  and  again  coming  out  on  an 
open  valley,  where  the  stream  grew  wider  and  shallower,  and 
where  were  sometimes  small  green  meadows  and  clumps  of 
willow  and  hippophae.  The  scenery  was  certainly  very  grand, 
but  owed  its  beauty  entirely  to  the  immense  masses  of  bare 
rock,  and  to  the  contrasts  in  colour  observable,  some  being 
of  a  rich  reddish  purple  sandstone  conglomerate,  and  others 
of  black  trap  with  occasional  patches  of  yellow,  grey  and 
brown.  I  missed  much  the  trees  and  verdure  which  give  the 
charm  to  the  Eocky  Mountain  canons,  the  only  defiles  with 
which  I  can  compare  this  pass.  The  view  on  descending  the 
pass  was  much  finer,  the  point  of  view  and  the  consequent 
scenic  effect  changing  at  every  step.  The  precipitous  walls  of 
rock  rose  so  high  on  either  hand  that  we  were  unable  to  see 
the  snowy  summits  of  the  more  distant  mountains,  and  dark- 
ness overtook  us  when  we  had  reached  the  station  of  Kok- 
Moinak,  at  about  the  middle  of  the  pass,  where  we,  therefore, 
spent  the  night.  A  drive  of  fifteen  miles  the  next  morning 
through  similar  scenery  brought  us  to  the  head  of  the  pass  at 
the  station  of  Kuternaldy.  In  one  or  two  places  we  should 
have  found  it  difficult  to  get  by  another  vehicle,  but  in  general 
the  road  was  excellent,  and  I  could  not  help  thinking  of  the 
great  changes  which  had  taken  place  here  since  the  visit  of 
Mr.  Semenof,  in  1856.  The  old  road,  Koi-yul,  or  sheep-path, 
at  times  traversed  by  Kirghiz  horsemen,  we  saw  winding  up 
and  down  the  sides  of  the  cliffs,  sometimes  fifty  or  sixty  feet 
above  our  heads.1 

1  In  the  dialect  of  the  Kara-Kirghiz,  as  also  in  the  Altai,  a  pathway  over 
precipitous  crags  bordering  a  river  is  called  bom,  or  with  some  pronunications 
buam;  hence  the  name  of  this  pass.  Kuternaldy  corresponds  to  the  Pisse-vache  of 
the  Alps. 


128  TUKKI8TAN. 

At  Kutemaldy  we  were  already  in  the  open  country,  partly 
meadow,  partly  sedge-land,  and  partly  gravelly  plains  which  in 
general  slope  gradually  down  to  the  Issyk  Kul,  although  a  slight 
rise  of  ground  prevented  our  seeing  the  lake.  After  changing 
horses,  I  went  on  one  station  further  to  Turu-aigyr,  on  the 
lake  shore.  To  one  born  and  bred  on  the  banks  of  a  great 
lake  there  could  be  nothing  more  beautiful  than  this  expanse 
of  water,  especially  after  months  passed  on  dry  and  barren 
steppes.  The  day  was  bright  and  warm,  the  lake  was  of  the 
deepest,  richest  blue  that  I  have  ever  seen  on  water,  contrasting 
and  harmonising  with  the  mountains  of  a  warm  reddish  and 
purplish  brown,  which  surrounded  it  on  all  sides.  Above  these 
was  a  range  of  snow-covered  mountains — the  Terek-tau — while 
the  sky  was  of  a  light  transparent  blue.  On  every  side  the 
view  was  magnificent,  for  even  behind  me  the  crests  of  the 
Kungei  Ala-tau  were  now  covered  with  snow,  and  in  some  of 
the  valleys  I  saw  what  seemed  to  me  to  be  glaciers,  although 
they  were  more  probably  large  snow-drifts.  I  remained  here 
all  day  trying  to  get  my  fill  of  the  view,  if  it  were  possible, 
thinking  that  at  sunset  it  would  be  still  lovelier,  but  alas !  no 
sooner  had  the  sun  disappeared  than  the  summits  of  the 
mountains  became  cold  and  dark,  and  only  on  the  lower  hills 
were  there  quick-changing  shades  of  crimson  and  purple.  With 
the  descent  of  the  sun,  too,  it  became  very  cold,  and  I  was  glad 
to  drive  at  a  quick  pace  back  to  Kutemaldy,  congratulating 
myself  on  being  so  lucky  as  to  have  had  a  fine  day,  and  on 
having  had  the  good  sense  not  to  go  farther  where  the  lake 
might  have  been  too  wide  to  see  easily  across  it. 

During  the  day  I  rode  through  the  sedge  and  the  clumps 
of  bushes  down  to  the  water,  for  Turu-aigyr  was  fully  two 
miles  from  the  edge  of  the  lake.  It  was  curious  how  still  and 
deserted  the  lake  seemed,  for  not  a  boat  was  visible.  I  had 
wanted  to  go  out  in  the  fishing-boat  which  belonged  to  the 
Russian  station-master,  but  we  found  one  of  the  oars  broken, 
and  it  seemed  pleasanter  to  lie  on  the  sand  and  look  at  the 
mountains,  or  to  wander  along  the  shore  and  pick  up  with 
wonderment  the  human  bones  which  were  to  be  seen  at  every 
step.  For  a  distance  of  several  miles  here,  as  well  as  at  a 
place  at  the  eastern  end  of  the  lake,  the  shore  is  thickly  strewn 
with  skulls  and  bones,  sometimes  in  a  very  perfect  state.     The 


THE  LEGENDS   OF  ISSYK  KUL.  129 

Kirghiz  relate  that  on  this  spot,  in  ancient  times,  a  great 
battle  was  fought,  and  that  these  are  the  remains  of  the  slain. 
Others  say  that  here  stood  a  city,  the  inhabitants  of  which  were 
so  wicked  that  there  was  a  second  flood,  which  drowned  tirem 
all  and  formed  the  lake.  This  legend  is  also  recounted  in  a 
form  somewhat  recalling  the  old  story  of  Midas.  Over  an  un- 
believing people  who  lived  in  this  valley,  there  once  ruled  a 
childless  Khan,  who  had  long  prayed  to  heaven  to  grant  him 
an  heir.  At  last  his  prayers  were  answered ;  but  through 
some  fright  or  fault  of  his  wife,  the  long  deferred  son,  to  whom 
was  given  the  name  of  Jany  Bek,  had  the  ears  of  an  ass.  He  suc- 
ceeded in  concealing  these  marks  of  his  origin  until  the  death  of 
his  father.  When  he  himself  ascended  the  throne  he  had  recourse 
to  severe  measures,  for  every  barber  who  shaved  his  head  was 
immediately  put  to  death.  At  last  lots  had  to  be  cast  as  to 
who  should  shave  the  Khan  and  then  die.  Once  the  dreaded 
task  fell  to  an  adroit  young  fellow,  who  succeeded  in  so  pleasing 
Jany  Bek,  that  after  swearing  secrecy  and  fidelity  he  was  allowed 
to  live,  was  retained  as  the  Khan's  constant  barber,  and  was 
subsequently  made  his  prime  minister.  Years  passed,  and 
once  at  a  hunt  his  falcon  outstripped  that  of  the  Khan,  and  in 
thoughtless  exultation  he  cried  out :  '  My  falcon  is  better  than 
the  falcon  of  ass-eared  Jany  Bek  Khan.'  He  thought  too  late 
of  what  he  was  saying,  and  to  escape  death  fled  to  the  moun- 
tains, sometimes  returning  at  night  to  the  city.  On  one  of 
these  visits,  whilst  at  the  well  in  the  public  square,  out  of 
sorrow  for  the  renewed  cruelties  of  the  Khan,  he  prayed  God 
to  send  punishment  on  him,  and  on  his  corrupted  people  who 
endured  such  a  yoke.  His  prayer  was  heard  in  heaven,  and 
water  began  to  flow  out  of  the  well  in  such  abundance  that  it 
submerged  the  city,  and  formed  Lake  Issyk  Kul. 

As  it  is  known  that  in  former  times  cities  existed  on  the 
lake  shore,  this  theory  has  gained  much  credence,  but  the 
skulls  which  I  picked  up  seemed  to  me  to  belong  to  Kirghiz, 
and  all  the  bones  were,  I  thought,  of  recent  origin,  only  so 
much  discoloured,  as  might  be  expected  after  lying  a  few 
years  in  the  water.  I  understand  that  in  the  mountains  near 
here,  on  the  banks  of  a  stream,  there  are  Kirghiz  cemeteries, 
and  I  think  it  probable  that  with  the  melting  of  the  snows  in 
VOL.  II.  K 


130  TTJKKISTAN. 

spring  some  of  the  graves  are  washed  aAvay,  and  the  bones 
carried  into  the  lake,  where  they  are  thrown  up  again  by  the 
waves,  especially  after  storms.  But  besides  bones,  other 
objects  are  found  in  the  lake,  especially  large  tiles  and  bricks. 
The  rooms  in  the  station  house  were  paved  with  such  square 
and  diamond-shaped  tiles,  some  plain  red,  others  covered  with 
a  blue  glaze,  which  had  been  obtained  partly  from  the  lake 
and  partly  from  ruins  ploughed  up  by  the  peasants.  At  a 
place  on  the  northern  side  of  the  lake  called  Koroi-saroi,  and  in 
two  places  at  the  eastern  end,  remains  of  submerged  cities  are 
still  to  be  seen  a  few  feet  under  water.  Many  objects  have 
been  found  here,  some  thrown  up  by  the  waves  and  others 
fished  out  of  the  water,  chiefly  broken  pottery  and  pieces  of 
metallic  vessels,  a  number  of  which  are  preserved  in  the  col- 
lections of  the  Imperial  Kussian  Geographical  Society.  In 
1847  two  ornamented  copper  kettles  were  found  on  the  south 
shore  of  the  lake,  and  were  given  by  the  Kirghiz  to  the  Khan 
of  Khokand.  Among  other  things,  I  have  seen  a  small  lamp 
which  bears  an  inscription  in  an  entirely  unknown  alphabet, 
although  one  letter  is  said  by  Mr.  Lerch  to  bear  a  strong 
resemblance  to  a  letter  of  the  Manichsean.  Old  Chinese  maps 
place  the  city  of  Tchi-gu  on  the  shore  of  Issyk  Kul,  and  on 
the  Catalan  map,  of  1375,  there  is  marked  on  the  southern 
shore  a  JNestorian  monastery  containing  the  bones  of  St.  Mat- 
thew. These  ruins  have  never  been  carefully  investigated,  but 
in  1869  General  Kolpakofsky  examined  some  of  them,  and 
says  that  between  the  mouths  of  the  streams  2nd  and  3rd  Koi-su 
at  seven  feet  from  the  shore,  and  at  a  depth  of  three  feet,  there 
are  visible  traces  of  brick  walls  which  go  parallel  to  each  other 
at  a  distance  of  a  few  feet  until  the  depth  of  the  lake  prevents 
their  being  seen.  He  also  saw  a  large  stone  on  which  was 
carved  the  representation  of  a  human  face,  and  which  he  suc- 
ceeded in  getting  out  of  the  water.1  Subsequent  observers, 
who  had  succeeded  in  rigging  cut  a  boat,  assured  me  that 
especially  near  the  river  Tub,  on  a  clear  day,  they  could  see  the 
remains  of  buildings.  Stone  statues  of  men  and  women  of  the 
same  character  as  those  found  in  the  steppes  of  south  Russia 
are  of  not  infrequent  occurrence  at   the  eastern    end  of  the 

1  Memoirs  of  the  Imperial  Russian  Geographical  Society,  1870,  p.  101. 


SUBMERGED   RUINS  IN  ISSYK  KUL,  131 

Issyk  Kul,  and  north  of  the  mountains  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  Vierny.1 

The  fact  that  ruins  are  visible  under  the  water  would  seem 
to  show  either  a  subsidence  of  the  soil,  or  that  the  lake  is 
higher  than  it  once  was.  At  the  same  time  near  Turu- 
aigyr  the  lake  shore  is  divided  into  terraces,  and  these,  I 
believe,  are  always  to  be  seen  except  where  precipitous  rocks 
come  close  to  the  water,  showing  that  the  lake  has  been  at 
different  periods  higher  than  its  present  level.  The  lake 
receives  forty  or  more  small  streams,  and  as  it  has  now  no 
outlet  the  water  is  brackish,  but  not  sufficiently  so  to  be  un- 
pleasant to  drink  in  small  quantities.  It  contains  abundance 
of  fish.  Issyk  Kul,  the  name  by  which  it  is  known  among  the 
Kirghiz,  means  a  warm  lake,  and  was  given  to  it  either  on 
account  of  the  numerous  warm  springs  that  exist  on  the 
southern  shore,  or  from  the  fact  that  it  does  not  freeze  in  the 
winter  except  with  a  thin  crust  along  the  edges.  It  was 
called  by  the  Chinese  Zhc-hai,  which  has  the  same  meaning, 
and  it  has  also  sometimes  received  the  names  of  Yan-hai  in 
Chinese,  and  Tuz-gul  in  Kirghiz,  meaning  salt-lake,  while  by 
the  Kalmuks  it  is  called  Temui^tu-Nor,  or  the  iron  lake,  it  is 
said  on  account  of  the  ferruginous  black  sand  found  on  its 
shores,  which  the  Kirghiz  smelt  into  iron,  and  use. 

The  northern  shore  of  the  lake  is  called  the  Kungei,  or 
sunny-side,  while  the  southern  shore  is  called  the  Terskei,  or 
dark  and  cold  side,  names  which  have  been  also  applied  to  the 
two  mountain  ranges  closest  to  the  lake. 


1  These  statics  are  spoken  of  by  a  Chinese  traveller  Sui-Sun  who  was  in  that 
region  in  the  early  part  of  this  century.  He  says :  '  Into  the  north-eastern  end 
of  Lake  Issyk  Kul  there  flows  the  river  Kou-ken-bag.  To  the  east  of  this  river, 
along  the  shore  of  the  lake,  there  are  ruins  of  a  city,  and  a  stone  statue  lies  in  the 
grass.  The  statue  represents  a  man  girt  with  a  sword,  who  holds  his  right  hand 
on  his  sword,  and  places  his  left  hand  against  his  forehead.  The  stone  is  much 
spoiled  by  time,  and  it  is  therefore  difficult  to  find  out  when  it  was  made.'  He, 
however,  adds  that  he  did  not  see  these  statues  himself,  although  he  looked 
carefully  for  them.  He  quotes  what  was  said  about  them  by  the  Chinese  General 
De-Jo,  who  had  seen  them  in  1805,  but  who.  on  account  of  his  age  and  weak 
memory,  could  not  remember  the  exact  place.  'The  Chinese,'  he  says,  'think 
that  these  statues  were  either  tombstones  of  the  burnt  sovereigns,  or  statues 
representing  ranks  in  the  official  hierarchy  such  as  in  the  time  of  the  Tan  dynasty 
it  was  customary  to  place  on  the  'ombs  of  sovereigns.'  Mem.  Imp.  Russ.  Geo°\ 
Soc.  1870,  p.  103. 

K  2 


132  TURKISTAN. 

Between  the  Issyk  Kul  and  the  Tchu  there  is  a  very  small 
stream,  the  Kutemaldy,  running  out  of  a  marsh  near  the  Tchu 
and  usually  flowing  into  the  lake,  although  frequently  the 
water  is  almost  stationary.  At  the  spring  floods  it  is  said  that 
even  a  good  portion  of  the  water  of  the  Tchu  runs  into  the 
lake.  The  lower  portion  of  the  Kutemaldy  is  almost  like  a 
canal,  and  the  natives  insist  that  it  is  entirely  artificial,  and  was 
constructed  by  the  Kalmuks  a  century  ago  for  irrigating 
purposes,  or  in  order  to  draw  off  the  waters  of  the  lake,  and 
thus  reclaim  the  land  occupied  by  it.1 

The  recent  explorations  of  Kussian  officers  have  taught  us 
that  the  TianShan  is  not  the  simple  mountain  chain  that  it  was 
formerly  supposed  to  be,  but  that  it  constitutes  a  great  Alpine 
region  extending  far  to  the  south  of  Lake  Issyk  Kul,  and 
forming  with  the  Pamir  and  the  Himalayas  the  mountain  centre 
of  the  whole  Asiatic  continent. 

The  axis  of  this  Tian  Shan  Alpine  region  is  apparently  from 
north-east  to  south-west,  the  elevation  rising  gradually  to  the 
south  and  east,  and  sinking  on  the  side  of  Kashgar  much  more 
rapidly.  Lake  Issyk  Kul  is  5,300  feet  above  the  sea's  level,  while 
Lake  Son  Kul  is  9,430  feet,  and  the  Tchatyr  Kul  11,210 
feet.  The  main  ranges  run  from  north-east  to  south-west,  but 
are  cut  by  other  smaller  ones  in  a  north-westerly  and  south- 
easterly direction.  The  centre,  although  not  actually  the 
highest  part  of  the  whole  region,  is  the  plateau  or  range  of 
Ak-shiiraik,  in  a  recess  of  which  is  the  great  Petrof  Glacier, 
the  true  source  of  the  river  Naryn.  There  are  many  peaks 
between  14,000  and  20.000  feet  high,  and  south-east  of  the 
eastern  extremity  of  Issyk  Kul  is  the  lofty  mountain  of  Khan- 


1  Referring  to  what  I  said  in  vol  i.  p.  54,  I  find  that,  according  to  Ritter,  an 
old  Japanese  map  of  the  fifteenth  century,  constructed  on  materials  gathered  by 
Buddhist  missionaries  in  the  beginning  of  the  seventh  century,  makes  the  Issyk 
Kul  run  into  the  Tchu  and  the  Tchu  empty  into  the  sea  of  Aral.  Considering 
how  errors  are  always  liable  to  creep  into  maps  of  a  little  known  country,  and  how 
■until  a  very  few  years  ago,  the  Issyk  Kul  was  supposed  to  be  the  source  of  the 
Tchu,  we  cannot  perhaps  attach  much  importance  to  this  map,  but  Ritter  is  decidedly 
of  opinion  that  when  lake  Issyk  Kul  was  formerly  at  a  higher  level  it  debouched  into 
the  Tchu,  and  that  the  Tchu,  instead  of  stopping  in  the  marshes  near  the  Saumal 
Kul  actually  communicated  with  the  Syr  Darya  near  its  mouth.  An  itinerary 
quoted  by  him  says  the  same  thing. 


THE   TIAN   SHAN.  133 

Tengri,  the  altitude  of  which,  although  not  accurately  measured, 
is  estimated  at  over  24,000  feet.1  Both  Humboldt  and  Ritter, 
on  the  basis  of  notes  contained  in  the  Chinese  annals,  believed 
that  the  Tian  Shan  was  of  volcanic  formation,  and  that  active 
volcanoes  had  existed  there  in  recent  times.  Four  particular 
localities  were  pointed  out ;  the  mountain  Pe-shan,  north  of 
the  city  Ku-tche,  the  neighbourhood  of  Urumtsi,  a  mountain 
near  Turfan  and  the  island  Aral-tepe  in  Lake  Ala  Kul.  Even 
as  far  back  as  1840  Schrenk  showed  that  on  the  Aral-tepe  and 
near  the  Ala  Kul,  there  were  no  volcanic  formations  at  all,  and 
recent  Russian  explorations  in  the  Tian  Shan  have  come  to  the 
same  result.  Severtzof  is  of  opinion  that  the  fire  in  the 
mountains  to  which  the  Chinese  historians  refer,  may  have 
been  caused  by  the  ignition  of  the  seams  of  coal,  or  of  the 
carburetted-hydrogen  gas  filling  the  cavities  of  the  seams. 

Captain  Sosnofsky  during  his  passage  up  the  Black  Irtysh, 
made  some  particular  inquiries  regarding  the  volcanic  region 
north-west  of  Urumtsi,  and  was  told  that  there  was  a  place 
in  that  neighbourhood  called  Jin,  from  which  steam  constantly 
arose,  and  that  near  this  crevice  there  had  existed  from  ancient 
times  three  pits,  where  persons  afflicted  with  rheumatism  or 
skin  diseases  were  in  the  habit  of  bathing.  The  temperature 
was  very  high.  Captain  Sosnofsky  came  to  the  conclusion  that 
there  was  no  reason  for  supposing  this  locality  to  be  volcanic. 

The  most  important  road  through  the  Tian  Shan  is  that 
extending  from  Tokmak  and  the  Buam  Pass  to  Kashgar,  by 
the  way  of  Fort  Naryn,  a  small  fortification  erected  on  the 
upper  Naryn,  in  1868,  by  Colonel  Kraiefsky,  in  order  to  establish 
the  authority  of  Russia  over  the  mountains.  In  consequence 
of  an  anticipated  war  with  Kashgar,  orders  were  given  in  the 

1  Much  interesting  information  about  the  interior  of  the  Tian  Shan  may  be 
founds  in  the  account  of  Mr.  Semenof,  a  translation  of  which  was  published  in  the 
Journal  of  the  '  Royal  Geographical  Society'  for  1869  p.  311,  and  in  that  of 
Baron  Osten  Sacken,  id.  1870,  p.  250;  but  for  more  exact  geographical  informa- 
tion it  is  necessary  to  turn  to  the  '  Travels  in  Turkistan  and  the  Tian  Shan'  by 
the  naturalist  N.  Severtzof,  St.  Petersburg  1873,  a  portion  of  which  was  translated 
in  the  Journal  of  the  R.  G.  S.,  1870,  p.  313,  and  a  German  translation  of  the 
whole  of  which  was  published  as  Appendices  xlii  and  xliii  to  Petermann's  '  Mit- 
theilungen,'  1875  (the  maps  here  are  much  fuller  and  better  than  in  the  Russian 
edition),  and  to  the  '  Materials  for  the  Geography  of  the  Tian  Shan '  by  Baron 
Kaulbars,  published  in  the  fifth  volume  of  the  'Geographical  Memoirs  of  the 
Imp.  Russ.  Geog.  Soc.  St.  Petersburg,'  1875 


134  TTJRKISTAN. 

spring  of  1872  to  construct  as  far  as  this  fort  a  road  passable 
for  artillery  and  carts.  A  detachment  of  soldiers  was  sent  out, 
and  in  less  than  five  months,  under  great  difficulties,  the  road 
with  its  bridges  was  completed  to  the  Naryn — a  distance  of 
ninety-six  miles.  The  road  leaves  the  Buam  Pass  at  the  station 
of  Kok-moinak,  then  crosses  the  Tchu,  then  the  pass  of  Kuak- 
ky,  which  separates  that  river  from  the  Kotchkur,  and  then  by 
the  Juvan  Aryk  Pass,  through  easier  ground.  During  the  march 
of  the  detachment  the  river  was  crossed  by  means  of  a  bridge  of 
arbtls,  high  two-wheeled  carts,  a  method  not  uncommon  in 
Central  Asia,  and  by  which  in  a  war  against  Khiva  the  whole 
of  the  Bukharan  army  is  said  to  have  been  transported  across 
the  Amu  Darya.  The  wheels  of  these  carts  offer  but  little 
obstruction  to  the  current,  and  even  on  such  a  river  as  the 
Tchu  the  bridge  could  be  placed  in  position  in  half-an-hour, 
and  drawn  out  again  in  ten  minutes  after  the  troops  had  crossed. 
The  distance  from  the  Naryn.  to  Kashgar  is  about  175  miles, 
and  although  the  road  is  not  yet  passable  for  carts,  it  is  by  no 
means  a  difficult  one.  On  commiserating  the  station-master  at 
Kok  Moinak  on  the  unpleasantness  which  he  must  experience 
in  being  shut  up  there  during  the  whole  of  the  winter,  he  told 
me  that  neither  in  the  Buam  Pass  nor  on  the  shores  of  the 
Issyk  Kul  is  there  very  much  snow  in  winter,  that  the  road  is 
never  closed,  and  even  that  carts,  and  not  sledges,  are  used 
throughout  the  winter.  He  said,  too,  that  for  two  stations  only 
on  the  road  to  the  Naryn  was  the  travelling  sometimes  rendered 
difficult  during  the  winter  by  the  snow. 

To  the  east  of  Lake  Issyk  Kul,  close  under  the  peak  of 
Khan-Tengri,  there  is  another  pass,  the  Ice  or  Muzart  Pass, 
which  is  of  great  importance  as  being  the  shortest  means  of 
communication  from  Kuldja  and  the  valley  of  the  Hi  to  Ak-su 
and  Kashgar. 

In  the  old  Chinese  times  the  road  over  the  Muzart  was  kept 
in  a  tolerable  state  of  repair,  and  pickets  were  stationed  at 
intervals  to  keep  it  open,  and  to  hew  steps  in  the  ice. 

The  accounts  of  Chinese  travellers  '  speak  of  the  terrors 
and  difficulties  of  this  pass,  and  the  explorations  of  Prussian 
officers  show  that  these  were  not  exaggerated.  The  pass  was 
first  visited  in  1867   by  Mr.  Poltaratzky,  but  he  succeeded   in 

1  One  of  these,  that  of  Hiouen  Thsnng  A.n.  029.  I  quote  in  Appknbix  III.,  at 
the  end  of  Vol.  I.    Another  i*  given  in  Father  Hyaijmth*s  '  Jungaria,'  p.  221. 


THE  MUZAKT  PASS.  135 

reaching  the  first  summit  only,  although  he  thought  that  he 
had  attained  its  top.  It  was  next  explored  by  Colonel  Tchai- 
kofsky,  in  1870,  as  well  as  by  Baron  Kaulbars,  but  neither  could 
get  further,  and  even  that  point,  which  Kaulbars  estimates  at 
11,000  feet  above  the  sea,  was  attained  with  very  great 
difficulty.  In  1871,  however,  Captain  Shepelef  went  the 
whole  length  of  the  south  Muzart  Grlacier  to  the  neighbourhood 
of  the  Kashgarian  picket  on  the  southern  side  of  the  Tian 
Shan.  Much  of  the  road  lies  over  the  moraines  of  glaciers,  and 
even  over  the  glaciers  themselves,  which  are  so  full  of  fissures 
that  temporary  bridges  have  to  be  made  for  the  passage  of 
caravans.  In  one  place  at  the  mouth  of  a  defile,  the  slope  was 
so  great  and  the  fissures  were  so  numerous,  that  the  glacier  pre- 
sented to  Baron  Kaulbars  the  aspect  of  a  cataract  of  ice.  A 
Russian  post  is  stationed  at  the  north  entrance  of  the  defile, 
and  a  Kashgarian  picket  on  the  southern  side  of  the  Tian  Shan 
near  the  pass  itself. 

Colonel  Tchaikofsky  told  me  that  at  the  northern  end  of 
this  pass  there  is  a  large  stone  erected,  on  which  a  human  face 
is  roughly  drawn,  and  in  addition  to  which  is  a  long  inscription 
in  characters  which  he  supposed  to  be  Thibetan.  In  the  defile 
itself  he  found  a  Chinese  block-house,  in  perfect  order.  In 
this  neighbourhood  there  is  excellent  hunting  for  the  rnarali, 
or  mountain  deer,  especially  in  the  spring  when  they  have 
shed  their  horns.  These  deer  are  then  shot  by  the  Kirghiz 
for  the  purpose  of  getting  the  gelatinous  masses  which  have 
not  yet  developed  into  new  horns,  and  which  the  Chinese  buy 
at  enormous  prices,  for  this  substance  is  considered  an  aphro- 
disiac and  forms  part  of  the  marriage  portion  of  every  well-to-do 
Mongolian  and  Chinese  bride.  The  exact  manner  of  using  it 
is  not  known.  When  fresh  the  horns  are  soft  and  gelatinous, 
so  that  if  properly  cooked  they  might  be  palatable  and  even 
efficacious ;  but  after  they  have  rotted  and  been  pulverised  it 
is  difficult  to  imagine  anything  more  repulsive. 

The  neighbourhood  of  the  Issyk  Kul,  and  in  general  the 
valleys  of  the  Tian  Shan,  as  well  as  the  Alai  mountains  and  the 
Pamir  to  the  south  of  Khokand,  are  inhabited  by  the  true 
Kirghiz,  called  by  the  Chinese  and  the  Kalmuks  Burnt,  and  by 
the  Russians  Kara-Kirghiz  (Black  Kirghiz)  or  Dikoka/menny 
Wild  Mountain)  Kirghiz,  to  distinguish  them  from  the  Kazaks, 


136  TUKKISTAN. 

who  have  erroneously  and  accidentally  obtained  among  tne 
Russians  the  appellation  of  Kirghiz.1  There  are  some  reasons 
for  supposing  this  race  to  have  been  originally  of  the  same 
extraction  as  the  Finns,  and  many  persons  consider  them  a 
mixed  race  of  Turks  and  Mongols  ;  2  but  at  all  events  they 
must  at  a  very  early  period  have  become  Turkicised,  for  even 
the  Chinese  historians  of  the  seventh  century,  to  whom  they 
were  known  under  the  name  of  the  Khagas,  show  by  the  words 
they  cite  that  they  then  spoke  a  Turkic  language.  They  are 
there  described  as  being  fair-skinned  and  light-haired,  and 
although  now  most  of  them  are  dark  and  black-haired,  yet 
individuals  of  the  original  type  are  not  unfrequently  met  with 
among  them.  As  the  Khagas,  they  seem  to  have  possessed  a 
higher  civilisation  than  most  of  the  Asiatic  tribes,  to  have 
inhabited  a  wide  extent  of  country,  and  to  have  been  in 
intimate  relations  with  the  Chinese,  the  Arabs,  and  Eastern 
Turkistan.3 

In  the  10th  century  the  might  of  the  Khagas  began  to 
decline,  the  Uigurs  and  other  nations  threw  off  their  supre- 
macy, and  they  for  a  while  disappeared  from  history,  only  to 
return  to  it  again  in  the  second  half  of  the  thirteenth  century 
under  their  present  name  of  Kirghiz,  in  Chinese  Ki-li-ki-tsi. 
The  movements  among  the  nomad  tribes  between  the  tenth 
and  thirteenth  centuries  seem  to  have  cut  the  Kirghiz  in  two, 
so  that  while  the  greater  portion  of  them  lived  in  their  present 
habitats  in  the  Tian  Shan  and  the  Pamir,  another  division  of 
them  remained  on  the  upper  waters  of  the  Yenissei,  where, 
even  as  late  as  the  eighteenth  century,  they  gave  much  trouble 
to  the  Russian  colonists.  During  the  eighteenth  century  they 
disappeared,  partly  cut  off  by  the  attacks  of  the  Kalmuks  and 
of  other  hostile  tribes,  and  partly  absorbed  by  them,  while  only 

1  See  also  vol  i.  p.  30.  Kara-Kirghiz  is  an  appellation  -which  is  thoiight  to 
be  borrowed  from  the  Kirghiz-Kaisaks,  given,  as  they  say,  to  denote  their 
low  origin,  and  supposed  want  of  nobility,  but,  according  to  Mr.  Radloff,  because 
for  a  long  time  they  refused  to  embrace  Mahommedanism,  unbelievers  being  called 
by  Mussulmans  Kara-Kaffir,  '  black  infidels.'  Kirghiz  is  the  only  name  they 
themselves  use. 

2  Klaproth  and  Abel  Pemusat  class  them  among  the  people  of  Germanic  race. 

3  An  exceedingly  interesting  account  of  the  Khagas  from  Chinese  sources  is  to 
be  found  in  Ihe  '  Collection  of  Information  about  the  Peoples  anciently  inhabiting 
Central  Asia'  by  the  Monk  Hyacinth  ;  vol.  i.  pp.  442-451.     St.  Petersburg,  1851. 


THE  KARA-KIRGHIZ.  137 

a  small  remnant  was  able  to  join  the  rest  of  their  race — too 
small  to  leave  any  impression  of  this  exodus  on  their  traditions 
or  legends. 

At  the  end  of  the  last  century  these  Kara-Kirghiz  were 
subject  to  the  Chinese,  who  on  several  occasions  gave  them 
protection  against  the  attacks  of  the  petty  Beksof  the  provinces 
of  Khokand  and  Tashkent.  Subsequently  they  came  under  the 
dominion  of  Khokand,  but  in  the  troubles  at  the  death  of 
Madali  Khan,  in  1842,  they  made  themselves  practically  inde- 
pendent. Owing  to  the  disputes  and  wars  between  the  dif- 
ferent tribes,  especially  those  of  Bogu  and  Sary-bagysh,  those 
inhabiting  the  Issyk  Kul  region  asked  one  after  another  to  be 
taken  under  Eussian  protection.  A  few  of  them,  however,  owe 
allegiance  to  the  ruler  of  Kashgar.  Those  living  in  the  Alai 
and  the  Pamir  in  part  recognise  a  nominal  allegiance  to  the 
Khan  of  Khokand.  They  are  divided  into  two  great  divisions  ; 
On,  right,  and  Sol,  left.  To  the  first  belong  the  tribes  of  Bogu, 
Sary-bagysh,  Suit  (Solty),  Sayak,  Tchon-bagysh,  Tcherik,  and 
Bassyz,  who  live  throughout  the  Tian  Shan  on  the  river 
systems  of  the  Tekes,  the  Issyk  Kul,  the  Naryn  and  the  Tchiu 
The  left  division  includes  the  tribes  of  Saru,  Munduz,  Kontche 
(Kutchu),  and  Ktai,  and  is  distributed  through  the  Alai  and 
the  Pamir.  As  only  two  tribes  are  thoroughly  known,  but 
vague  estimates  can  be  formed  of  their  numbers  ;  but  it  is 
thought  that  the  Kara-Kirghiz  within  the  Eussian  dominions 
number  about  200,000,  and  that  there  are,  perhaps,  150,000 
more  in  Eastern  Turkistan  and  Khokand. 

The  manners,  the  customs,  and  even  the  dress  of  the  Kara- 
Kirghiz  are,  in  most  respects,  similar  to  those  of  the  Kirghiz 
Kaisaks,  and  in  general  there  must  be  a  similarity  among  all 
nomadic  tribes  under  similar  conditions  in  northern  Asia.  In 
religion  they,  like  the  Kirghiz  Kaisaks,  are  nominally  Moham- 
medans, although  few  of  them  have  ever  heard  of  the  existence  of 
Mohammed,  and  still  fewer  know  any  of  the  prayers  or  practice 
any  of  the  observances  of  that  creed.  They  retain  traces  of 
their  old  Shamanism.  According  to  Bardashef l  the  rite  of 
fire-worship  is  celebrated  on  Thursday  nights ;  '  grease  is 
thrown  over  the  flames,  around  which  nine  lamps  are  placed. 
Prayers  are  also  read,  if  there  be  any  one  present  able  to  read 

1  Quoted  by  Veiiiukof. 


13S  TURKISTAN. 

them,  during-  which  the  worshippers  remain  prostrate.'  Their 
Shamans  wear  long  hair,  and  caps  and  sleeves  of  swan's  down. 
They  are  even  fonder  of  music  and  poetry  than  are  the  Kirghiz 
Kaisaks,  and  one  of  their  favourite  recreations  is  to  listen  to 
singers  of  epic  ballads,  one  of  whom  is  to  be  found  in  every 
encampment,  and  with  every  expedition.  They  possess  an  epic 
poem,  the  Manas,  part  of  which  has  been  written  down  by  Vali- 
khanof  and  by  Kadloff.  It  is,  Valikhanof  says,  an  encyclopaedical 
collection  of  all  the  Kirghiz  mythological  tales  and  traditions 
grouped  round  one  person,  the  giant  Manas,  being  a  sort  of 
Iliad  of  the  Steppe. 

There  is  a  legend  deriving  the  name  of  the  Kirghiz,  which 
they  themselves  pronounce  Kyrgvz,  from  forty  maidens,  ki/rk 
kyz;  and  the  story  goes  that  the  daughter  of  a  certain  Khan,  on 
returning  one  day  from  a  long  excursion  with  her  forty  hand- 
maidens, found  her  tents  pillaged,  and  but  one  thing  left  alive 
in  them — a  red  dog,  whom  the  Kirghiz  consider  the  father  of 
their  race,  while  the  name  itself  is  borne  in  remembrance  of 
their  mothers.  Some  tribes  are  silent  about  the  red  dog,  and 
say  that  the  forty  maidens  were  impregnated  by  the  foara  of 
Lake  Issyk  Kul,  but  the  legend  in  one  or  the  other  of  these 
forms  exists  with  many  variations,  not  only  among  the  Kara- 
Kirghiz  themselves,  but  also  among  the  surrounding  tribes,  and 
even  as  far  back  as  the  time  of  the  Mongols  a  Chinese  writer 
repeats  the  story.1  The  claim  of  descent  from  animals  is  not 
uncommon  among  the  Asiatic  tribes,  and  is  widely  spread 
among  those  of  America,  and  such  legends  have  frequently  been 
looked  upon  as  significant  of  a  very  ancient  origin  for  the 
people  who  possess  them.  There  exist  also  traditions  of  a 
similar  nature  with  regard  to  the  origin  of  the  various  tribes, 
who  all  try  to  connect  themselves  with  the  hero  Togai.  The 
tribes  of  Suit,  Sary-bagysh  and  Bogu  claim  to  be  descended 
from  Togai  by  his  lawful  wives,  while  the  Sayaks  were  merely 
the  offspring  of  one  of  his  concubines,  for  which  reason  these 
last  are  looked  upon  with  contempt  by  the  other  tribes,  and 
were  formerly  frequently  reduced  to  slavery.  As  to  the  Bogus, 
it  is  related  that  near  the  present  site  of  Fort  Naryn  there  is  a 

1  With  this  legend  it  is  interesting  to  compare  the  story  given  by  King 
Hethuni  of  the  people  living  beyond  Khatai,  for  which  see  Appendix  III.,  at  the 
end  of  Vol.  I. 


THE  KAKA-KIRGHIZ.  139 

mountain  called  Ala-Myshak — the  spotted  cat — through  which 
runs  a  tunnel.  One  day  while  out  hunting  the  mountain  deer, 
a  Kirghiz  of  the  tribe  of  Sary-bagysh  came  by  accident  to  this 
place,  and  seeing  a  light  coming  from  the  other  end  of  the 
tunnel,  ventured  into  it.  When  about  halfway  through  he  met 
an  animal  with  horns,  which  he  took  for  a  deer  and  killed,  but 
on  dragging  it  to  the  entrance  he  saw  that  it  was  a  man  with 
horns  like  those  of  the  deer  (bogu).  Soon  a  woman  with  similai 
horns  ran  up,  fell  weeping  on  the  body,  and  said  that  it  was  hei 
brother.  Not  knowing  what  to  do,  and  repenting  his  involun- 
tary murder,  the  Sarybagysh  proposed  to  expiate  his  crime  by 
marrying  the  woman,  and  from  them  came  the  tribe  of  Bogu. 

Among  the  Kara-Kirghiz  the  Manaps,  or  tribal  and  family 
chiefs,  claim  a  sort  of  aristocracy  as  being  descended  from 
Togai.  Beneath  them  are  only  the  common  people,  bukhara, 
and  the  slaves,  kul,  although  in  those  tribes  under  Eussian  ruh 
slavery  has  now  been  abolished.  Notwithstanding  that  by  the 
Eussian  regulations  the  Manaps  have  no  legal  power,  they 
still  have  an  enormous  influence  among  the  tribes  and  the 
greatest  respect  is  paid  to  them,  as  in  general,  in  any  place 
where  the  patriarchal  system  exists,  respect  is  paid  to  age. 
Among  the  Kara-Kirghiz  the  son  never  becomes  entirely 
emancipated  from  his  father,  although  when  he  reaches  the  age 
of  twenty  he  usually  has  a  tent  set  apart  for  him,  and  cattle  and 
sheep  are  given  to  him  for  his  subsistence.  He  does  not  reach 
full  age  until  he  is  thirty,  and  his  accession  to  the  dignity  of 
manhood  is  marked  by  a  feast,  at  which  he  must  undergo  the 
ceremony  of  having  his  moustaches  shaved.  He  is  then 
declared  to  be  a  man,  and  to  be  able  to  take  part  in  the 
councils ;  but  even  this  he  cannot  do  if  his  father  be  present, 
for  as  long  as  his  father  may  live  he  is  supposed  to  be  acting 
only  as  his  deputy.  Besides  the  Manaps  there  are  always 
honoured  Kirghiz — not  necessarily  of  the  aristocracy,  called 
Biis,  who  are  something  in  the  nature  of  judges,  and  to  whom 
disputes  are  referred  for  decision.  Under  the  Eussian  adminis- 
tration the  Biis  have  been  made  into  actual  judges,  and  are 
elective  from  each  district ;  indeed,  one  is  now  located  in 
every  aul,  or  village.1 

1  For  further  information  about  the  Kara-Kirghiz,  see  Eadloff's  '  Observations 
iur  les  Kirghiz,'  in  the  '  Journal  Asiatique,'  1863,  No.  9  ;  Willi.  Schott ;  '  Uber  die 


140  TURKISTAN. 

On  my  return  to  Tokmak  I  found  there  a  large  encamp- 
ment of  Kara-Kirghiz,  and  soon  learned  that  an  extraordinary 
session  of  the  Biis  of  the  two  large  districts  of  Tokmak 
and  Issyk  Kul  was  taking  place.  Each  single  Bii  has  juris- 
diction over  those  cases  only  which  do  not  exceed  one  hundred 
rubles,  five  horses,  or  fifty  sheep  ;  cases  involving  amounts  up 
to  ten  times  that  sum  are  given  over  to  a  council  of  Biis  ;  while 
the  extraordinary  sessions  of  the  Biis  of  two  districts  are  held 
to  consider  cases  arising  between  the  Kirghiz  of  those  different 
administrative  divisions. 

The  Biis,  who  were  all  big,  stout,  well-to-do  looking  men, 
were  seated  on  the  ground  in  a  circle  in  a  large  hibitka.  In 
the  centre  was  a  small  table,  at  which  sat  the  Prefect  of  the 
district,  while  the  interpreter  with  his  bundles  of  papers,  had  a 
chair  near  by.  The  proceedings  were  marked  by  regularity 
and  good  order.  Plaintiff  and  defendant  told  their  stories, 
which  were  supported,  if  necessary,  by  witnesses.  The  inter- 
preter related  the  gist  of  the  case  to  the  Prefect,  and  made  a 
short  note  of  it  in  his  book,  and  after  a  consultation  of  the  Biis 
of  each  district,  first  separately  and  then  together,  the  decision 
was  entered  in  the  book  and  they  affixed  their  seals. 

When  the  Prussians  established  the  courts  of  the  Biis,  they 
abstained  from  appointing  the  Biis,  which  would  have  been  in 
perfect  accordance  with  native  customs,  but  introduced  the 
system  of  election,  which  was  foreign  to  all  Kirghiz  traditions. 
There  is  now  disagreement  among  the  Russian  officials  as  to 
the  value  of  the  present  system.  Some  maintain,  with  very 
great  appearance  of  truth,  that  the  elections  are  a  mere  farce, 
as  they  are  entirely  in  the  hands  of  the  tribal  leaders  and  of 
the  aristocratic  families  who  compel  the  choice  of  their  sons 
and  adherents,  so  that  the  Russian  system  is  only  tending  in 
an  indirect  way  to  strengthen  the  influence  of  the  Manaps. 
Others,  while  admitting  the  truth  of  this,  think  the  system  in 
itself  a  good  one,  but  propose  that  the  influence  of  the  Manaps 
should  be  counteracted  by  a  similar  pressure  from  the  district 
prefects.  In  this  case  why  would  it  not  be  simpler,  and  give 
on  the  whole  greater  satisfaction,  if  the  Russian  authorities 
directly  named   the  Biis  ?     As  it  is,  if  a  Kirghiz  can  obtain  a 

achton  Kirgisen  ;'  in  the  Abhandlungen  der  Konigl.  Akademie  der  Wissencliaftcn 
zu  Berlin,  1864:  and  Michells'  '  The  Russians  in  Central  Asia.' 


INTEEPEETEES.  141 

little  influence  with  the  Prefect,  or  -with  his  interpreter,  he  can 
always  manage  in  some  way  to  have  the  decision  of  the  Riis 
set  aside,  or  reversed  by  the  authorities.  One  upright  Eussian 
magistrate,  if  he  were  willing  to  forego  the  formalities,  red 
tape  and  paper-smudging  so  dear  to  his  race,  could  accomplish 
more  for  justice  and  for  order  among  the  Kirghiz,  both  of 
mountain  and  of  steppe,  than  all  the  pseudo-autonomy  and  the 
fictitious  elective  system  that  has  of  late  been  introduced.  In 
the  present  state  of  things,  in  matters  of  grave  importance,  or 
for  anything  which  concerns  the  Eussians  or  the  Government, 
the  Kirghiz,  as  well  as  all  the  other  natives,  are  entirely  in  the 
hands  of  the  interpreters. 

In  general  these  interpreters  are  a  sorry  set,  which  is  strange 
considering  the  number  of  Asiatics  in  the  Russian  service,  and 
the  excellent  appliances  which  exist  in  Eussia  for  le  ruing  the 
Oriental  languages.  With  the  exception  of  a  few  officers  who 
have  received  a  fair  education,  and  who  are  sometimes  honest 
and  capable,  they  are  Tartars  who  have  wandered  to  this  part 
of  Asia  for  the  purpose  of  making  their  fortunes,  or  Kirghiz 
who  have  been  picked  up  on  the  steppe,  or  who  have  been 
serving  as  jig  its.  They  usually  kno^'  no  Persian,  have  but  an 
imperfect  acquaintance  with  the  Uzbek  dialect,  and  understand 
Eussian  still  less.  Sometimes  they  are  mere  Cossacks,  unable 
to  read  or  write,  who  have  learned  the  languages  simply  by 
picking  them  up  in  their  daily  intercourse  with  the  natives. 
It  is  no  wonder  that  such  interpreters  make  glaring,  and  even 
amusing  mistakes.  I  remember  a  case  which  produced  no 
little  sensation  in  Samarkand.  A  Sart  came  to  the  judge  to 
complain  that  Nur  Mohammed,  one  of  his  neighbours,  while 
setting  fire  to  the  house  of  Kalian  Musha,  had  through  care- 
lessness burnt  down  four  acres  of  ripe  wheat  belonging  to  him. 
The  judge,  who  thought  he  should  have  two  cases  to  try,  imme- 
diately ordered  the  arrest  of  Nur  Mohammed.  On  a  subse- 
quent examination  he  enquired  why  Kalian  Musha  did  not 
appear  to  give  evidence,  and  was  told  that  Kalian  Musha  had 
been  burnt  up  with  all  his  family  at  the  time  the  house  was 
set  on  fire.  At  this  unheard-of  atrocity  the  judge  got  much 
excited,  and  it  was  some  time  before  the  united  efforts  of 
several  interpreters  were  able  to  convince  him  that  the  whole 
difficulty  was  one  of  mistranslation — that  Kalian  Musha  was 


142  TURKISTAN. 

the  name  given  to  a  sort  of  large  rat  which  ate  grain,  and  that 
the  fire  was  caused  by  an  attempt  to  burn  this  animal's  nest. 

On  one  occasion  General  Kaufmann  received  a  letter  from 
the  Amir,  and  was  greatly  annoyed  on  opening  it  to  find  that, 
according  to  his  interpreter,  it  was  addressed  to  the  Emperor 
Alexander.  Fortunately  there  was  an  officer  present  who  knew 
Persian  better,  and  on  examining  the  letter  it  was  found  that  the 
phrase  which  caused  the  trouble  was  one  of  mere  compliment, 
calling  the  General  a  second  Alexander  the  Great.  At  the 
public  reception  in  Tashkent  of  the  son  of  Khudayar  Khan, 
General  Kaufmann  said,  '  By  coming  here  to  visit  me,  you 
show  that  you  are  the  obedient  son  of  your  father  and  a  faith- 
ful servant  of  your  country.'  The  interpreter,  to  the  wonder- 
ment and  amusement  of  the  natives,  rendered  this  '  By  coming 
here  to  see  me  you  show  that  you  are  really  the  son  of  your  father.' 

In  a  letter  from  Khudayar  Khan  to  General  Kolpakofsky, 
which  treated  of  the  rebellion  in  1873,  there  was  this  phrase: 
'The  Kirghiz  of  their  own  accord  (onb as K)  caused  the  surround- 
ing (tchit)  places  to  rebel,'  which  was  translated  by  the  official 
interpreter  thus :  '  The  Kirghiz  went  out  from  the  city  Nash  to 
the  city  Teh  it.' 

But  such  curiosities  of  translation  might  be  indefinitely 
multiplied.  The  worst  feature  of  the  present  system  of  inter- 
preters is  that  these  can  take  advantage  of  their  position  to 
deceive  both  Eussians  and  natives,  and  the  latter  especially 
suffer  greatly.  The  orders  of  the  Russians  are  falsely  translated 
to  them,  and  sums  of  money  are  extorted  from  them  under  the 
pretence  of  setting  things  straight. 

As  the  Kastek  Pass  is  no  longer  used  for  vehicles,  from 
Tokmak  I  turned  back  on  my  road  as  far  as  Pishpek,  and 
then  went  north  to  the  station  of  Konstantinofskaya,  where 
there  is  an  excellent  bridge  over  that  shallow,  muddy,  and 
utterly  useless  river — the  Tchu.  A  few  weeks  after  I  passed. 
Mr.  Kopylof,  the  clerk  of  Mr.  Kuznetzof,  a  well  known 
merchant  and  contractor  for  the  post  stations,  attempted  to 
descend  the  Tchu,  in  the  hope  of  being  able  to  discover  the 
practicability  of  sending  cargoes  of  grain  and  forage  as  far  as 
Lake  Saumal-Kul,  whence  there  would  only  be  one  hundred 
miles  transport  to  Fort  Perovsky,  for   the  better  provisioning 


THE   TCHU.  143 

of  the  post  stations  in  that  region.  For  the  first  forty  miles, 
the  current  was  rapid,  and  the  river  constantly  made  turns. 
After  that,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Kurgaty  the  river  widened  out, 
the  current  became  less  rapid  and  the  stream  wandered  from 
one  side  of  the  bed  to  the  other.  Further  on  the  river  flowed 
through  reeds,  through  mud  fiats  or  between  hillocks  of  sand, 
until,  about  forty  miles  below  the  junction  of  the  Kurgaty,  it 
branched  off  from  the  old  bed  of  the  river,  which,  according  to 
the  Kirghiz,  was  abandoned  about  thirty  years  ago.  Here  the 
river  divided  into  ten  streams  which  soon  after  reunited  into  one ; 
but  it  then  became  so  shallow  that  it  was  impossible  to  proceed, 
and  further  explorations  had  to  be  given  up.  The  travellers 
passed  the  night  in  the  rushes,  constantly  alarmed  by  the  cries 
of  tigers  and  lynxes.  The  next  day  they  began  to  ascend  the 
river  and  in  many  places  were  obliged  to  drag  the  boat  after 
them,  and  they  soon  found  that  it  was  impossible  to  penetrate 
through  the  marshes  and  muddy  flats.  The  boat  became  so 
leaky,  that  it  was  of  no  further  survice,  and  it  became  neces- 
sary to  abandon  it  and  everything  that  was  in  it.  Fortunately 
they  fell  in  with  some  Kirghiz,  from  whom  they  hired  camels,  and 
proceeded  directly  to  Aulie-Ata  across  the  desert  Muyun  Kum. 
Although  I  left  Konstantinofskaya  early  in  the  morning, 
yet  crossing  the  mountains,  through  even  this  low  pass,  was 
slow  work,  and  it  was  already  night  when  I  reached  the  station 
of  Uzun-agatch,  a  place  memorable  in  Kussian  annals  in  this 
part  of  Asia,  for  here  in  October,  i860,  General  (then  Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel) Kolpakofsky  with  800  men  and  six  guns  utterly 
routed  an  army  of  19,000  Khokandians  and  Kirghiz,  and  thus 
permanently  established  the  power  of  the  White  Tsar  on  the 
north  of  the  Ala-tau.1  The  Khokandians,  under  the  command 
of  their  ablest  general,  Khanayat  Shah,  had  started  about  30,000 

1  It  is  a  curious  fact  that  this  title  of  '  White  Tsar  '  is  really  of  Chinese  origin. 
In  221  B.C.  Tsin-Shi-Hicang,  adopted,  instead  of  his  former  appellation  of  Vang, 
prince,  the  title  of  Hivavg-Ti  or  Ruan-Bi,  the  supreme  ruler  who  nourishes  and 
cares  for  all  creatures.  The  title  still  continues  as  that  of  the  Emperor  of  China. 
The  character  which  was  pronounced  hwang  was  formed  by  the  addition  of  the 
small  character  bai,  white,  above  the  character  vang,  prince.  When  the  Mongols 
conquered  China,  and  assumed  the  title  of  Hwang-Ti  they  translated  it  literally 
into  Mongolian  as  Tchagan  Khagan,  White  Khan.  This  was  subsequently  adopted 
by  the  Russians  for  Asiatic  use  in  the  various  forms  of  Ak-Khan,  AJc -Padshah 
and  Iiiely  Tsar,  or  White  Tsar.     This  name,   however,   was  never  spread  amrng 


144  TURKISTAN. 

men  strong-,  fully  expecting  to  rebuild  Tokmak  and  Pishpek, 
which  had  been  destroyed,  and  to  drive  the  Kussians  from 
Semiretch.  They  had  gained  over  the  Kara- Kirghiz,  and  had 
secured  at  least  the  passive  co-operation  of  the  Great  Horde  of 
Kirghiz  Kaisaks,  to  whom  they  had  promised  the  booty  to  be 
obtained  from  sacking  Vierny.  The  wives  and  daughters  of 
the  Russians  in  Vierny  were  even  apportioned  by  name  among 
the  various  chiefs  and  sultans.  Yevgraf,  the  Russian  renegade, 
who  accompanied  this  army,  told  me  that  Khanayat  Shah  was 
in  such  high  spirits  that  he  even  promised  him  five  Russian 
slaves.  The  plan  was  not  a  bad  one.  There  were  few  Russian 
troops  disposable,  and  most  of  these  had  been  concentrated  at 
the  small  fort  of  Kasttk,  at  the  mouth  of  the  pass,  where  it 
was  expected  that  the  attack  would  first  be  made.  There  was 
another  detachment  at  Vierny,  with  a  small  force  at  Uzun- 
agatch  to  keep  open  the  communication,  while  all  the  rest 
had  been  sent  to  occupy  the  fort  on  the  Hi,  and  keep 
open  the  communication  with  Siberia.  Kolpakofsky  was 
left  almost  to  himself,  as  the  authorities  at  Semipala- 
tinsk  pooh-poohed  the  reports  of  the  approach  of  the  Kho- 
kandian  army,  and,  in  orders  written  even  after  the  affair 
was  all  over,  laughed  at  the  possibility  of  a  Khokandian  invasion 
at  that  late  season  of  the  year,  and  forbade  any  useless  move- 
ment of  troops.  Khanayat  Shah  and  the  Khokandians,  instead 
of  attacking  Kastek,  as  was  expected,  crossed  the  mountains 
by  another  road,  and,  making  a  circuit,  attacked  the  post  of 
Uzun-agatch,  intending  after  capturing  that  place  to  leave  part 
of  the  forces  to  blockade  the  Kastek,  and  then  to  enter  Vierny 
almost  without  opposition.  But  unfortunately  for  him  the 
general  to  whom  he  had  entrusted  the  attack  on  Uzun-agatch 
was  half-hearted  ;  the  Russians  held  out  well,  and  one  messen- 
ger succeeded  in  getting  through  the  lines.  As  soon  as  Kolpa- 
kofsky knew  what  the  actual  state  of  the  case  was,  without 
losing  a  moment  of  time,  he  marched  with  all  his  troops  out 
of  Kastek,  and  attacked  the  Khokandians  from  the  other  side, 
completely  defeating  them.  Yevgraf,  who  was  with  Khanayat 
Shah,  heard  the  cannon  and  recognised  the  sound  of  the  Russian 

the  Russian  peasantry,  and  when  therefore  we  find  the  title  of  'White  Tsar'  in 
a  popular  document,  as,  for  instance,  in  the  recent  address  of  the  Polish  Uniates, 
we  may  be  sure  that  the  paper  is  of  official  origin. 


VIERNY.  145 

guns,  at  which  in  his  inmost  heart  he  was  delighted.  "When 
the  main  body  of  Khokandians  learned  of  the  sortie  of  the 
Eussians,  they  were  so  disheartened  that  they  resolved  on  an 
immediate  retreat,  and,  after  crossing  the  mountains,  the  army 
soon  dispersed  and  found  its  way  back  to  Khokand  in  small 
bands.  On  the  return,  Yevgraf  asked  Khanayat  Shah  where 
were  his  Kussian  slaves, — a  question  which  nearly  cost  him  his 
head. 

At  the  next  station  I  found  a  Cossack  waiting  to  escort  me 
to  Vierny,  and  on  arriving  there  I  was  given  a  comfortable 
lodging  in  the  house  close  to  the  post  station  belonging  to 
Mr.  Kuznetzof,  from  the  windows  of  which  I  had  a  pretty  view 
of  the  Ala-tau,  the  lower  slopes  of  which  had  been  covered  the 
night  before  with  a  thin  fall  of  snow,  which  formed  a  strong 
contrast  to  the  red  rocks  and  to  the  remains  of  the  dark-green 
pine  forests,  with  which  these  mountains  were  once  well  clothed. 
The  top  of  the  range,  which  is  in  many  places  14,000  feet 
high,  was  covered  with  perpetual  snow,  and  further  to  the 
left  beyond  the  first  range  rose  the  great  pyramidal  peak  of 
Talgar,  17,000  feet  in  height.  The  town  of  Vierny  itself  is  at 
an  elevation  of  2,400  feet,  at  the  very  foot  of  the  mountains, 
and  stands  on  the  little  stream  Almatinky,  the  name  of  which, 
like  the  Kirghiz  appellation  of  the  town,  Almaty,  is  derived 
from  the  abundance  of  apples  (cdmci)  in  the  neighbourhood. 

This  Trans-Ili  region  was  first  occupied  in  1853,  and  the 
next  year  a  small  post  was  established  here.  Cossacks  and 
colonists  were  sent  here  from  western  Siberia  and  Eussia,  and 
what  was  at  first  an  outpost  had  in  1871  more  than  12,000 
inhabitants.1  The  several  parts  of  which  Vierny  is  composed — 
the  two  Cossack  stanitzas  of  Great  and  Little  Almaty,  the  old 
town,  the  new  town,  and  the  Tartar  suburb, — though  rapidly 
fusing  together,  give  the  place  a  somewhat  straggling  air ;  still 
it  has  in  every  way  the  appearance  of  a  flourishing  Eussian,  or 
rather  perhaps  Siberian  town,  presenting  a  complete  contrast 
to  all  places  south  of  the  mountains.     The  streets  are  wide  and 

1  Change  of  circumstances  has  also  Drought  about  a  change  of  name.  It  was 
formerly  called  Viernoye,  an  adjective  in  the  neuter  gender,  qualifying  nkriepleiiie, 
meaning  'the  faithful  fort' ;  but  since  the  appointment  of  the  Governor-General  of 
Turkistan  in  1867,  it  has  become  a  city  and  has  iherefore  changed  its  termination 
to  a  masculine  one — Vierny — to  agree  with  gorod,  city. 

VOL.  II.  L 


146  TURKISTAN. 

regular,  and  the  houses  are  mostly  built  in  the  Eussian  style. 
Th«:re  are  the  shops  with  their  glaring  and  picturesque  signs, 
the  large  official  buildings,  the  dirty  little  hotels,  the  club,  and 
everything  which  goes  to  make  up  a  Russian  town.  The  place 
has  thrived  so  much  that  it  is  now  being  almost  entirely  re- 
built in  brick,  and  ten  years  hence  will  have  a  much  solider 
and  steadier  look.  Even  in  1871  there  were  239  brick  houses, 
but  now  the  new  quarter  of  the  town,  where  will  be  placed  all 
the  Government  buildings,  is  nearly  finished.  It  is  the  popu- 
lation, however,  that  distinguishes  Vierny  from  other  towns  ; 
for  here  we  have  all  the  races  of  this  part  of  Asia,  Sarts, 
Tartars,  Kirghiz,  Kalmuks  and  Chinese,  and  even  a  few  Afghans. 
The  Kalmuks  with  their  brown  faces  and  long  queues,  riding 
on  cows  and  oxen,  strike  the  traveller  at  once,  and  show  him 
that  he  is  approaching  the  Chinese  border  ;  in  fact  the  Kalmuks 
and  the  Chinese  form  the  main  reliance  for  labour  here.  The 
trade  in  everything  is  rapidly  increasing,  and  the  commerce  of 
the  steppe,  which  formerly  had  its  head-quarters  in  Kopal,  is 
now  coming  to  Vierny  ;  besides  this,  caravans,  which  formerly 
passed  through  Vierny  without  stopping,  now  usually  break  their 
journey  here  and  sometimes  use  this  as  a  distributing  point. 
There  are  several  Chinese  merchants  established  here,  and  I  am 
told  that  through  their  economy  and  diligence  they  are  getting 
the  greater  part  of  the  commerce  into  their  own  hands,  much  to 
the  annoyance  of  the  somewhat  careless  Russians.  There  are  a 
number  of  saw-mills,  brick-kilns,  distilleries  and  breweries,  and 
in  every  way  a  spirit  of  enterprise  is  shown,  so  superior  to  that 
of  Tashkent  that  it  cannot  be  accounted  for  only  by  the  ten 
years  longer  which  the  town  has  existed.  There  are  two 
Russian  schools,  a  school  for  Mussulman  children,  a  trade- 
school  for  the  education  of  artisans  and  good  workmen,  and 
a  school  of  gardening  and  fruit-culture.  The  chief  means  of 
amusement  are  the  club  and  the  public  garden.  The  latter  is 
a  piece  of  ground  under  the  care  of  the  gardening-school, 
which  is  even  now  a  pleasant  place  of  resort,  and  will  in  time 
be  pretty.  At  present  most  of  its  verdure  consists  of  half-wild 
apple-trees  and  grape-vines,  although  I  found  also  a  fair  show 
of  flowers.  On  one  side  of  the  garden  is  a  pavilion  which  is 
used  during  the  summer  by  the  club,  and  here  one  evening  in 
a  week  there  is  what  is  so  well  known  in  Russia  as  a  *  musical 


OPIUM  SMOKING.  147 

family-evening,'  with  illuminations,  music,  dancing1,  supper 
and  the  eternal  yeralash  and  preference,  without  which  the 
non-dancing  portion  of  the  guests  could  not  possibly  spend  a 
happy  hour. 

One  of  my  first  duties  at  Vierny  was  to  pay  a  visit  to 
General  Eossitzky,  the  acting  Governor  of  the  province,  whom 
I  found  domiciled  for  the  summer  in  three  large  kibitkas  at 
one  end  of  the  public  garden.  In  a  rainless  region  like  this 
no  more  pleasant  country  residence  can  be  devised  than  these 
roomy,  cool  felt  tents.  He  promised  me  everything  in  his  power, 
and  especially  with  regard  to  my  proposed  visit  to  Kuldja. 

Among  the  numerous  persons  whose  acquaintance  I  made 
in  Vierny  there  were  three  who  struck  me  as  being  particularly 
remarkable.  One  was  Mr.  Kuznetzof,  a  typical  Siberian 
merchant,  whose  enterprise  has  done  much,  not  only  for  Vierny 
but  also  for  Tashkent.  Another  was  Mr.  Berintzef,  also  a 
Eussian  merchant,  but  of  an  education  far  better  than  is  common 
in  that  class.  He  was  able  to  give  me  much  information  about 
the  trade  of  the  place,  and  concerning  its  relations  with  Kashgar 
and  with  the  Steppe.  He  also  kindly  introduced  me  to  the 
two  leading  Chinese  merchants,  both  intelligent  men,  who 
spoke  what  one  might  call  '  pigeon  Eussian,'  for  it  bore 
exactly  the  same  relation  to  Eussian  as  the  '  pigeon  English ' 
spoken  in  the  treaty  ports  does  to  English.  I  found  them  at 
dinner,  and  as  it  was  the  first  time  that  I  had  seen  chopsticks 
in  actual  use  I  was  glad  that  my  presence  did  not  hinder  them. 
They  seemed  to  have  many  friends,  for  during  my  visit  several 
Eussians  and  Sarts  dropped  in  for  the  purpose  of  having  a  pipe 
of  opium.  I  found  the  process  of  smoking  so  interesting  that 
I  at  last  concluded  to  try  a  pipe  myself,  but  I  took  only  a  few 
whiffs,  and  therefore  escaped  with  but  a  slight  headache.  The 
smoker  reclines  on  a  rug  with  a  pillow  under  his  elbow,  and 
at  first  devotes  himself  to  arranging  the  opium.  A  needle  is 
dipped  into  a  dark  viscous  half-liquid  preparation,  and  the 
drop  that  is  taken  out  is  then  heated  for  some  time  over  a 
small  lamp  till  it  hardens,  when  it  is  again  dipped  into  the 
bottle  until  a  good-sized  ball  is  obtained.  This,  after  being 
dextrously  turned  over  the  lamp  on  the  point  of  the  needle, 
and  then  shaped  in  the  palm  of  the  hand,  is  placed  on  the 
pipe, — not  in  the  bowl,  however,  for  there  is  none.    The  pipe  is 

L  2 


148  TURK  1ST  AN. 

merely  a  tube,  from  the  end  of  which  a  ball  like  an  egg  depends, 
above  which  is  a  small  pointed  tube  set  at  right  angles  to  the 
pipe.  On  this  the  ball  of  opium  is  stuck,  which  in  smoking 
it  is  necessary  to  hold  constantly  over  the  flame  of  the  lamp. 
The  vapours  of  the  opium,  entering  into  the  ball  where  the 
residue  collects,  are  thus  a  little  cooled  before  reaching  the 
mouth.  The  taste  was  extremely  bitter,  yet  with  a  tinge  of 
sweetness. 

I  found  that  besides  the  trade  in  tea  and  manufactured 
goods,  the  Chinese  buy  up  all  objects  of  jade,  and  even  the 
large  pieces  of  unworked  stone  brought  from  Kashgar,  for 
which  they  are  willing  to  pay  large  prices,  and  which  they 
then  send  back  by  way  of  Kiakhta  to  China.  After  the 
capture  of  Kuldja  they  even  bought  up  porcelain  and  vases, 
and  whatever  was  saved  from  the  general  wreck,  to  send 
back  to  China.  Besides  this  another  of  their  specialties  is 
commerce  in  the  young  horns  of  the  mountain-deer  from  the 
neighbourhood  of  Issyk  Kul,  of  which  I  have  already  spoken. 

The  man  who  interested  me  perhaps  more  than  all  the  others 
was  Mr.  Poklefsky-Koziel,  a  Pole.  He  had  been  educated  at 
the  Staff  Academy,  and  when  the  Polish  rebellion  of  1862-3 
broke  out,  was  a  Colonel  on  the  staff  at  St.  Petersburg.  He 
ran  away  and  joined  the  insurgents,  and  was  for  a  long  time  the 
commandant  of  the  Underground  Government  of  Warsaw,  the 
orders  of  which  were  universally  respected  by  the  Poles.  The 
Kussians  were  never  able  to  find  out  the  source  whence  these 
proclamations  emanated.  When  the  rebellion  was  on  its  last 
legs,  he  escaped  to  Germany,  and  going  to  France,  entered  into 
the  service  of  a  railway  company.  During  the  Franco-Prussian 
war  he  was  commander  of  the  Vendean  Brigade.  After  the 
war,  everything  was  disordered,  he  could  get  no  position  to  suit 
him,  and  he  was  at  the  same  time  afflicted  with  a  sort  of  home- 
sickness ;  besides  this,  he  bad  to  provide  for  his  wife  and  child. 
He  therefore  made  propositions  for  his  return,  and  asked  for 
his  pardon,  which  was  granted,  and  he  was  told  that  he  might 
freely  return  to  Eussia.  He  had  no  sooner  arrived  there,  than  he 
was  arrested  and  confined  in  the  fortress  at  Wilna  ;  but  after  some 
months  he  was  released  on  the  condition  that  he  would  enter 
the  army  as  a  private  soldier,  although  he  was  allowed  to  retain 
his  decorations  and  rank.     He  chose  the  Cossacks  of  Semiretch, 


GENERAL   KOLPAKOFSKY.  149 

and,  when  I  6aw  him,  he  wore  the  uniform  of  a  common  soldier, 
although  he  was  relieved  from  actual  military  duty,  had  been 
given  the  position  of  architect  of  the  new  city,  and  was  received 
as  an  equal  and  a  comrade  by  all  the  officers  except  one. 

I  heard  of  another  political  prisoner,  a  certain  Schwartz, 
from  the  Baltic  provinces,  who  had  been  sentenced  to  confine- 
ment in  the  fortress  at  Vierny.  This  arrival  somewhat 
astonished  the  authorities  of  that  place,  for  there  was  no 
fortress  in  which  to  confine  him,  and  he  was  therefore  placed 
in  the  ordinary  prison.  When  Mr.  Ashton  Dilke  was  in  Vierny, 
a  few  weeks  before  me,  the  chief  of  police  was  so  struck  with  his 
real  or  fancied  resemblance  to  this  Schwartz  that  he  had  him 
constantly  followed  by  a  detective,  and  even  reported  to  the 
Governor  the  necessity  of  arresting  him, — a  castastrophe  which 
was  avoided  by  the  letters  and  proof  of  his  undoubted  identity 
which  Mr.  Dilke  possessed. 

In  speaking  of  people  at  Vierny  I  ought  not  to  pass  over 
General  Kolpakofsky,  the  Governor-General  of  the  province, 
although  I  saw  him  only  in  Tashkent.  The  son  of  a  subaltern 
officer  of  the  province  of  Kherson,  he  was  born  in  1819,  and  at 
sixteen  years  of  age  entered  the  service  as  a  common  soldier 
among  the  volunteers  of  the  Lublin  Infantry  regiment.  In  ten 
months  he  was  made  a  non-commissioned  officer,  and  remained 
such  until  1841,  when  he  received  a  commission.  He  served  for 
a  long  time  in  the  Caucasus,  and  afterwards  in  Transylvania 
during  the  Hungarian  war,  until  in  1852  he  was  transferred 
to  Siberia  where  he  has  passed  the  remainder  of  his  life.  He 
was  for  many  years  stationed  in  the  inhospitable  Berezof,  the 
well  known  political  settlement  where  many  of  the  grandees  of 
the  last  century  passed  years  of  exile.  Ultimately,  in  1858,  he 
was  transferred  to  the  district  of  the  Ala-tau.  No  man  is  more 
thoroughly  acquainted  with  the  country  over  which  he  rules. 
With  an  excellent  constitution,  and  of  indefatigable  energy,  he 
has  ridden  over  every  part  of  it,  passing  whole  days  in  the  saddle, 
in  which  he  is  so  unwearied  as  to  receive  from  the  Kirghiz  the 
sobriquet  of  '  the  iron  seat.'  He  understands  the  people  too, 
and  although  he  rarely  shows  his  acquirements,  he  knows  well 
the  Kirghiz  language,  and  is  therefore  a  difficult  man  to  deceive. 
Once  already  at  Uzun-agatch  he  saved  for  Russia  this  whole  pro- 
vince, and  if  anyone  now  can  put  down  corruption  in  Turkistan, 


150  TUKKISTAN. 

restore  to  the  Eussians  the  confidence  of  the  natives,  and 
diminish  the  great  expenditure  of  men  and  money,  which  has  so 
long  heen  going  on,  and  is  apparently  destined  to  increase,  it 
is  he.  A  very  short  stay  in  Semiretch  is  enough  to  convince 
anyone  of  the  vast  difference  between  the  administration  of  that 
province  and  the  rule  of  the  officials  at  Tashkent. 

The  province  of  Semiretch,  or  seven  rivers,  received  its 
name  from  the  seven  largest  of  the  numerous  streams  which 
water  it, — the  Lepsa,  the  Vaskan,  the  Sarkan,  the  Ak-su,  the 
Karatal,  the  Kok-su,  and  the  Hi. 

Much  of  it  is  steppe  and  much  a  barren  desert,  but  in  the 
parts  adjacent  to  the  mountains,  which  are  well  watered,  there 
are  many  fertile  valleys,  where  great  quantities  of  grain  are 
raised,  and  where  even  greater  harvests  could  be  produced. 
Much  wheat  is  now  sent  to  feed  the  troops  at  Tashkent,  and 
were  there  better  communications,  much  could  be  sent  to  the 
stations  west.  Unfortunately  there  is  a  lack  of  forests.  When 
Eussian  colonists  first  arrived,  the  lower  hills  and  the  mountain 
valleys  were  covered  with  trees,  but  now  they  are  nearly 
denuded,  and  the  administration  has  been  obliged  to  take 
strict  measures  to  preserve  what  little  there  is  left  by  limiting 
the  right  of  cutting  timber,  although  even  this  seems  to  avail 
but  little,  and  it  may  become  necessary  to  station  guards  over 
the  forests.  It  was  with  the  view  of  extending  tree-culture 
that  the  school  of  gardening  was  founded  at  Vierny. 

I  have  previously  spoken  of  Eussian  colonisation  in  Semi- 
retch. The  Eussian  colonies  are  for  the  most  part  along  the 
northern  range  of  the  Alexandrofsky  mountains,  in  the  vicinity 
of  Tokmak,  on  the  northern  and  eastern  shore  of  Lake  Issyk  Kul, 
or  on  the  high  road  leading  from  Vierny  to  Sergiopol.  The 
provinces  of  the  Syr  Darya  and  the  Zarafshan  have  not  yet  been 
opened  to  colonisation,  owing,  in  part,  to  the  fact  that  the  land 
question  has  never  yet  been  settled. 

I  passed  through  many  of  these  colonies  on  the  road,  and  I 
stopped  at  some  of  them  and  entered  into  conversation  with 
the  farmers,  by  far  the  greater  number  of  whom  were  peasants 
from  the  provinces  of  Voronezh,  Tambof,  and  Saratof.  They 
seemed  quite  satisfied  with  their  lot ;  indeed,  so  far  as  mere 
physical  well-being  and  immunity  from  taxes  is  concerned,  they 
are  far  better  off  than  they  were  in  European  Eussia.     They 


COLONISTS   AND   COSSACKS.  151 

are  given  their  lands  either  gratis  or  at  a  low  price,  the  pay- 
ments extending  over  a  long  period,  and  they  are  freed  from 
taxes  and  duties  for  a  term  of  years.  They  make  the  journey 
at  their  own  risk,  and  usually  with  their  own  horses  and  oxen. 
The  fertility  of  the  soil  and  the  personal  independence  possible 
on  this  remote  frontier  more  and  more  attract  immigration,  and 
during  the  last  two  or  three  years  the  number  of  colonists  has 
considerably  increased. 

The  remarks  in  the  Eussian  papers  about  emigration  to 
Central  Asia  refer  to  these  settlements  only  and  not  to  the 
region  about  Tashkent. 

It  is  important  to  distinguish  between  the  Eussian  colonies 
and  the  Cossack  settlements.  The  former  colonisation  was 
voluntary,  but  the  latter  was  forced.  As  soon  as  this  region 
was  annexed  it  was  considered  necessary  to  plant  it  with  Cossack 
stations,  in  order  that  there  might  be  a  population  capable  of 
cultivating  the  soil,  and  able,  at  the  same  time,  to  keep  off  the 
Kirghiz  and  the  Khokandians. 

In  order  to  supply  this  want,  a  certain  quota  was  taken 
from  the  various  £  rmies  of  the  Ural,  Orenburg,  and  Siberia,  who 
were  formed  into  what  was  called  the  new  line  along  the  Irtysh, 
a  portion  of  whom  were  subsequently  known  as  the  Cossacks  of 
Semipalatinsk.  In  addition  to  these  real  Cossacks,  peasants 
were  drafted  from  various  localities  in  Eussia  and  sent  to  the 
frontier,  given  tools  with  which  to  build  houses  and  cultivate 
the  land,  provided  with  arms,  and  told  that  they  were  in  the 
service  of  the  government,  and  were  to  regard  themselves  as 
Cossacks.  These  for  the  most  part  constituted  the  Cossack 
army  of  Semiretch.  Having  none  of  the  traditions  of  which 
the  Cossacks  of  the  Don  and  the  Ural  are  proud,  they  have  not 
the  same  military  spirit,  and  with  difficulty  keep  up  their 
organisation ;  the  Siberian  Cossacks  are,  in  fact,  considered  the 
worst  of  all  the  Cossack  troops  in  service  in  Central  Asia. 

In  passing  through  their  settlements  it  was  noticeable  that 
they  seemed  far  less  independent  than  the  ordinary  Eussian 
peasants,  and  that  they  led  a  lazier  and  more  useless  life, 
devoting  themselves  either  to  hunting  or  to  the  pleasures  of 
the  dram-shop,  while  their  wives  were  left  to  look  after  the 
family  property.  At  the  same  time  they  endeavoured  to  pre- 
serve a  certain  chic  of  their  own,  which   occasionally  appeared 


152  TUEKISTAN. 

in  curious  forms.  For  instance,  all  along  the  Irtysh  the  Cossacks 
seemed  to  consider  that  it  was  the  correct  thing  to  speak  Tartar, 
in  the  same  way  as  persons  in  good  society  in  St.  Petersburg 
and  Moscow  prefer  to  speak  in  French  when  in  public.  It  was 
therefore  amusing  sometimes  to  have  them  answer  our  questions 
in  good  Russian  and  then  talk  to  one  another  in  Tartar. 

From  Vierny  the  post  road  goes  nearly  north  until  it  comes 
to  the  ferry  over  the  Hi,  at  which  there  is  a  small  fort.  We 
crossed  the  yellow,  muddy  river  on  a  large  barge  filled  with 
Kirghiz  and  their  horses,  and  for  miles  on  the  other  side  we 
made  but  slow  progress,  on  accotmt  of  the  depth  of  the  sand 
and  the  violence  of  the  wind,  The  Hi  is  formed  by  two  rivers, 
the  Tekes  and  the  Kunges,  both  rising  in  the  Tian  Shan  and 
uniting  a  little  above  Kuldja,  where  they  are  joined  by  another, 
the  Kash.  Its  general  course  is  west  to  near  the  Hi  station, 
where  I  crossed  it ;  it  then  turns  north-west  until  it  falls  into 
Lake  Balkash.  The  successful  navigation  of  this  river  would 
be  of  great  service  to  the  province  of  Semiretch,  and  even  to 
that  of  Syr  Darya,  especially  by  bringing  coal  down  from 
Kuldja,  and  thus  supplying  Vierny  and  other  towns  with  fuel 
at  cheap  rates.  A  pud  (36  lbs.)  of  excellent  coal  now  costs  at 
Kuldja  from  five  to  six  kopeks  (ll-|cZ.)  while  a  sazhen  of  wood, 
which  is  in  heating  capacity  equivalent  to  60  puds  (2,160  lbs.) 
of  coal,  costs  at  Vierny  fifteen  rubles  (21.),  so  that,  with  easy 
means  of  transportation,  the  houses  and  factories  of  Vierny 
could  be  supplied  at  far  cheaper  rates  than  at  present,  without 
at  the  same  time  injuring  the  country  by  denuding  it  of  trees. 
The  river  would  naturally  be  used  also  for  the  transport  of  fruits 
and  grain  from  Kuldja,  and  of  manufactured  goods  and  spirits 
to  that  district. 

One  of  the  first  steps  taken  after  the  occupation  of  Kuldja  was 
to  explore  thenavigation  of  the  river,  and  in  1871  Captain  Fischer 
descended  it  from  Old  Kuldja  to  the  station  of  Hi.  According 
to  his  report  from  Old  Kuldja  to  New,  or  Mantchu  Kuldja, 
the  Hi  is  navigable  at  high  water  only  for  about  two-and-a- 
half  months  during  the  year,  and  then  with  very  great  difficulty, 
on  account  of  the  shoals  and  gravelly  banks.  From  New 
Kuldja  to  the  Hi  station,  280  miles,  it  is  easilv  navigable  at 
high  water,  and  practically  navigable  at  all  times  of  the  year. 
The  section  from  the  Hi  station  to  Lake  Balkash,  about  240 


NAVIGATION   OF  THE  ILL  153 

miles,  was  explored  in  1856  by  Mr.  Kuznetzof  in  a  vessel 
constructed  on  Lake  Balkash,  which  was  sent  with  flour  bought 
at  Karkaralinsk,  to  the  north  of  the  lake,  and  was  towed  up  the 
Hi.  Although  the  river  was  proved  navigable,  yet  the  voyage 
was  never  repeated,  as  the  venture  was  a  losing  one,  the  flour 
being  considered  too  dear.  It  had  been  proposed  to  construct  a 
small  tug  and  to  tow  boats  up  and  down  the  river ;  but  ap- 
parently the  trade  has  not  yet  sufficiently  developed  to  admit 
of  the  possibility  of  this  enterprise. 

From  the  Hi  my  way  lay  north-east,  sometimes  north,  as 
far  as  Kopal,  always  through  a  pleasant  country,  and  usually 
close  to  or  among  the  mountains.  I  travelled  fast,  for  the 
roads  weie  good,  and  the  post  here,  as  everywhere  in  Sibeiia,  was 
well  managed.  The  small  Siberian  horses  have,  however, 
one  peculiarity.  They  resolutely  refuse  to  be  harnessed,  and 
act  as  though  they  were  still  in  a  wild  state.  We  had  all 
to  take  our  seats  in  the  carriage  before  the  side  horses  were 
put  to,  each  of  which  required  two  or  three  men  to  hold  him 
until  the  traces  could  be  attached.  No  sooner  was  that  done 
than  the  men  would  quickly  spring  to  one  side  and  our  horses 
would  start  off  at  a  gallop,  keeping  it  up  for  two  or  three  miles, 
and  then  subsiding  into  a  steady  easy  trot,  after  which  they 
were  as  mild  and  docile  as  could  be  wished. 

The  stations  were  comfortable  and  well  built.  One  of  them, 
I  noticed,  had  before  the  door  two  stone  monuments  carved  to 
represent  human  figures,  such  as  are  often  found  in  the  steppes 
of  Southern  Eussia,  and  which  are  supposed  to  be  relics  of  the 
ancient  Scythians. 

At  the  station  Altyn  Imel  I  turned  to  the  right  to  Kuldja ; 
but  I  reserve  an  account  of  that  excursion  for  another  chapter. 

Kopal,  which  is  finely  situated  in  a  valley  among  the 
mountains  on  a  little  stream  of  the  same  name,  was  founded  in 
1841,  and  has  now  about  5,000  inhabitants.  It  is  well  built, 
with  spacious  wooden  houses,  and  maintains  two  schools,  two 
churches,  and  a  mosque.  It  formerly  did  a  very  thriving 
business  in  the  steppe ;  but  as  this  has  now  been  chiefly 
transferred  to  Vierny,  the  importance  of  the  town  has  diminished. 
Two  hours'  drive  from  Kopal  brought  me  to  the  station  of 
Arasan,  the  watering-place  of  Semiretch.  Here  are  some  hot 
sulphur-springs    (Arasan),    which    are    much    frequented    in 


154  TURKISTAN. 

summer.  Bathing-houses  have  been  erected  in  a  pretty  garden, 
opposite  to  which  is  a  small  hotel  for  sojourners.  Smaller 
mineral-springs  exist  in  several  parts  of  this  region,  the  most 
notable  of  which  are  those  lately  brought  to  notice  near  Lake 
Sairam  Nor,  and  which  for  many  ages  have  been  the  resort  of 
Kalmuks  and  Kirghiz. 

We  were  now  within  the  limits  of  the  Great  Horde,  and 
frequently  met  Kirghiz  on  the  road,  sometimes  changing  their 
camp  and  travelling  across  the  steppe  with  long  files  of  horses 
and  camels  laden  with  their  kibitkas  and  household  goods,  and 
sometimes  in  small  parties,  apparently  out  hunting,  for  they 
carried  on  perches  fixed  to  their  saddle-bows  falcons  and 
burkuts,  large  golden  eagles  which  will  bring  down  deer,  foxes, 
and  wolves.  Just  beyond  Arasan  is  the  Hasfort  pass  (named 
from  General  Hasfort,  formerly  Governor-General  uf  Western 
Siberia),  at  one  time  considered  exceedingly  difficult,  and  the 
descent  from  which  was  indeed  so  steep  that  we  thought  it 
best  to  walk  down  and  save  the  carriage,  which  by  this  time  was 
showing  in  every  part  the  signs  of  hard  service.  From  the 
station  beyond  a  road  turns  to  the  right  through  a  little  Kalmuk 
colony,  now  collected  at  Sarkan,  to  the  Cossack  settlements  about 
the  station  of  Lepsa.  At  the  station  of  Arganaty  I  ascended  a 
ridge,  the  last  on  our  road,  and  had  in  the  early  morning  a 
good  glimpse  of  Lake  Balkash. 

This  lake  is  called  by  the  Kalmuks,  Balkatsi  Nor,  Great 
Lake,  and  by  the  Kirghiz,  Ak-Tenghis,  or  White  Sea,  Ala- 
Tenghis,  or  Striped  Sea,  on  account  of  its  islands,  or  simply,  on 
account  of  its  great  size,  Tenglus,  the  Sea,  Its  greatest  length 
from  WSW.  to  ENE.  is  about  330  miles,  while  its  greatest 
breadth  in  the  SW.  part  is  60  miles ;  it  being  at  its  narrowest 
place,  opposite  the  mouths  of  the  Karatal  and  the  Lepsa  rivers, 
only  from  five  to  ten  miles  wide. 

Its  N".  or  NW.  shore  is  raised  above  the  lake  like  terraces, 
covered  with  a  sandy  steppe,  through  which  no  river  runs  into 
the  lake,  even  the  largest  one  flowing  in  this  direction,  the 
Tokran  or  Aitek,  being  absorbed  by  the  sands  before  it  can 
reach  the  beach.  The  Ayaguz,  at  its  extreme  NE.  corner,  flows 
at  the  base  of  these  terraces,  and  then  reaches  the  lake  in  times 
of  high  water  only.  The  southern  shore  has  quite  the  opposite 
character,  for  in  many  places  the  change    from  dry  land  to 


LAKE   BALK  ASH.  155 

water  is  so  gradual  that  it  is  almost  impossible  to  say  where 
the  lake  begins  and  the  land  ends.  From  the  lake  nearly  to 
the  foot  of  the  mountains  stretches  a  vast  steppe  of  sand  and 
sand  hills  bearing  no  vegetation  but  saksaul  and  similar 
shrubs.  It  was  evidently  formerly  connected  with  Lake  Ala 
Kul  through  the  low  sandy  region  which  we  passed  after  leaving 
Arganaty,  and  the  Ala  Kul  has  since  become  divided  into  three 
or  four  small  lakes.  Even  now,  along  the  shores  of  the  Balkash, 
bays  are  being  turned  into  lagoons  and  then  dried  up  by  the 
action  of  the  sand  drifted  by  the  winds. 

This  sandy  waste — the  former  bottom  of  the  lake — being 
once  passed,  although  with  great  difficulty,  the  road  was  easy 
enough  to  Sergiopol,  a  wretched  hamlet,  the  last  station  in 
Semiretch.  I  had  no  sooner  entered  into  what  is  officially  Siberia, 
although  geographically  speaking,  I  had  been  in  it  since  Vierny, 
than  the  weather  changed  and  such  a  violent  rain  storm  came 
on  that  I  was  obliged  to  seek  refuge  for  several  hours  in  the 
station,  where  I  was  soon  joined  by  a  Russian  captain,  who  was 
travelling  with  his  wife,  the  latter  being  dressed,  I  suppose  for 
convenience,  in  man's  clothes.  I  at  last  came  to  Semipalatinsk, 
an  important  district  town  which  seemed  far  more  Tartar  than 
Russian,  where  I  was  detained  several  days  by  the  rain  ;  and  then 
after  much  difficulty  in  recrossing  the  Irtysh,  slowly  travelled 
along  the  left  bank  of  that  river,  having  constant  delays  in 
getting  post-horses  on  account  of  the  Kashgarian  envoy,  for  whom 
many  horses  had  been  bespoken,  until  I  reached  Omsk.  Here  I 
found  that  I  was  too  late  for  the  last  steamer  for  Perm,  down 
the  Kama,  and  that  in  addition,  the  roads  through  Western 
Siberia  were  impassable  on  account  of  the  mud.  I  was  there- 
fore obliged  to  turn  again  southward  through  Petropavlovsk  and 
Troitsk  to  Orenburg,  a  route  which  was  not  without  interest 
as  showing  the  commercial  possibilities  of  the  Kirghiz  steppes ; 
and,  after  seeing  once  more  my  friends  in  that  place,  went  directly 
to  Samara,  where  I  was  but  too  glad  to  leave  my  carriage.  Here 
I  fortunately  found  the  last  steamer  down  the  Volga  to  Saratof, 
where  I  took  the  railway  and  arrived  at  St.  Petersburg  on 
November  1 5,  after  an  absence  of  about  eight  months 


156  TURKISTAN. 


CHAPTER   XII. 

KULDJA. 

A.tyn-Imel — Borokhudzir — Ruined  towns — CultiA'ated  country  reverting  to 
steppe — Suidun — A  Dungan  cown — The  ruins  of  Hi — Early  inhabitants 
of  Kuldja — The  Usun  and  the  Uigurs — Rise  of  the  Oirat  or  Kalmuks — 
Jungaria — Attempt  to  restore  the  empire  of  Tehinghiz  Khan — Conquest  of 
Jungaria  by  the  Chinese — New  colonisation — The  Tarantchis — The  Solons, 
the  Sibos,  and  the  military  colonists — Return  of  the  Kalmuks  from  the  Volga 
■ — Their  settlements  on  the  Hi — The  Mantchus  and  the  Chinese — The  Dun- 
gans — Mutual  hatred  of  all  these  peoples — Difficulty  of  government — The 
Dungans  rebel — They  are  joined  by  the  Tarantchis — Incapacity  of  the 
Chinese  authorities — Success  of  the  insurrection — Capture  of  Hi  and  mas- 
sacre of  the  garrison — Pillage  and  massacre  of  the  military  colonists — 
Disunion  of  the  rebels — The  Dungan  rule  overturned  by  the  Tarantchis — 
Attitude  of  the  Russians — The  Tarantchi  Sultan — Border  difficulties — The 
Russian  conquest — A  Chinese  account — Excursion  to  Lake  Sairam  Nor — 
Old  Kuldja — The  bazaars — A  Chinese  dinner — A  dramatic  performance 
— A  Chinese  Christian  church- — -The  up-country — Resources  of  the  valley 
— Cheapness  of  living — The  present  state  of  the  country. 

From  the  station  of  Altyn  Imel,  we  turned  to  the  right  up  a 
lono-  and  gentle  slope  to  a  depression  in  the  low  range  that  rose 
between  us  and  the  valley  of  the  Hi, — the  pass  of  Altyn  Imel, 
or  '  the  golden  saddle.'  Naturally  there  is  a  legend  of  some 
Kalmuk  chief,  who,  pursued  by  his  enemies,  was  obliged  to 
bury  in  this  spot  his  golden  saddle ;  but  it  is  probably  the  name 
that  has  given  rise  to  the  legend  and  not  the  legend  to  the 
name,  which  easily  originated  from  the  outline  of  the  ridge-top. 
The  descent  on  the  other  side  was  much  steeper;  the  road 
zigzagged  down  between  abrupt,  rocky  slopes,  and  a  little 
stream  gurgled  by  its  side,  marking  its  path  by  a  line  of  ver- 
dure. Before  us  lay  a  great  plain,  bounded  to  the  north  and 
east  by  mountains,  while  to  the  south  the  Hi  shimmered  in  the 
distance.     This  gravelly  plain  made  an  excellent  road,  and  in 


A   DESTROYED   CIVILISATION.  157 

three  hours  and  a  half  we  made  the  thirty  miles  which  separated 
us  from  the  gorge  of  Koibyn,  seeing  no  living  thing  to  the 
right  or  to  the  left  except  a  herd  of  saigas  and  an  old  grey 
wolf  that  sneaked  away  just  out  of  shot. 

Koibyn  is  a  natural  cleft  in  the  low  hills  which  serves  as 
the  bed  of  a  small  stream  and  in  most  parts  also  forms  the 
only  road.  Even  on  a  fair  day  the  road  is  rough  enough,  but 
woe  betide  the  traveller  who  meets  with  a  sudden  rain-storm  in 
this  long  and  crooked  gorge,  for  streams  then  seem  to  pour 
down  from  every  rock  and  in  a  few  moments  the  water  rises  to 
a  great  height.  In  spite  of  the  roughness  the  drive  was  a 
pleasing  one,  for  the  steep  and  scarped  rocks  were  of  many 
varying  yellow,  red  and  purple  hues,  owing  to  the  presence  of 
ochre  and  iron  ore,  while  their  bases  as  well  as  many  little 
islands  in  the  bed  itself  were  covered  with  what  seemed  for 
Asiatic  mountains  luxuriant  foliage.  On  a  little  plateau  at  the 
end  of  this  defile  was  a  rude  cottage  from  which  we  at  last  un- 
earthed a  Russian  and  some  Kalmuks,  who  after  much  delay 
furnished  us  fresh  horses.  A  winding  road  up  the  side  of  the 
gorge  taxed  all  the  strength  of  the  animals,  but  that  once  over 
we  went  on  quickly  over  the  plain  to  Borokhudzir,  where  the 
white  walls  of  the  barracks  glimmered  faintly  through  the  dark- 
ness. This  was  formerly  the  extreme  Russian  post  on  the  frontier 
of  the  old  Chinese  province  of  Kuldja,  and  here  during  the 
Dungan  insurrection  a  corps  of  observation  was  stationed  to 
prevent  infringements  of  the  Russian  boundary. 

The  next  day's  journey  was  one  of  painful  interest,  for  here 
on  every  hand  were  seen  the  traces  of  the  ruin  and  devastation 
wrought  by  the  recent  insurrection, — dried-up  canals,  abandoned 
fields,  withered  forests  and  every  few  miles  dismantled  and 
ruined  cities  which  but  ten  years  before  had  sheltered  a  civilised 
and  hard-working  population. 

Soon  after  leaving  Borokhudzir  it  was  necessary  to  cross 
the  river  Usek,  which,  at  that  time  of  low  water,  ran  in  several 
shallow  streams  through  an  immense  waste  of  large  stones  and 
boulders.  "While  not  dangerous,  the  passage  was  in  the  highest 
degree  slow  and  annoying,  giving  me  constant  apprehensions 
lest  the  wheels  of  the  carriage  should  be  wrenched  off.  In 
June  and  July,  however,  when  the  river  is  full  from  the  melting 
snow,  it  is  rapid  and  exceedingly  dangerous,  and  all  the  neigh- 


158  TUKKISTAK 

bouring  steppe  is  turned  into  a  marsh  with  the  overflow,  breed- 
ing myriads  of  mosquitoes  which  drive  the  traveller  half-dis- 
tracted. Fortunately  on  my  journey  there  were  so  few  of  these 
pests  that  I  hardly  needed  the  pretty  Chinese  brush  made  of  a 
wnite  horse  tail,  which  had  been  pressed  on  me  by  a  friend  as 
an  indispensable  accompaniment  to  my  journey.  On  the 
further  side  of  the  river-bed,  on  a  high  steep  bank  (Jar  or  yar), 
are  the  ruins,  now  almost  indistinguishable,  of  the  town  of 
Jarkent,  and  passing  this  we  soon  came  to  the  ruins  of  another 
formerly  flourishing  town,  Akkent.  Here  it  was  necessary  to 
wait  for  some  time,  as  there  were  no  horses,  and  I  employed 
the  interval  in  inspecting  the  ruins,  as  many  walls  of  houses- 
were  still  standing,  some  covered  with  carved  tiles  or  with 
curious  frescoes. 

Shortly  after  leaving  Akkent  the  road  passed  close  under 
the  walls  of  Tchimpantzi.  The  walls  were  still  perfect,  though 
the  gates  were  gone  ;  but  inside  of  them  not  a  single  house 
was  left  standing.  Close  by  the  gate  I  noticed  a  large  stone 
with  inscriptions  in  Chinese,  Mantchu,  and  Arabic  characters, 
which  I  carefully  copied,  thinking  that  they  might  possibly  be 
of  interest.  On  showing  my  copy  afterwards,  and  having  it  inter- 
preted to  me,  I  found  to  my  great  amusement  that  I  had  taken 
all  that  trouble  to  copy  the  door-plate  of  a  former  official,  and 
I  was  told  that,  under  Chinese  rule,  every  official  was  obliged 
to  have  his  name  and  titles  written  up  in  large  letters  over  his 
door.  In  many  cases  there  were  painted  signs,  but  the  richer 
men  had  them  caned  in  stone. 

The  ruins  of  Khorgos  (Kurgash),  which  were  a  few  miles 
further  on,  presented  nothing  but  mere  mounds  of  earth  partly 
overgrown  with  grass.  For  nearly  forty  miles  from  this  place 
there  used  to  be  an  artificial  forest  planted  by  the  Chinese  and 
maintained  by  constant  irrigation.  With  the  massacre  and 
flight  of  the  inhabitants  the  irrigation  system  was  neglected 
and  abandoned,  and  the  trees  are  therefore  rapidly  perishing. 
I  saw  the  forest  in  all  states,  from  the  fresh,  green,  and  healthy 
woods  to  those  where  all  the  large  trees  had  withered  and  died, 
and  where  the  young  were  feeble  and  sickly,  as  well  as  that 
where  the  trees  had  entirely  disappeared,  and  where  the  land  had 
once  more  reverted  to  the  condition  of  a  bare  and  barren  steppe. 
Passing  another  ruined  town,  which  I  was  told  was  Alimtu,  on 


A  CHINESE   CITY.  159 

the  stream  of  the  same  name,  and  near  to  which  was  probably  the 
ancient  Almalyk,  I  came  to  the  city  of  Tchin-tcha-ho-dzi, — a 
town  left  unharmed,  having  been  chiefly  inhabited  by  Mussul- 
mans. It  was  a  curious  sight  with  its  high,  thick,  battleinented 
walls  surmounted  by  tall  towers,  its  arched  gates,  its  wide 
streets,  and  its  unmistakable  Chinese  smell, — a  smell  which  it 
is  impossible  to  describe,  mingled  of  opium,  of  garlic,  and  of  filth 
of  every  kind ;  but  which,  once  perceived,  is  never  forgotten. 
I  knew  it  at  once,  for  it  was  the  most  highly  concentrated 
form  of  that  faint,  curious,  pungent  odour  which  hangs  about 
boxes  and  parcels  brought  unopened  from  China  and  Japan. 
It  was  then  too  late  to  look  at  the  town,  and  we  quickly 
changed  horses,  and  after  twelve  miles  more  came  to  the  town 
of  Suidun,  and  to  the  kind  hospitality  of  Captain  Bozhovitch, 
a  Montenegrin  in  the  Eussian  service. 

My  first  occupation  in  the  morning  was  to  look  at  the  totvn. 
Such  a  changement  de  decors  in  five  days,  which  are  all  that, 
are  necessary  for  a  journey  from  Tashkent  to  Kuldja,  is  rare. 
Instead  of  narrow,  crooked  streets  there  were  broad,  straight 
avenues  shaded  with  trees ;  instead  of  windowless  houses  built 
of  mud,  the  blank  walls  of  which  stared  one  in  the  face  at  every 
turn,  there  were  fine  buildings  of  brick,  beautifully  carved 
and  moulded,  roofed  with  tiles,  and  with  latticed  windows  and 
porticoes.  Instead  of  female  forms  swathed  in  long,  shape- 
less dressing-gowns,  and  faces  hidden  by  black  horsehair  veils, 
there  were  stout,  healthy,  and  smiling  women  chatting  over 
their  marketing,  the  bright  orange-coloured  marigolds  in 
their  wonderful  coiffures,  or  their  coquettish  little  caps,  con- 
trasting well  with  the  indigo  blue  of  their  gowns.  Instead 
of  Sarts  and  Uzbeks  in  gowns  and  turbans,  there  were  Chinese 
and  Dungans  in  wadded  petticoats,  short  jackets,  long  mous- 
taches, and  pig-tails. 

A  walk  on  the  flat  top  of  the  city  wall,  which  was  wide 
enough  for  a  carriage-road,  quickly  gave  me  an  idea  of  the 
town,  which  is  built  on  the  same  plan  as  all  the  other  fortified 
cities  in  the  province.  The  town  itself  is  nearly  or  perfectly 
square,  surrounded  by  a  high,  thick  wall  solidly  faced  on  both 
sides  with  bricks.  A  battlement  surrounds  the  top  of  the  wall, 
and  in  the  middle  of  each  side  there  is  a  gate  protected  by  a 
circular  bastion,  and  over  the  gate  a  steep-roofed  tower.     Out- 


160  TURKISTAN. 

side  of  the  wall  there  is  no  ditch,  but  the  gardens  and  villages 
begin  at  once.  From  the  four  gates  run  two  wide  streets  at 
right  angles  across  the  town,  each  quarter  being  then  divided 
independently  by  narrower  streets  and  alleys.  The  buildings 
are  all  of  brick,  in  many  cases  faced  with  large  square  tiles 
set  in  diamond  shape,  frequently  with  broad  ornamented  circles 
made  also  of  brick,  which  had  been  carved  before  it  was  burnt, 
set  into  the  sides.  These  bricks  were  of  excellent  quality, 
from  four  to  six  times  as  large  as  ours,  of  a  grey  colour  and 
very  hard.  Evidently  much  care  had  been  used  in  selecting 
and  mixing  the  clay,  in  moulding  the  bricks  (for  the  edges 
were  very  sharp,)  and  in  baking  them.  The  roofs,  which 
were  usually  curved  from  the  ridge-pole,  were  of  tiles  cf  the 
same  material  alternately  convex  and  concave,  the  lov\er  row 
of  tiles  having  pendant  ornaments  decorated  generally  with 
the  face  of  a  lion.  The  corners  were  frequently  raised  like 
the  brim  of  a  hat  and  ornamented  with  dragons  or  other 
animals.  In  the  windows  were  always  delicate  gratings  or 
lattices,  sometimes  prettily  carved,  on  the  inside  of  which, 
in  lieu  of  glass,  was  spread  thin  oil-paper.  Nearly  every  house 
had  a  little  garden  with  trees,  vegetables  and  flowers.  The 
most  interesting  building  of  all  was  the  mosque  of  the  Dungans, 
or  Chinese-speaking  Mohammedans,  built  almost  like  a  pa- 
goda, with  two  or  three  stories,  increasing  in  height  as  they 
went  up,  and  each  surmounted  with  a  curved  roof  with  moulded 
and  carved  ornaments  on  the  corners  and  peaks.  The  mosque 
stood  back  in  a  court,  around  which  were  houses  belonging  to 
the  mullahs.  Inside  it  was  bare,  excepting  a  few  plans  of 
Mecca  with  Arabic  and  Chinese  inscriptions,  and  prayers  and 
texts  from  the  Koran  written  in  large  letters  on  hanging  scrolls. 
In  front  of  what  is  now  the  guard-house,  but  which,  probably, 
was  formerly  an  official  residence,  is  a  large  stone  lion  seated  on 
a  carved  pedestal.  In  his  half-open  mouth  he  holds  a  large 
ball  carved  from  the  same  block,  which  revolves  freely  in  his 
his  mouth,  but  which  cannot  be  taken  out  without  breaking 
the  figure.  I  was  shown  through  the  town  by  La-tchu-yan,  a 
fat,  jolly-looking  Dungan,  now,  under  Eussian  rule,  the  Aksakal 
of  the  place,  who  afterwards  invited  me  to  his  house.  Over 
the  door,  as  of  old,  wTas  the  large  painted  sign  in  three  lan- 
guages   denoting    his    official  rank.     His  reception-room   was 


THE   SUIDUN    BAZAAR. 


161 


not  large,  but  very  comfortable,  looking  out  on  bis  little 
garden,  and  was  well  furnished  with  screens,  vases,  and  por- 
celain. 

In  spite  of  the  smells  I  was  much  interested  in  walking 
through  the  bazaar,  which  occupied  the  greater  part  of  one  of 
the  wide  avenues  crossing  the  town.  Besides  the  little  shops 
on  each  side    there   were    many  booths    partly   covered    with 


ifflaiiBiih-,— :- 
MHWinl'.!,,, 

it 


A    BARBER    IN    SUIDUN. 


square  umbrellas  of  matting,  partly  open,  and  the.  chief  trade 
seemed  to  be  carried  on  in  the  open  air.  Here  everything  was 
different  from  Central  Asia, — not  only  the  articles  in  ordinary 
use,  but  even  the  very  vegetables.  Here  were  beets,  large  egg- 
plants, onions  and  other  vegetables  unknown  in  Tashkent, 
loaves  of  light,  very  white,  and  also  very  tasteless  bread,  but 
still   real   bread  and    not    cakes.       The    butcher's   shops  were 

VOL.  II.  M 


162  TURKISTAN. 

different  in  character,  and  there  were  even  stalls  where  men 
sold  candy  and  barley -sugar.  I  was  much  interested  in  the 
operations  of  the  barbers  in  the  streets  outside  of  their  shops. 
The  poor  man  who  came  to  be  shaved  was  made  to  sit  on  a 
narrow  wooden  stool  and  then  recline  almost  horizontally  on  a 
cane-covered  rest,  where  he  closed  his  eyes  and  looked  as  if  he 
were  about  to  undergo  some  unpleasant  surgical  operation. 

From  Suidun,  in  company  of  Captain  Bozhovitch,  La-tchu- 
yan,  and  some  attendants,  I  made  an  excursion  to  the  ruins  of 
the  former  capital  of  the  province,  known  by  the  various  names 
of  Hi,  Hoi-yuan-tchen,  New  Kuldja,  or  Mantchu  Kuldja. 
For  the  whole  distance,  about  ten  miles,  the  road  lay  through 
a  country  which  had  formerly  been  well  cultivated,  but  is 
now  a  desolated  waste.  At  last  we  approached  the  edge  of  the 
town,  when  heaps  of  ruins  presented  themselves  on  every  side, 
and  sometimes  a  whole  wall  or  a  roofless  house  could  be  seen. 
Soon  the  ruins  extended  on  both  sides  of  us  as  far  as  we  could 
see,  and  in  front  of  us  up  to  the  very  walls  of  the  fortress. 
These  were  the  suburbs  and  the  outside  town  which  had  been 
inhabited  by  the  merchants,  and  by  all  who  were  not  of 
Alantchu  or  of  Chinese  race,  altogether,  I  was  told,  about 
75,000  people.  Inside  of  the  fortress  walls,  which  were  too 
strong  to  be  destroyed,  a  similar  scene  met  our  view ;  but 
here  the  destruction  had  been  much  more  complete.  The  two 
broad  straight  avenues  were  still  plainly  visible,  as  they  were 
too  wide  to  be  encumbered  with  ruins  ;  but  the  other  streets 
were  all  blocked  up  by  the  fallen  houses,  and  their  course  could 
scarcely  be  traced.  Of  the  lofty  tower  which  stood  in  the 
centre  of  the  town  at  the  intersection  of  these  two  avenues, 
two  stories  still  remained  standing  ;  elsewhere  there  were  but 
fragments  of  walls.  Many  buildings,  especially  the  official 
ones,  had  been  utterly  razed  to  the  ground  ;  although  some  of 
these,  as  for  instance  the  Governor's  palace,  had  been  blown  up 
by  the  defenders  when  they  saw  that  all  hope  was  lost.  The 
ground  was  everywhere  covered  with  fragments  of  pottery, 
among  which  I  found  a  few  Chinese  coins,  and  in  some  places 
was  really  white  with  little  fragments  of  human  bones,  while 
skulls  and  even  nearly  complete  skeletons  could  at  times  be 
seen.  Nothing  had  been  left  that  was  worth  carrying  away ; 
even  the  beams  of  +he  houses   had  all   been  torn   out,  to  serve 


THE   RUINS   OF   ILL 


163 


either  for  firewood  or  for  new  constructions.  Standing  on  the 
walls,  each  face  of  which  was  1 ,400  yards  long,  I  obtained  a  full 
perception  of  the  size  of  the  place,  and  of  the  ruin  wrought  there. 
On  every  side  were  ruined  houses  or  heaps  of  bricks,  and  close 
under  the  wall  flowed  the  Hi,  formerly  a  scene  of  life,  now 
utterly  deserted.  To  the  right  could  be  seen  the  white 
roofless  wails  of  the  Eussian  factory.  In  all  this  extent  there 
are  but  one  or  two  inhabited  houses,  where  live  a  few  Dungans 


RUINS    OF    ILL 


who  have  recently  come  there.  We  went  there  to  make  our 
tea,  and  found  at  the  side  the  court  of  a  large  Buddhist 
temple,  with  the  frescoes  on  the  walls  only  half  effaced,  but  with 
all  the  large  idols,  which  seemed  to  have  been  made  of  earthen- 
ware or  baked  clay,  shattered  almost  to  the  foundations.  In 
front  of  this  temple,  as  indeed  in  front  of  every  official 
residence,  ran  for  some  distance  a  blank  but  highly  decorated 
wall,   and    through    the   intervening    space    it    was    formerly 

M    2 


i  64  TUJRKISTAN. 

forbidden  to  pass.  Indeed  before  the  governor's  house  such  an 
act  would  have  brought  the  penalty  of  death. 

On  my  remarking  to  La-tchu-yan  how  deserted  the  whole 
place  was,  he  said :  '  It  is  accursed  ground,  no  one  will  ever 
live  here  again,'  and  with  a  chuckle  informed  me  that  he  him- 
self had  been  the  leader  of  the  Dungan  army  which  took  the 
place.  I  then  plied  him  with  questions,  but  as  his  answers 
had  to  be  translated  from  Chinese  into  Tarantchi  by  one  in- 
terpreter, and  from  Tarantchi  into  Eussian  by  a  second,  con- 
versation was  difficult.  He  summed  it  up  however,  very 
tersely.  '  We  besieged  this  town  for  two  years ;  at  last  we 
took  it.  That  morning  there  were  in  it  75,000  people  with 
the  army  ;  that  evening  not  a  soul  was  left  alive.'  Many  were 
butchered  at  once  ;  man)7  killed  their  families  and  then  them- 
selves ;  and  many  ran  to  the  steppes  only  to  be  cut  down  there, 
or  to  die  in  a  few  days  from  starvation. 

It  is  time  for  me  to  tell  the  story  of  the  insurrection 
which  wrought  all  this  devastation,  but  in  order  to  do  that  I 
must  first  unravel  the  tangled  web  of  nationalities  which 
covered  the  whole  country. 

The  first  we  know  of  this  country  is  that  in  the  second 
century  B.C.  the  Usun,  who  have  been  identified  by  many 
scholars  with  the  ancestors  of  the  Teutonic  race  (Suiones),  were 
driven  out  from  Mongolia  by  the  Huns,  and  settled  in  the 
valley  of  the  Hi  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Lake  Balkash.  They 
were  accompanied  and  followed  by  the  Yuetchji  (who  have  also 
been  identified  with  the  Getae  and  the  Goths),  but  then,  find- 
ing the  country  too  well  occupied,  turned  southward  to  ancient 
Sogdiana  in  the  region  of  Samarkand,  and  founded  an  empire  of 
their  own  on  the  ruins  of  the  Graeco-Bactrian  kingdom.  The 
Usun  became  a  powerful  people,  but,  becoming  harassed  by 
frequent  attacks  of  the  neighbouring  nomads,  in  the  fourth 
century  of  our  era  again  migrated,  and  in  the  early  part 
of  the  seventh  century  became  subject  to  the  Turks,  and 
entirely  disappeared  from  history.  Then  came  the  Uigurs  ; l 
and  after  them  the  valley  of  the  Hi  passed  into  the  hands  of 
the  Kara-Kidans,  until  these,  in   1218,  were  conquered  by  the 

1  The  word  Uigur  probably  means  '  confederates '  or  '  allies,'  a  name  of  a  kind 
frequently  given  to  Asiatic  nations.  The  Uigurs  were  chiefly  of  Turkish  race 
but  may  have  included  tribes  of  a  different  stock. 


THE   OIEAT.  165 

Mongols,  long  before  which  time  Almalyk,  the  capital  of  the 
province,  must  have  been  a  large  and  flourishing  town.  In  the 
partition  of  the  realm  of  Tchinghiz  Khan  among  his  sons,  this 
region,  with  others,  fell  to  the  share  of  Jagatai,  and  his  successors 
possessed  it  until  Timur  came  there  with  fire  and  sword,  and 
made  it  a  part  of  his  extensive  dominions. 

Then  followed  a  confused  period  of  dissensions  between 
Mongol  princes  and  Mongol  tribes,  during  which  we  are  led  to 
believe  that  the  civilisation  of  Almalyk  and  of  the  neighbouring- 
cities  of  the  valley  of  the  Hi  entirely  disappeared. 

During  the  supremacy  of  the  descendants  of  Tchinghiz, 
Jungaria  was  the  camping  ground  of  three  powerful  Mongol 
tribes — the  Tchoros,  the  Hoshot,  and  the  Torgot.  About  the 
middle  of  the  fourteenth  century  disturbances  arose  in  China, 
which  soon  turned  into  a  war  for  independence;  the  Chinese 
threw  off  the  Mongol  yoke,  and  Togon  Timur  voluntarily 
abandoned  the  luxury  and  civilisation  of  Pekin,  and  sought 
refuge  in  a  poor  kibitka  on  the  sandy  shore  of  Lake  Dal-Nor, 
about  which  his  ancestors  had  formerly  wandered.  He  did  not 
long  survive  his  change  of  circumstances,  and  died  the  next  year, 
1368.  His  successors  enjoyed  neither  power  nor  respect,  and  Mon- 
golia became  the  prey  of  contending  factions.  The  strongest  of 
them  imposed  its  chief  on  the  Khan,  as  a  vizier,  who,  under  the 
name  of  taitsi  or  taishi,  really  exercised  the  supreme  power.  At 
the  end  of  the  fourteenth  century  this  taitsi  was  the  powerful 
prince  Eliutei,  who  enjoyed  such  a  reputation  among  the 
Mongols,  that  his  descendants  received  the  name  of  Eliuts. 
The  three  Jungarian  tribes  of  Tchoros,  Hoshot  and  Torgot,  then 
formed  a  union  to  counteract  the  tyranny  of  Eliutei,  elected 
the  Tchoros  prince  Mahmud  as  their  chief,  and  took  the  name 
of  Oirat  or  '  confederates.'  Eliutei  was  unable  to  stand  out 
against  Mahmud,  and  from  that  time  the  Oirat  had  a  pre- 
ponderating influence,  the  office  of  taitsi  becoming  hereditary 
with  the  chiefs  of  the  Tchoros  until,  in  the  fifteenth  century, 
this  tribe  separated  into  two,  the  Tchoros  and  the  Durbot,  when 
the  members  of  the  union  became  known  as  the  Durben  Oirat, 
or  '  Four  allies,'  and  extended  their  influence  over  all  Mongolia. 

The  steady  aim  of  the  allied  tribes  was  to  recover  China  for 
the  heirs  of  Tchinghiz,  and  wars  were  frequent,  until  at  last,  in 
1450,  the    Oirat  defeated  the  Chinese  in    a  very  sanguinary 


166  TUKKISTAN. 

battle,  took  the  Emperor  prisoner,  and  marched  to  the  walls  of 
Pekin.  Chance  alone  saved  China.  The  Mongols  retired  to 
the  steppes  ;  the  taitsi  Esen,  who  had  killed  his  brother-in- 
law  the  Khan,  and  usurped  his  throne,  was  assassinated  ;  and 
the  most  brilliant  period  of  the  Oirat  power  was  at  an  end. 
They  were  unable  to  maintain  their  influence  in  Mongolia,  and 
for  a  century  and  a  half  they  almost  disappeared  from  history. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century  the  head  of  the 
union,  Khara-Khula,  with  the  intention  of  exercising  absolute 
sway,  began  to  limit  the  rights  of  his  allies.  Many  of  the 
petty  chiefs,  who  possessed  some  strength  of  their  own, 
endeavoured  to  make  themselves  independent.  Some  of  them 
even  left  Jungaria,  and  settled  in  Siberia,  which  was  already 
occupied  by  the  Eussians.  It  is  probable  that  it  was  at  this 
time,  on  account  of  this  secession  from  the  confederacy,  that 
they  received  from  the  Tartars  and  Kirghiz  the  name  of 
Kalmyks,  Kalmaks,  or  Kalmuks,  as  Kalma,  Kalmak,  and 
Kalmaklyk,  in  the  East  Turkic  dialects  mean,  '  remnant,' 
'  remaining,'  '  rest.'  The  first  small  tribe  which  came  to  Siberia 
and  entered  into  relations  with  the  Russian  authorities,  was 
that  of  Telengut,  under  Abaka.  Soon  afterwards  the  clan  of 
Uriankhai,  under  Altyn  Khan,  so  well  known  in  Siberian 
history,  abandoned  the  confederacy.1 

Jungar,  or  Jungaria,  is  a  name  of  much  older  origin  than 
either  Oirat  or  Kalmuk ;  for  in  the  seventh  century  the 
Western  Dulgas  had  divided  into  tribes,  and  further  into  two 
divisions,  those  of  the  right  hand,  Jun-gar,  or  eastern  division ; 
and  those  of  the  left  hand,  Boron-Grar,  or  western  division. 
The  country  of  the  western  division,  now  the  Kirghiz  Steppe, 
fell  under  the  dominion  of  other  races,  and  the  name  Borongar 
disappeared ;  but  Jungar  still  continued,  although  it  came  into 
general  knowledge  only  about  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth 
century.2 

One  of  the  sovereigns  of  the  Oirat,  the  son  of  Khara-Khula, 
Kho-no-kho-tsin,  also  known  as  Bator  Kun-taitsi,  a  title  he 
had  received  from  the  Dalai  Lama  of  Tibet,  meaning  '  swan 

1  '  Historical  account  of  the  Oirat  or  Kalmyks,'  by  the  Monk  Hyacinth :  St. 
Petersburg,  1834.     'Works  '  of  Senkofsky,  vi.  27  :  St.  Petersburg,  1859. 

2  The  name  Jungaria  is  also  variously  transliterated,  as  Tchungaria,  Dsun- 
garia,  Zungaria. 


TARANTCHI  AKSAKAL   AND  HIS   ATTENUA.N  IS   AT  KULDJA. 


THE  REVIVAL  OF  JUNGAEIA.  167 

prince,'  greatly  extended  the  power  of  his  people  and  evidently 
dreamed  of  reviving  in  its  full  extent  the  ancient  empire  of 
Tchinghiz  Khan.1  On  his  death,  in  1654,  the  throne  fell  to  one  of 
his  twelve  sons,  Zenga,  whose  elder  brother  Galdan  had  early  in 
life  become  a  Lama  and  had  been  brought  up  in  Tibet  at  the  Court 
of  the  Dalai  Lama.  Zenga  was  murdered  by  some  of  his  younger 
brothers,  and  Galdan  then  obtained  from  the  Dalai  Lama  per- 
mission to  throw  off  his  priesthood  and  returned  in  1671  to  his 
tribe,  where  he  avenged  the  murder  of  his  brother  and  led  his  peo- 
ple to  conquest  after  conquest,  his  great  aim  being  to  reduce  to 
obedience  the  Khalkas  Mongols  who  were  supported  by  the  Em- 
peror of  China  and  who  were  at  last  obliged  to  take  refuge  within 
Chinese  limits.  In  the  meantime  the  children  of  his  brother 
Zenga  were  growing  up ;  Galdan  therefore  put  them  all  to  death 
with  the  exception  of  the  eldest,  Tsevan  Eabdan,  who  escaped  to 
the  valley  of  the  Borotala,  and  while  Galdan  was  engaged  in  his 
eastern  wars,  founded  a  new  realm  in  his  rear.  The  Chinese,  to 
whom  he  made  overtures,  made  common  cause  with  him,  and 
the  power  of  Galdan  was  at  last  overthrown  in  1697,  soon  after 
which  he  himself  died  of  the  small-pox,  alone  and  abandoned  in 
the  Kirghiz  steppe.  Tsevan  Eabdan  was  not  only  a  successful 
prince,  but  was  really  the  heir  to  Galdan's  Sovereignty.  The 
Oirat  all  submitted  to  him ;  he  was  recognised  by  China  and 
Russia ;  he  subdued  many  petty  Mongol  princes  from  the  Altai  to 
Lake  Balkash,  and  compelled  the  cities  of  Eastern  Turkistan,  as 
well  as  Samarkand,  Bukhara  and  even  Balkh,  to  pay  tribute  to 
him,  colonising  the  more  disobedient  of  the  inhabitants  of  these 
countries  in  the  valleys  of  the  Hi  and  of  the  Borotala.  He  also 
subdued  one  horde  of  the  Kara  Kirghiz  and  used  them  to  coun- 
teract the  invasions  of  the  Kirghiz  Kaisaks  from  the  west.  He 
then  married  the  daughter  of  A}iika  Khan  of  the  Torgouts, 
another  branch  of  the  Oirat  living  along  the  Irtysh,  but  soon 
fell  out  with  him,  utterly  defeated  him  and  compelled  the 
Torgouts  to  move  westward,  until  in  1703  the  last  of  them 
crossed  the  Ural  and  settled  in  the  lower  regions  of  the  Volga, 
where  they  are  known  as  Kalmuks.  He  then  conquered  the 
southern  branch  of  the  Oirat  in  Tangut,  and  acting  with  bad 
faith  put  to  dea;h  their  prince,  whose  title  he  then  gave  to  his 

1  '  History  of  the  Oirat  or  Kalmyks,'  by  the  Monk  Hyacinth,  p.  63  :  St.  Peters- 
burg, 1834. 


168  TURKISTAN. 

own  son,  attacked  Tibet,  and  even  opposed  the  Lama.  He  was 
also  successful  in  a  war  with  China.  Graldan  Tsyran,  the  son  of 
Tsevan  Eabdan,  who  reigned  from  1727  to  1745,  pursued  a 
similar  career  of  war  and  bloodshed.  He  was  succeeded  by  Ins 
son,  who  was  murdered  by  a  brother,  arid  he  in  turn  by  another 
brother,  until  the  latter  was  overthrown  by  two  tribal  leaders 
Davatsi  and  Amursana.  These  two  conspirators  quarrelled 
among  themselves,  and  Amursana  was  beaten  and  went  to  Pekin, 
where  he  was  well  received  by  the  Emperor  Kien  Lun  as  a 
vassal  of  the  Empire,  and  was  given  lands  and  titles.  He  sub- 
sequently received  Chinese  assistance  to  make  himself  the  ruler  of 
Jungaria.  The  joint  expedition  was  successful,  and  in  1755  the 
forces  of  Davatsi  were  completely  overthrown  in  a  campaign  of 
five  months,  Davatsi  himself  being  captured  and  taken  to  Pekin. 
Amursana,  however,  found  that  instead  of  being  a  sovereign 
prince  he  merely  held  a  honorary  Chinese  rank.  He  therefore 
incited  his  people  to  rebellion.  His  armies  were  beaten,  and 
he  was  forced  to  take  refuge  with  the  Russians  in  Tobolsk, 
where  he  died  of  small-pox  in  1757.  At  that  time  the  Chinese 
Emperor  was  so  strong  and  the  Russians  were  so  weak  in  Asia, — 
their  attention  at  the  same  moment  being  taken  up  in  Europe  by 
the  Turkish  wars, — that  in  order  to  buy  peace  they  conveyed  the 
dead  body  of  Amursana  to  Kiakhta  and  gave  it  up  to  the  Chinese. 
The  Emperor  Kien  Lun  had  no  intention  of  giving  up 
Jungaria  ;  he  even  extended  his  new  dominions  by  the  conquest 
of  Kashgar  and  Eastern  Turkistan.  The  rebellion  of  the  Jun- 
garians  gave  the  Chinese  an  excuse  for  getting  rid  of  them,  and 
they  were  massacred  indiscriminately ;  so  that,  while  before  the 
conquest  there  were  in  Jungaria  24  uluses  with  a  population  of 
600,000  souls,  at  the  end  of  1756  not  one  Jungarian  remained, 
those  who  had  not  been  killed  having  sought  refuge  among  the 
Kirghiz  or  the  Russians.  The  country  was  therefore  open  for 
settlement,  and  inhabitants  were  found  by  sending  military 
colonies  from  Mantchuria,  by  deporting  Chinese  criminals 
and  by  bringing  agriculturists  from  Eastern  Turkistan,  6,000 
families  of  whom  were  settled  there  at  one  time.  For  the 
purpose  of  keeping  the  country  in  order,  the  city  of  Hi,  or  what 
is  called  Mantchu  Kuldja,  was  built  as  the  seat  of  government 
and  was  settled  by  Mantchus.  Six  other  forts  were  erected ; 
one  of  them,  Bayandai,  in  the  immediate   vicinity  of  Hi,  con* 


THE   TARANTCHIS.  16» 

tained  a  Mantchu  garrison,  while  the  other  five,  Khorgos,  Shin- 
sui-ho-dzi  (Tchin-tcha-ho-dzi),  Suidim,  Losigun,  and  Tchim- 
pantzi  were  defended  hy  Chinese  soldiers. 

It  is  owing  to  these  wars  and  invasions  with  their  constant 
changes  of  population,  and  to  the  measures  taken  by  the  Chinese 
Government  that  the  region  of  Kuldja  has  its  present  curious 
mixture  of  races  and  peoples. 

The  settlers  from  Eastern  Turkistan  hecame  known  as 
Tarantchis,  literally  agriculturists,  or  millet-sowers,  from  taran, 
millet.  Their  position  was  very  much  like  that  of  the  former 
Crown  peasants  in  Russia.  They  were  settled  along  the  rivers 
and  canals  on  both  sides  of  the  Hi,  and  each  of  the  original  6,000 
families  received  a  piece  of  land  of  about  32  acres  in  extent  and 
was  obliged  to  furnish  yearly  32  tcho  of  grain,  which,  according 
to  the  prices  of  grain  and  the  comparative  value  of  money  would 
be  worth  about  2l.  10s.  In  1834  the  number  of  families  had 
increased  to  8000,  and  their  yearly  rent  amounted  to  256,000 
tcho.  Besides  this  tax  the  Tarantchis  were  obliged  to  furnish 
extra  grain  and  horses  in  case  of  war,  and  were  frequently  called 
upon  for  labour  upon  canals  and  other  government  works. 
They  were  governed  by  officials  of  their  own  race,  who  were 
however  the  obedient  tools  of  the  Mantchu  rulers  at  Hi,  the 
seat  of  their  administration  being  in  the  Tartar  town  of  Kuldja. 
No  restraints  were  placed  on  the  exercise  of  the  Mohammedan 
religion,  and  it  may  be  imagined  that  the  attachment  of  the 
Tarantchis  to  it  was  increased  rather  than  lessened  by  living 
amongst  people  who  do  the  two  things  which  Mussulmans 
abhor  the  most, — who  worship  idols  and  who  eat  pork.  In 
every  Tarantchi  settlement  there  was  an  Imam  and  a  Mullah, 
and  everywhere  there  were  mosques  and  school-houses  ;  so  that 
from  30  to  40  per  cent,  of  the  people  could  read,  although 
only  about  10  per  cent,  could  write.  Almost  the  only  Chinese 
influence  apparent  upon  them  was  that  the  women  were  un- 
veiled. 

The  language  of  the  Tarantchis  differs  but  little  from  that 
of  Eastern  Turkistan,  being  a  descendant  of  the  old  Uigur 
dialect,  and,  although  it  has  received  many  words  and  a 
peculiar  colouring  from  the  influence  of  the  surrounding  Kai- 
muk,  Chinese,  and  Mantchu  colonies,  yet,  according  to  Mr. 
Radloff,  it  is  far  more,  specifically  Turkish  than  any  Turkish 


170  rUKKISTAN. 

book  printed  in  Constantinople.  That  dialect  which  is  pecu- 
liarly Tarantchi  was  chiefly  heard  in  the  town  of  Kuldja,  while 
small  agricultural  settlements  frequently  retained  in  a  great 
measure  their  original  speech,  one,  for  instance,  speaking  the 
dialect  of  Turfan,  and  another  that  of  Kashgar. 

The  military  colonists  were  brought  from  Dauria,  in  north- 
western Mongolia,  and  consisted  of  Solons,  who  are  still  famous 
in  all  China  for  their  skill  in  archery,  and  Sibos,  a  tribe  on 
whose  gratitude  the  Chinese  government  could  especially 
count,  because  at  the  accession  of  the  Mantchu  dynasty  they 
were  freed  from  their  slavery  to  the  Mongols.  Both 
tribes  were  given  rich  lands,  the  Solons  on  the  right  bank  of 
the  Hi,  between  the  Usuk  and  the  Kunges,  and  the  Sibos  on 
the  left  bank  of  the  Hi,  opposite  the  Tartar  Kuldja.  They 
paid  no  taxes,  but,  on  the  contrary,  received  from  the  govern- 
ment a  salary  equal  to  about  ten  shillings  a  month.  All  the 
men  capable  of  bearing  arms  were  counted  in  the  active  army, 
although  in  time  of  peace  not  more  than  a  thousand  men  were 
actually  under  arms. 

These  colonists  were  divided  into  fourteen  banners  or 
sumuls,  six  of  Solons  and  eight  of  Sibos. 

About  the  middle  of  the  present  century  two  new  sumuls 
were  formed  out  of  both  tribes,  and  were  settled  among  the 
Solons.  Each  sumul  received  land  which  was  considered 
sufficient  for  500  families,  so  that  altogether  they  were  counted 
as  8,000  families.  As  each  family-plot  was  of  considerable 
extent,  it  was  calculated  that  each  could  produce  at  least  three 
fighting  men  in  case  of  war,  which  would  thus  bring  the  con- 
tingent up  to  about  25,000  men.  The  Sibos  speak  a  Tuugnz 
dialect  very  similar  to  the  Mantchu,  and,  for  that  reason,  those 
who  received  an  education  were  most  commonly  employed 
as  writers  and  clerks  in  all  the  offices  of  the  province,  while 
pure  Mantchus  who  have  been  educated  usually  become  so 
Chinese  in  habits  that  they  utterly  forget  their  own  language, 
and  learn  it  only  as  they  would  a  dead  tongue.  In  this  pro- 
vince, owing  to  the  Sibos,  Mantchu  was  spoken  and  written 
with  greater  purity  than  elsewhere.  The  dialect  of  the  Solons 
differs  in  some  respects  from  that  of  the  Sibos. 

To  these  were  added  some  Tchakhars.  The  Tchakhars 
had  formerly  been  a  ruling  race  in  Southern  Mongolia,  and  at 


TCHAKHARS  AND  KALMUKS.  171 

one  time  had  even  exacted  tribute  from  China.  The  Mantchu 
dynasty  on  its  accession,  profiting  by  the  internal  dissensions 
of  the  Mongols,  succeeded  in  annihilating  the  power  of  the 
Tchakhars.  Even  after  150  years  there  may  have  been  some 
discontent  among  them,  or  the  Chinese  government  must  have 
remembered  with  discomfort  their  former  might,  and  thought 
it  best  to  avoid  a  possible  insurrection  by  colonising  them. 
The  Tchakhars  could  not  complain,  because  they  received 
subsidies  on  the  road  to  lands  in  their  new  country,  and  excellent 
pay.     They  were  colonised  with  the  Solons  and  Sibos. 

The  country  being  secured  in  this  way,  it  was  perfectly  safe 
for  the  Chinese  to  send  there  the  Jungars  and  the  Oirat  who  had 
previously  sought  their  protection ;  and  subsequently  they  also 
allowed  many  to  come  back  who  had  fled  from  the  massacre 
and  had  taken  refuge  among  the  Kirghiz.  The  number  of  these 
colonists  was  soon  increased  by  the  return  of  the  Kalmuks. 

Soon  after  the  final  emigration  of  the  Oirat  tribes  to  the 
Volga,  the  Emperor  Kiang-hi,  being  curious  to  learn  the  cause 
of  this  great  movement,  and  having  at  the  same  time  some 
business  with  the  Court  of  St.  Petersburg,  sent  an  ambassador, 
in  whose  suite  was  Tuli-shen,  the  secretary  of  the  Imperial 
Council,  on  a  mission  to  the  court  of  the  Kalmuk  Khan  on  the 
lower  Volga.  This  embassy  was  allowed  by  Peter  the  Great  to 
proceed  through  Siberia,  and  the  journal  kept  by  it  is  full  of 
curious  interest.1 

The  Kalmuks  were  touched  with  this  mark  of  interest  of 
the  Chinese  Emperor,  and  from  that  time,  in  spite  of  the 
Eussians,  kept  up  relations  with  the  court  of  Pekin.  When 
they  heard  that  Jungaria  had  been  conquered  and  depopulated 
by  the  Chinese,  supposing  that  the  country  would  remain 
vacant,  they  made  up  their  minds  to  return  to  it,  only  a  small 
number  preferring  to  remain.  They  set  out  from  the  Volga  in 
January  and  February  1771,  and  after  an  eight  months'. march, 
attended  by  much  suffering,  harassed  and  distressed  by  the 
Kirghiz, — a  journey  that  has  been  immortalised  by  De  Quincey 
in  his  '  Flight  of  a  Tartar  Tribe,' — arrived  at  Jungaria  only  to 
find  the  Chinese  in  full  possession  of  the  country,  and  to  learn 
that  they  must  either  become  subject  to  them,  or  fall  into  the 

1  This  journal  -was  translated  by  Staunton  under  the  title,  '  Narrative  of  the 
Chinese  Embassy;     London  :  1821. 


172  TUKKISTAN. 

hands  of  the  Khirgiz  or  of  the  Bussians  who  were  slowly  pur- 
suing- them.  They  chose  the  former  alternative,  and  thus  the 
population  of  the  'new  line'  or  'new  frontier,'  as  the  province 
of  Hi,  together  with  Eastern  Turkistan,  was  called,  was  in- 
creased by  nearly  half-a-million  of  souls. 

The  Kalmuks  were  allowed  to  settle  in  the  excellent  pasture- 
grounds  on  the  Kunges  and  Tekes,  where  they  still  live  under 
the  name  of  Torgots.  Like  the  Kirghiz,  they  lead  a  nomadic 
life,  and  devote  themselves  to  the  breeding  of  cattle  and  horses. 
Some  few  of  them  about  the  river  Nilka  have  mixed  with  the 
Tartars  and  have  become  agriculturists.  The  Kalmuks  are  all 
Buddhists.  Their  chief  priest  in  the  valley  of  the  Hi  was  a 
Khamba  Lama,  who  during  the  summer  lived  in  a  temple  on  the 
Tekes,  but  during  the  winter  came  to  another  temple  on  the  right 
bank  of  the  Hi,  between  the  Tartar  and  the  Mantchu  Kuldja,  to 
which  once  a  year  the  Dzian-Dziun,  or  Mantchu  governor  of  the 
province,  came  for  prayers  with  all  his  officials  in  state  and 
ceremony.  At  first  no  taxes  were  laid  upon  the  Kalmuks,  but 
subsequently  they  were  obliged  to  furnish  the  agricultural  and 
military  colonists  with  2,000  cattle  and  500  horses  yearly,  and, 
furthermore,  were  obliged  to  serve  in  the  copper  and  lead  mines, 
and  to  supply  a  contingent  of  soldiers  for  the  frontier  pickets. 

All  these  different  races  were  kept  in  order  by  a  military 
force  of  Mantchus  and  Chinese,  and  the  governors  and  the 
higher  officials  were  in  all  cases  Mantchus. 

The  Governor-General,  or  Dzian-Dziun,  lived  in  Hi,  the 
Mantchu  Kuldja,  while  the  amban  of  Eastern  Turkistan,  re- 
siding at  Kashgar,  and  that  of  Tarbagatai,  resident  at  Tchu- 
gutchak,  were  subject  to  him.  A  force  of  6,000  Mantchu 
soldiers  was  kept  up,  of  which  5,000  garrisoned  the  fortress  of 
Hi  and  1,000  were  stationed  in  Bayandai.  The  Chinese  troops, 
which  were  called  those  of  the  Green  Banner,  raised,  not 
by  conscription,  but  by  recruitment,  as  in  England  and  America, 
amounted  to  3,000,  and  were  stationed  to  the  number  of  500 
in  each  of  the  five  forts  of  Khorgos,  Shin-sui-ho-dzi,  Suidun, 
Losigun,  and  Tchimpantzi.  The  other  half  of  the  Khambi,  as 
this  force  was  called,  were  settled  on  the  same  terms  as  military 
colonists  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Hi,  between  the  Solons  and 
the  Tarantchis ;  and  from  the  river  to  the  mountains  the  whole 
force  was  under  the  government  of  a  Mantchu  officer. 


THE  DUNGANS.  173 

Besides  the  forces  of  the  Green  Banner,  criminals,  chiefly 
from  Southern  China,  were  sent  to  the  Hi  provinces,  where 
they  were  known  as  Tchampans.  They  were  put  to  forced 
labour  of  the  hardest  kind  in  the  mines  for  three  years ;  but 
after  that  were  allowed  to  live  freely  in  the  province,  except 
that,  in  case  of  war,  they  were  all  counted  in  the  infantry.  In 
the  country  they  were  for  the  most  part  either  fishermen 
or  carriers,  and  in  the  cities  workmen  of  the  lowest  class  or 
thieves. 

The  agricultural  Tchampans  were  reckoned  at  about  5,000 
men,  and  were  chiefly  settled  near  the  banks  of  the  Hi,  where 
they  devoted  themselves  to  the  cultivation  of  opium.  They 
were  the  most  despised  portion  of  the  population,  and  were 
subject  to  persecutions  and  hardships  of  all  kinds. 

But  to  all  these  nationalities  yet  another  was  added, — the 
Dungans.  These  are  supposed  to  be  remnants  of  the  old 
Uigurs,  who,  under  the  name  of  Gfao-tchan,  were  in  very  early 
times  colonised  in  the  provinces  of  Han-su  and  Shen-si,  to  the 
number  of  800,000  men.  Later  we  find  people  in  this 
province,  in  all  probability  the  same,  because  they  were  Mo- 
hammedans, known  by  the  name  of  Salar,  who  by  their  frequent 
insurrections  gave  much  trouble  to  the  Chinese  authorities. 
Still  later  we  find  in  the  same  place  the  Dungans,  who  had 
become  Chinese  in  dress,  language,  and  manners  ;  in  short  in 
everything  save  their  religion,  of  which,  however,  they  knew 
but  little,  although  they  rigorously  observed  the  two  dogmas 
of  abstinence  from  the  use  of  swine's  flesh  and  of  spirits.  The 
Dungans  are  a  healthy,  hardy  race,  in  pari  perhaps  owing  to 
their  temperance  and  abstinence  from  opium,  and  are  bolder 
and  braver  than  the  Chinese.  For  this  reason  they  have  always 
been  found  to  be  excellent  recruits,  and  the  police  force  in 
Pekin  is,  or  was  lately,  drawn  almost  entirely  from  their  ranks. 
In  this  manner  many  of  them  came  to  the  new  western 
provinces  as  hired  soldiers,  and  after  their  term  of  service  had 
expired,  the  most  of  these,  finding  a  livelihood  easy,  remained 
there.  At  the  same  time  one  of  the  chief  occupations  of  the 
Dungans  is  the  carrying  trade,  and  most  of  the  carters  in  the 
north  of  China  are  of  this  people.  A  regular  post  route  was 
established  to  the  Hi,  along  which  many  flourishing  towns 
grew  up ;  and  as  the  Dungans  in  the  exercise  of  their  trade 


174  TUKKISTAN. 

followed  this  route,  many  of  them  settled  in  these  towns,  so 
that  at  last  in  some  of  them,  as  in  Urumtsi  for  instance,  they 
constituted  the  main  population.  In  1862  in  the  province  of 
Kuldja,  they  were  estimated  at  60,000  souls.1 

In  order  to  govern  this  mixture  of  races,  the  Mantchus  were 
obliged  to  rely  in  a  great  part  upon  the  hatred  between  the 
different  nationalities;  but  as  Mr.  Radloff  remarked  in  1862: 
'  Woe  to  the  Mantchus  if  the  hatred  against  them  ever  becomes 
stronger  than  the  hatred  of  these  races  to  each  other  !  If  only 
two  of  them  unite,  the  power  of  the  Mantchus  in  the  West  will 
be  for  ever  annihilated.'  Events  proved  how  true  his  words 
were. 

During  the  infancy  of  the  colony  the  Chinese  government 
was  kind  and  considerate,  giving  good  pay  to  the  military 
colonists,  and  granting  subsidies  and  alleviations  of  various 
kinds  to  the  others.  With  1826,  however,  began  a  time  of 
calamity  for  the  province,  and  especially  for  the  Tarantchis. 
During  the  war  not  only  were  they  obliged  to  deliver  a 
double  quantity  of  grain  and  forage,  but  they  were  compelled 
to  transport  it  with  their  own  horses  to  the  scene  of  military 
operations.  At  the  same  time  the  winter  was  so  unusually 
severe  that  the  trains  of  transport-horses  perished,  and  many 
hundreds  of  Tarantchis  were  frozen  to  death  on  the  road. 
Things  were  getting  worse  and  worse,  when  finally  the  Chinese 
succeeded  in  repressing  the  insurrection  and  in  restoring  order. 
But  the  affairs  of  the  province  had  only  begun  to  look  a  little 
better,  when,  in  1834,  it  was  considered  necessary  to  dig  the 
canal  Tokus-tara-osten,  to  provide  for  additional  culture  and 
settlements.  The  work  was  difficult,  and  lasted  two  years. 
After  this  came  bad  harvests  and  other  calamities  ;  and  besides 
forced  labour,  heavy  taxes  had  to  be  paid  for  the  improvements, 
so  that  it  was  not  till  1839  that  the  agriculturists  began  to 
better  their  position.  In  1836  there  had  been  an  attempt  at 
rebellion  under  the  leadership  of  a  Persian,  but  this  was  pu ' 

1  For  a  fuller  account  of  the  races  inhabiting  Kuldja,  see  '  Daslli-Thal  in  Hoch 
Asien  und  seine  Bewobner,'  von  Dr.  W.  Eadloff,  in  Petermann's  'Mittheilungen ' 
for  1866,  pp.  88,  250.  The  articles  of  Mr.  N.  Aristof  on  Kuldja  in  the  second 
volume  of  the  '  Turkistan  Annual '  are  worth  consulting,  as  also  those  of  Baron 
Kaulbars  in  the  second  and  third  volumes  of  the  same  publication,  the  'Sketches  of 
Semi  retch'  of  Colonel  Khoroshkiu  in  the  '  Turkistan  Gazette  '  for  1875,  and  the 
article  of  Colonel  Veniukof  in  tiie  'Bulletin'  of  the  Imperial  Russian  Geographical 
Socie+v  for  1871,  p.  333. 


DISCONTENT   OF  THE   DUNGANS.  175 

down,  the  leaders  were  executed  and  banished,  and  many 
Tarantchi  settlements  were  plundered  by  the  soldiers.  Again, 
during  new  disturbances  in  Kashgar  in  1840  and  1844,  the 
agricultural  settlements  had  to  suffer  heavily.  Still  the 
Tarantchis  were  so  oppressed  that  they  hardly  dared  even  to 
think  of  insurrection ;  and  when  the  Dungan  rebellion  broke 
out,  they  did  not  at  first  join  in  it. 

It  was  the  Tarantchis  and  the  native  Mussulmans  that  the 
Chinese  chiefly  feared  as  a  source  of  disturbance,  and  it  was 
against  them  that  their  precautions  were  all  directed.  The 
danger,  however,  was  to  come  from  another  and  unsuspected 
source, — the  Dungans.  These  people  had  long  been  discontented 
with  their  position  in  the  country  in  which  they  had,  as  it  were, 
surreptitiously  established  themselves.  Vigorous  and  industrious, 
they  had  at  one  time  squatted  on  outlying  lands  and  had  under- 
taken to  cultivate  them  ;  but  as  whole  districts  had  been  set  apart 
for  the  use  of  military  colonists,  even  though  much  of  the  soil 
remained  uncultivated,  the  colonists  complained  and  the  Dungans 
were  removed.  They  then  sent  a  petition  to  the  Emperor,  saying 
that  they  as  well  as  the  rest  were  his  children,  and  that  they 
were  desirous  of  gaining  their  bread  by  working  the  land.  This 
petition  was  heard,  and  certain  lands  were  set  apart  for  them. 
After  this  arrangement  the  causes  of  their  discontent  are  not 
easily  explainable.  The  Dungans  were  under  no  special  dis- 
advantages as  compared  with  the  other  peoples ;  on  the 
contrary,  they  occupied  a  position  in  some  respects  better  than 
many,  but  yet  they  had  a  contempt  as  well  as  dislike  for  the 
Chinese  and  the  Mantchus, — whose  strength  and  character  were 
enfeebled  by  their  misuse  of  opium, — and  they  felt  in  themselves 
that  they  were  better  men. 

The  financial  condition  of  the  country,  it  is  true,  made  every- 
one discontented,  but  not  the  Dungans  more  than  others.  The 
government  at  Pekin,  exhausted  by  wars  and  dissensions,  had 
not  only  for  many  years  neglected  to  pay  either  the  regular  troops 
or  the  military  colonists  in  the  province  of  Hi,  but  even  desired  to 
collect  taxes  from  them.  High  officials  among  the  Mantchus 
were  devoting  all  their  energies  to  making  their  personal  fortunes, 
as  well  as  to  grinding  out  of  the  merchants  and  farmers, — 
for  on  both  of  these  fell  the  burden  of  the  distress, — enough 
to    give    them  the  actual  means    of  subsistence.      Instead  of 


176  TUKKISTAN. 

lessening  the  number  of  troops,  and  thus  trying-  to  economise 
the  resources  of  the  country,  the  Government  had  recourse  to 
financial  speculations, — some  of  an  indefensible  character.  For 
instance,  they  resolved  to  give  to  the  copper  money  a  forced 
value,  and  began  to  coin  large  yarmaks,  equal  in  actual  value  to 
fifteen  small  yarmaks,  which  they  endeavoured  to  make  pass 
for  one  hundred  yarmaks.  The  action  of  the  Government  was 
immediately  imitated  by  private  persons,  for  it  was  easy 
enough  to  make  moulds,  and  to  melt  down  the  small  yarmaks 
and  reissue  them  at  their  higher  value.  Threats  and  the  most 
severe  punishments  availed  nothing,  and  at  last  the  Government 
was  obliged  to  issue  a  decree  that  the  large  pieces  should 
be  taken  at  their  real  value  of  only  fifteen  yarmaks.  This 
excited  a  new  storm  of  discontent,  and  a  revolution  seemed  on 
the  point  of  breaking  out ;  the  palace  of  the  Governor- 
General  at  Hi  was  mobbed,  and  he  was  forced  to  make  a 
promise  that  the  pieces  should  be  taken  for  a  month  at  forty 
yarmaks,  after  which  they  would  be  worth  only  fifteen. 
During  this  month  at  least  twenty  times  as  many  pieces  were 
presented  as  had  been  coined  by  the  Government,  so  that  there 
was  an  immense  loss  to  it,  as  well  as  to  all  honest  people. 
Subsequently  great  mining  speculations  were  undertaken ; 
expensive  works  were  constructed  in  many  places  to  open  silver 
mines,  but  no  silver  was  discovered.  Searches  for  sunken 
treasures  in  the  river  Kash  were  similarly  fruitless  ;  and  in 
this  way  large  sums  of  money  were  wasted,  and  many  families, 
especially  of  Tarantchis  and  Kalmuks,  were  ruined. 

To  return  to  the  Dungans.  In  1860  a  conspiracy  was  dis- 
covered, having  for  its  object  the  murder  of  the  Governor 
General  and  other  officials,  which  was  easily  suppressed  ;  but  it 
would  have  cost  the  life  of  the  Eussian  Consul  had  it  not  been 
for  his  diplomatic  skill  and  presence  of  mind.  He  had  hired 
a  Dungan  to  prepare  some  sable-skins  which  he  destined  for  a 
coat,  for,  in  addition  to  their  monopolising  other  trades,  the 
furriers  were  nearly  all  Dungans.  As  the  Consul  was  in  no 
hurry  he  gave  the  Dungan  a  room  in  the  Factory,  and  told  him 
to  come  and  work  there  at  his  leisure,  so  that  it  was  fully  a 
year  before  the  skins  were  ready  for  use.  The  man  was  paid 
and  sent  away  and  nothing  more  was  thought  of  him.  More 
than  a  year  after  (this  was  in  1860),  a  Mantchu  officer  who 


UNJUST  SUSPICIONS.  177 

#as  frequently  sent  by  tlie  authorities  for  conference  with  the 
Consul,  made  him  a  visit,  and  in  the  course  of  the  conversation 
spoke  of  this  Dungan,  asking  if  he  still  lived  at  the  Factory. 
The  Consul  replied  that  he  had  not  been  there  for  a  year. 
The  conversation  took  another  channel.  It  seemed  strange 
to  the  Consul  that  the  officer  had  no  special  business,  and 
that  he  should  remain  so  long  talking  of  indifferent  matters. 
Again  there  was  an  allusion  to  the  Dungan,  and  the  Consul 
was  asked  what  had  become  of  him.  He  expressed  his 
surprise  that  this  man's  fate  should  weigh  so  heavily  on  the 
officer's  mind,  and  when  a  third  remark  was  made,  and  the 
question  was  again  put  whether  he  was  not  still  there,  Mr. 
Zakharof  laughingly  said :  '  Why  you  can  look  through  the 
Factory  if  you  please;  it  would  be  difficult  to  hide  a  man 
here.'  This  answer  seemed  perfectly  to  satisfy  the  officer  and 
lie  went  away.  A  few  days  afterwards  some  of  the  Governor's 
.  council  called  on  the  Consul  and  explained  to  him  the  circum- 
stances, saying  that  a  conspiracy  of  Dungans  had  been  dis- 
covered ;  that  on  this  very  man  had  fallen  the  duty  of  assassi- 
nating the  Grovernor-Greneral,  and  that  it  was  said  that  he  was 
living  in  the  factory  under  the  protection  of  the  Eussian 
Consul.  The  officials  added,  'We  all  know  you,  and  know  that 
you  would  be  incapable  of  assisting  in  such  a  plot,  but  still 
there  were  two  or  three  members  of  the  Council  who  so 
insisted  that  all  foreigners  were  villains,  and  that  the  Russians 
must  have  some  connection  with  the  conspiracy,  that  we 
almost  came  to  blows;  we  therefore  took  this  measure  of 
finding  out.' 

If,  instead  of  taking  the  matter  in  good  part,  Mr.  Zakharof 
had  become  angry,  and  had  stood  on  his  dignity  and  demanded 
satisfaction  for  the  supposed  insult  to  his  honour  and  to  his  flag, 
the  Chinese  would  probably  have  been  convinced  of  his  participa- 
tion in  the  plot,  and  in  all  likelihood  the  Factory  would  have 
been  sacked  and  all  its  inmates  murdered.  The  position  was 
very  similar  to  that  at  Tien-tsin,  and  had  the  French  Consul 
there  shown  a  little  more  adroitness  and  not  at  once  resented 
the  action  of  the  Chinese  as  an  insult  to  his  flag,  that  frightful 
massacre  might  perhaps  have  been  avoided. 

Although   the  insurrection  in   Kuldja  was  an  entirely  inde- 
pendent one,  imder  native  leaders,  yet  it  seems  to  have  had  a 

VOL    II.  N 


178  TURKISTAN. 

certain  connection  with  the  rebellion  of  the  Chinese  Mussulmans 
which  broke  out  in  the  province  of  Shen-si  in  1862  and  rapidly 
spread  to  Han-su,  Li-tchuan  and  Yunnan. 

This  rebellion  was  not  entirely  suppressed,  but  the  insurgents 
were  driven  out  of  Han-su  and  took  refuge  in  the  various  towns 
on  the  road  to  Kuldja.  many  of  which  were,  as  I  have  before 
said,  thickly  settled  with  Dungans,  and  especially  in  the  town 
of  Urumtsi,  where  a  Dungan  government  began  gradually  to  be 
established.  The  news  of  the  insurrection  in  Han-su  reached 
Kuldja  towards  the  end  of  1862  and  at  the  beginning  of  1863 
many  Dungans  from  different  places  collected  in  Shin-sui-ho  dzi 
to  plan  an  insurrection.  At  first  they  coidd  come  to  no  agree- 
ment, but  finally  two  fanatical  piiests  succeeded  in  getting 
together  a  few  hundred  men  and  attacking  the  little  town  of 
Targi.  Their  plan,  however,  was  defeated ;  many  were  taken 
prisoners,  and  their  leaders  were  beheaded.  The  severe  action 
of  the  authorities  seems  to  have  had  its  effect,  and  there  were 
no  new  disturbances  until  March  1864,  when  there  was  a  riot  in 
Khorgos,  which  was  immediately  put  down  ;  but  in  the  summer 
news  was  received  of  the  rebellion  in  Ku-tche,  of  the  capture  of 
Urumtsi  by  the  Dungans,  of  the  murder  of  the  Mantchus  and 
of  the  Chinese  living  there,  to  the  number  of  1 30,000,  and  of 
the  burning  of  a  part  of  the  town  and  of  the  bazaar  with  all  its 
rich  depots  of  tea.  The  capture  of  Urumtsi  gave  the  Dungans 
great  force,  as  it  cut  off  the  province  of  Kuldja  from  communi- 
cation with  China  either  by  the  ordinary  northern  route  or  by 
the  southern  one.  It  also  had  a  great  effect  upon  the  state  of 
things  in  that  province,  for  from  Urumtsi  the  Dungans  marched 
towards  Manas,  and  the  Govern  or-  General  sent  a  Solon  officer 
with  an  army  of  several  thousand  men  against  them.  As  the 
Chinese  army  was  by  far  the  more  numerous  an  immediate  attack 
might  have  dispersed  the  rebels,  but  divided  counsels  prevailed, 
there  were  negotiations,  and  finally  when  the  battle  did  come  off 
the  Chinese  forces  were  beaten  and  had  to  return  to  Hi.  A 
rebellion  in  that  province  at  once  broke  out.1 

1  Jn  the  slight  account  which  I  shall  eive  of  it,  I  shall  chiefly  follow  the  report 
of  a  Chinese  official,  Lu-tmn-han,  -who  had  come  to  that  province  as  a  student  in 
1856,  had  taught  in  schools,  and  had  subsequently  bought  an  official  post.  He 
wrote  a  detailed  report  of  the  rebellion  and  of  the  capture  of  Hi,  as  well  as  another 
subsequently  on  the  occupation  of  the  province  by  the   Eussians,   which    were 


OFFICIAL  INCAPACITY.  179 

After  this,  the  disturbances  among  the  Dungans  daily  in- 
creased, so  that  the  Governor-General  began  to  call  to  Hi  single 
bodies  of  troops  and  of  Sibos,  and  to  impose  extraordinary  taxes 
on  all  the  merchants.  The  acting  Eussian  Consul,  with  most  oi 
the  Eussian  merchants  and  all  the  Cossacks,  except  one  who  had 
been  left  thereby  mistake,  had  gone  from  Kuldja  a  few  months 
before  on  account  of  the  dangerous  state  of  affairs.  Now,  when 
the  Governor  imposed  on  the  Tashkent  merchants  living  there 
a  tax  of  300  horses,  the  rest  of  them  ran  away  and  crossed  the 
frontier.  Gradually  8000  troops  were  collected  in  the  citadel 
of  Hi  and  the  Mantchus  began  to  take  heart,  when  they  were 
alarmed  by  the  news  that  the  Dungans  had  finally  succeeded  in 
persuading  the  Tarantchi  inhabitants  of  Kuldja  to  take  sides 
with  them.  A  state  visit  which  the  Governor  paid  to  the 
mosque  had  no  effect,  and  a  day  or  two  after  street  fights  began 
at  night  in  Old  Kuldja,  news  of  which  was  immediately  brought 
to  Hi,  and  in  a  few  hours  disturbances  began  there  also.  The 
rebels  had  now  gained  an  important  central  point,  but  if  the 
Mantchus  had  acted  with  energy,  had  collected  all  their  troops 
and  directed  them  against  that  city,  and  had  possessed  at  the 
same  time  the  slightest  courage  or  capacity  for  command,' they 
could  easily  have  crushed  the  growing  insurrection.  This, 
however,  they  did  not  do  ;  on  the  contrary,  they  waited  quietly 
in  the  citadel  until  attacks  were  made  against  them.  After 
beating  these  off,  they  finally  resolved  to  send  a  body  of  troops 
to  attack  the  united  forces  of  Tarantchis  and  Dungans,  who  had 
entrenched  themselves  at  Da-di-pu,  a  few  miles  to  the  east. 
They  were  defeated  and  came  back  in  disorder.  But  the  Dun- 
gans apparently  also  suffered  greatly,  for  they  made  no  attempt 
at  pursuit,  and  for  a  few  weeks  both  sides  were  quiet.  A  few 
days  after  an  order  arrived  from  Pekin  removing  the  Governor- 
General  Tchang  and  replacing  him  by  his  assistant  Ming,  the 
amhan  of  Tchugutchak.  Unfortunately  the  new  Governor  acted 
with  as  much  stupidity  and  folly  as  the  old  one  had  done.  A  new 
attack  was  at  once  ordered  on  Da-di-pu,  but  was  repulsed  with 
great  loss,  the  infantry  being  surrounded  and  very  many  of  them 
massacred. 

destined  for  the  Chinese  Emperor,  but  which,  by  some  means,  found  their  way  into 
Fussian  hands,  and  were  published  by  Professor  Vas\liof  in  the  '  Eussian  Messen- 
ger '  for  May  1872. 

n  2 


180  TUEK1STAK 

The  Dungans  now  began  to  undertake  more  active  opera- 
tions. They  divided  into  two  parts  and  regularly  besieged  the 
fortresses  of  Hi  and  Bayandai.  At  the  same  time  by  promise 
of  plunder  they  persuaded  the  Kirghiz  to  join  them,  and  many 
families  and  tribes  crossed  the  frontier  and  began  plundering  the 
Chinese  settlements.  A  good  portion  of  the  outer  city  of  Hi 
had  now  been  destroyed,  but  the  burning  of  the  Russian  Factory 
seemed  to  inspire  the  Governor  with  special  terror  and  he  re- 
peatedly sent  to  the  Russian  authorities  at  Semipalatinsk  with 
requests  for  help.  Finally,  towards  the  end  of  the  year,  a  great 
battle  was  fought,  in  which  the  Dungans  were  entirely  defeated 
and  were  obliged  to  leave  the  district.  Then  was  the  favourable 
moment  had  the  Governor  taken  advantage  of  it,  as  the  Kir- 
ghiz, who  had  only  joined  the  Dungans  while  they  were  in  luck, 
had  now  abandoned  them,  but  he  feared  for  the  safety  of  the 
city  and  refused  to  march  his  troops  out.  As  a  last  resort 
therefore,  the  Dungans,  seeing  themselves  in  straits,  made 
overtures  to  the  Tarantchi  peasants, — the  rebellion  up  to  this 
time  having  been  confined  to  the  city  dwellers.  Then,  with- 
drawing 1>heir  forces  from  near  Hi,  they  bent  all  their  energies 
to  the  siege  of  Bayandai,  and  in  the  beginning  of  1865  took  it 
by  btorm.  The  garrison  of  about  8,000  men,  with  their  com- 
mander, was  all  killed,  with  the  exception  of  two  soldiers,  who, 
with  their  noses  split,  were  sent  to  Hi.  Houses  were  plundered, 
the  peaceable  Chinese  with  their  wives  and  children  were 
strangled,  and  the  young  girls  enslaved. 

The  fall  of  Bayandai  seemed  greatly  to  encourage  the 
insurgents,  who,  before  this,  were  in  such  desperation  that 
they  had  sent  to  Urumtsi  and  Ku-tche  for  assistance,  and  on  the 
news  of  the  capture  of  Bavandai,  a  defensive  and  offensive 
league  appears  to  have  been  entered  into.  In  the  meantime 
Suidun  was  also  surrounded,  but  the  Governor  could  afford  it 
no  assistance.  At  this  time  also  the  insurrection  broke  out  in 
Tarbagatai,  so  that  after  the  capture  of  Tchugutchak  and  the 
occupation  of  the  country,  the  Mantchus  were  entirely  cut  off 
from  any  communication  with  China  except  through  the 
Russian  territory.  Shortly  after,  a  letter  arrived  at  Semipala- 
tinsk from  the  Governor  again  asking  for  assistance,  and 
begging  that  a  packet  of  official  documents  might  be  trans- 
mitted to  Pekin.     The   siege  of  Hi  slowly  progressed,  varied 


ACTION   OF   THE   KALMUKS.  181 

only  by  a  sortie  which  the  Governor  made  against  Da-di-pu, 
and  which  was  repulsed  with  great  loss.  Meanwhile  the 
Dungans  had  begun  measures  which  it  could  easily  have  been 
seen  would  be  successful.  They  sent  small  bands  to  plunder 
and  ravage  all  the  lands  of  the  military  colonies,  thus  com- 
pelling the  '  banners '  that  had  stayed  at  home  to  take  their  part 
in  order  to  save  their  own  property,  and  detaching  even  others 
from  the  Mantchus.  The  Kalmuks  on  the  river  Tekes  had 
not  sent  the  assistance  demanded  by  the  Governor,  being 
angry  that  he  had  not  assisted  them  when  they  had  been 
attacked  a  few  months  before  by  the  Kara-Kirghiz.  At  last, 
however,  when  their  great  temple  on  the  Hi  had  been 
plundered  by  the  Dungans,  their  Lama  excited  them  to 
revenge.  They  therefore  marched  down  to  near  Hi  and  sig- 
nally defeated  the  insurgents,  who  after  that  dared  no  longer 
show  themselves  in  the  vicinity.  The  harvest  was  now  ripe, 
and  the  giain  was  greatly  needed  by  the  suffering  garrison 
and  town  population,  but  no  one  dared  to  reap  it  for  fear  of 
the  Dungans.  The  Governor  therefore  ordered  the  Kalmuks  to 
gather  the  harvest,  but,  as  they  were  nomads  who  despised 
agriculture,  they  refused,  and  when  threats  were  offered,  they 
all  decamped,  and  no  persuasions  could  bring  them  back. 
After  their  departure  the  Dungans  immediately  resumed 
operations.  Of  the  frightful  position  of  affairs  in  the  fortress, 
we  learn  something  from  Colonel  Eeinthal,  who  was  there  in 
July  and  September  1865,  to  obtain  information  on  the  position. 
It  is  much  to  be  regretted  that  the  Russian  Government  did 
not  act  upon  the  information  contained  in  his  reports,  and 
either  give  some  active  support  to  the  Chinese  authorities,  or 
itself  occupy  the  country  to  prevent  bloodshed. 

The  scarcity  of  provisions  in  Hi  became  such  that  the  Gover- 
nor at  last  saw  himself  obliged  to  dismiss  his  last  auxiliaries,  the 
Thagor  Kalmuks.  In  the  meantime  both  Solons  and  Sibos  were 
being  attacked  and  plundered,  and  were  obliged  to  make  peace 
with  the  insurgents,  so  that  only  Hi,  Khorgos,  Losigun,  and 
Suidun,  remained  in  the  hands  of  the  Mantchus.  Hi  was  now 
entirely  surrounded,  and  it  was  resolved  to  reduce  it  by  famine. 
The  situation  there  was  indeed  frightful ;  all  the  provisions  had 
been  exhausted,  and  the  only  food  was  horses,  dogs,  and  cats. 
Typhus  so  raged  that  from   50  to   100  men  died  daily.     The 


182  TUEKISTAN. 

dead  lay  untamed  in  the  streets,  and  the  furniture  and  the  roof- 
bearns  of  the  houses  were  used  for  fuel.  Finally,  about  the 
middle  of  January  the  Dungans  made  an  attack  ;  they  blew 
up  two  bastions  and  one  of  the  gates,  and  burst  into  the 
fortress.  Men,  women,  and  children  were  indiscriminately 
murdered,  and  many  spared  their  enemies  the  trouble  by 
killing  first  their  families  and  then  themselves.  All  the 
Mantchus  sought  refuge  in  the  Governor's  palace,  which  they 
defended  with  the  courage  of  despair.  Tchang,  the  former 
Governor,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  insurgents  and  was  at  once 
murdered,  but  the  others,  as  the  Chinese  reporter  puts  it 
'  fulfilled  their  duty  of  devotion,'  i.e.,  they  blew  up  the  palace^ 
and  all  perished  in  the  ruins.  Some  treasure  was  doubtless 
found  in  the  houses,  and  in  the  palace  of  the  Governor  80,000 
ounces  of  silver  were  discovered,  but  in  all  probability  much 
still  remains  buried  in  the  city.  After  a  few  weeks  rest  the 
Dungans  turned  towards  the  northern  cities,  took  Suidun  and 
Losigun  almost  immediately,  while  the  town  of  Khorgos,  where 
many  rich  merchants  had  taken  refuge,  made  peace  with  them 
by  paying  a  very  heavy  contribution,  and  surrendered  on  a 
promise  of  safety.  The  Tarantchis  then  returned  home  and 
the  Dungans  went  northward,  but  returned  in  five  days  and 
fell  upon  this  city,  plundered  and  burnt  it,  and  put  all  the 
inhabitants  to  the  sword.  The  Dungans  then  made  an  attack 
on  the  Solons,  who  had  before  this  entirely  submitted  to  them, 
burnt  all  their  towns  and  murdered  the  inhabitants,  so  that  the 
remainder  fled  for  refuge  to  the  Russian  territory,  hotly  pursued 
by  the  Dungans,  who  killed  many  in  their  flight. 

The  Dungans  and  the  Tarantchis  had  kept  together  as  long  as 
they  were  in  the  face  of  a  common  enemy  ;  no  sooner  were 
they  masters  of  the  situation  than  dissensions  broke  out 
between  them.  The  two  parties  met  in  April  1867-  near  Old 
Kuldja,  when  the  Dungans  were  badly  beaten  and  lost  their 
leader,  Mayagur  Akhun.  A  month  later  the  Dungans  collected 
a  new  force,  increased  by  many  of  their  race  from  Ur  unit  si, 
amounting  in  all  to  10,000  men,  and  attacked  a  force  of 
Tarantchis,  Sibos,  Mongols,  and  other  inhabitants  of  that 
locality,  at  Da-di-pu,  whom  they  defeated  and  compelled  to  fall 
back  on  Bayandai.  There  the  retreating  army  made  a  stand, 
and  remembering  how  the  Duno-ans  had  started  the  insurrec- 


TARANTCHI   RULE.  183 

tion,  and  bow  they  had  everywhere  murdered,  robbed,  and 
pillaged,  resolved  to  strike  one  more  blow  for  their  lives,  and 
made  a  sudden  onslaught,  which  so  overwhelmed  the  Dungans, 
that  few  of  them  escaped  from  the  battle.  Those  who  did  not 
flee  to  Urumtsi  or  over  the  Russian  frontier,  were  obliged  to 
submit  to  the  Tarantchis.  Late  in  the  summer  of  the  same 
year  there  was  a  report  that  a  Chinese  army  was  on  its  march, 
which  so  excited  the  Sibos  and  the  few  remaining  Mantchus 
and  Chinese  with  joy,  that  the  Tarautchis  grew  seriously 
alarmed,  and  proposed  to  massacre  them  all  to  avoid  disturb- 
ances; but  the  Sultan  and  the  Akhun  did  not  agree,  so  that 
their  lives  were  preserved,  although  they  were  subject  to  all 
kinds  of  persecution  and  extortion. 

From  that  time  on  the  Tarantchis  ruled  the  country.  They 
bad  had  many  a  change  of  leaders  since  the  beginning  of  the 
insurrection.  Their  first  chief,  Abdrasul  Amir,  an  influential 
man  in  old  Kuldja,  was  murdered  by  Mazam  Khan,  who  had 
been  released  from  prison  by  the  Chinese  on  his  promise  to  use 
his  influence  in  putting  down  the  insurgents,  whose  leader 
he  immediately  became.  In  the  capture  of  Bayandai  he  was 
killed  by  an  adventurer  from  Andijan  named  Patcha  Hodja, 
who  hoped,  with  the  assistance  of  some  of  his  countrymen,  to 
accomplish  in  Kuldja  much  the  same  as  Yakub  Bek  was  then 
doing  in  Kashgar.  Patcha  was  soon  disposed  of,  as  was  also  his 
successor,  who  was  followed  by  a  certain  Maltchet  Akhun,  a 
Tarantchi,  and  the  leader  of  that  race  at  the  time  of  the 
capture  of  Hi.  He  in  his  turn  was  relieved  of  the  cares  of 
sovereignty  by  Abil  Ogla,  or,  as  he  is  sometimes  called,  Ala 
Khan,  who  sewed  him  up  in  a  sack  and  threw  him  into  the 
river.  Abil  Ogla,  who  had  been  a  leading  man  in  Kuldja 
before  the  insurrection,  now  took  the  title  of  Sultan.  After 
the  massacre  of  the  Solons  by  the  Dungans,  their  vacant 
territory  had  been  immediately  occupied  by  Kirghiz,  some 
coining  from  the  country  to  the  north,  and  some  from  Siberia. 
These  continued  to  plunder  the  country,  and  caused  many 
more  to  seek  Russian  protection.  In  this  way  the  emigrants 
during  1866—7,  amounted  in  all  to  about  5,000  souls,  by  far 
the  most  of  them  being  in  a  state  of  utter  destitution.  They 
were  temporarily  settled  in  the  districts  of  Kopal  and  Vierny, 
and  assistance   was  given  to  them   by  General  Kolpakofsky  in 


184  TURKISTAN. 

food  and  money,  for  which  he  subsequently  received  the  thanks 
of  the  Government  at  Pekin,  and  had  conferred  upon  him  by  the 
Emperor  of  China  the  dignity  of  Mandarin  of  the  first  class, 
with  a  robe  of  honour  embroidered  "with  dragons,  which,  being 
placed  on  the  same  footing  with  a  decoration,  he  received  the 
special  permission  of  his  own  Emperor  to  wear  on  state 
occasions.  The  Chinese  Government  after  they  had  recovered 
possession  of  Tchugutchak,  demanded  the  release  of  all  those 
emigrants  who  had  been  in  the  army  or  in  the  military 
colonies,  and  as  the  Chinese  authorities  had  always  been  very 
exact  in  delivering  up  Eussian  refugees,  it  was  thought  proper 
to  comply  with  this  request.  In  consequence  of  the  insuffi- 
ciency of  money  and  supplies,  their  return  to  China  was 
postponed  until  1868,  and  in  the  autumn  of  that  year,  3,500  of 
them,  after  marching  600  miles,  encamped  for  the  winter  near 
Tchugutchak,  where  in  fact  they  were  obliged  to  remain  for 
several  years,  as  the  place  marked  out  for  -their  colonisation  was 
not  then  ready.  More  than  a  thousand,  however,  refused  to 
obey  the  orders  of  the  Chinese  Government,  preferring  not  to 
remove  so  far  from  their  former  settlements,  and  resolved 
either  to  stay  under  Eussian  rule  or  await  an  opportunity  to 
return  to  their  homes. 

During  the  whole  of  the  insurrection  all  the  efforts  of  the 
Eussians  had  been  directed  to  keeping  the  frontiers  intact,  but  no 
movement  whatever  had  been  made  to  interfere.  The  districts 
of  Vierny  were  then  governed  through  Semipalatinsk,  and 
Semipalatinsk  in  turn  received  its  orders  from  Omsk,  the 
capital  of  Western  Siberia.  As  far  as  concerns  Central  Asia, 
the  attention  of  the  Eussians  was  concentrated  on  the  new  line 
of  frontier  and  on  the  occupation  of  Tashkent  and  the  adjacent 
regions  ;  as  far  as  China  was  concerned,  the  only  object  was  to 
keep  up  good  relations  and  to  do  nothing  that  might  injure 
them. 

When  Semiretch  became  a  province  of  the  government  of 
Turkistan  under  General  Kaufmann  it  was  evident  that  the 
policy  here  would  change.  The  first  attempt  of  the  insurgents 
to  enter  into  relations  with  the  Eussians  came  from  the 
Dungans  of  Tchugutchak,  and  immediately  after  the  rising 
there  in  January  1865,  the  Imam  of  Tchugutchak  hastened  to 
inform  the  Eussian  Vice-Consul  that  the  Factory  was  still  safe, 


TKOUBLES  WITH  KUSSIA.  185 

being  watched  over  by  the  Dungans,  and  invited  him  to  return 
and  renew  commercial  relations. 

These,  as  well  as  two  subsequent  letters,  remained  without 
answer,  as  the  government  could  not  take  upon  itself  to  enter 
into  relations  with  persons  who  had  taken  possession  of  a  city 
of  a  friendly  power.  After  the  capture  of  the  citadel  in  1866, 
the  Dungans  again  tried  to  enter  into  relations,  promising  to 
satisfy  all  the  Eussian  complaints. 

These  letters  also  remained  without  reply,  and  as  the  Dungans 
thus  became  convinced  of  the  hostile  disposition  of  the  Eussians, 
and  were  at  the  same  time  influenced  by  a  report  circulated  by 
the  Chinese,  that  Eussian  troops  were  to  march  against  them, 
they  decided  to  abandon  Tchugutchak  and  its  vicinity,  and  to 
settle  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Manas.  They  thus  left  for  a 
time  the  whole  country  between  Manas  and  the  frontier,  300 
miles,  utterly  depopulated,  and  it  so  remained  until  it  was  again 
easily  occupied  by  the  Chinese  forces  which  advanced  with 
Zhung,  the  new  Dzian-Dziun,  in  1871. 

The  kind  reception  given  to  the  refugees,  and  the  establish- 
ment of  a  corps  of  observation  on  the  frontier,  inspired  the 
Dungans  and  Tarantchis  in  Kuldja,  during  the  insurrection, 
with  fear  of  the  Eussians,  and  for  that  reason  at  first  they  took 
great  care  to  prevent  any  infringement  of  the  boundaries  by 
the  Kirghiz  or  others.  In  the  early  part  of  1867  there  had 
been  a  slight  conflict  with  the  Dungans  at  Borokhudzir  on  the 
frontier,  in  order  to  protect  the  Solons  who  were  seeking  Eussian 
protection,  but  otherwise  there  were  no  dealings  with  either 
Dungans  or  Tarantchis  until  1869,  except  that,  in  1868,  the 
Tarantchis  having  learned  that  there  was  a  report  that  they 
were  intending  with  an  army  of  40,000  men  to  fall  upon 
Vierny,  sent  a  messenger  to  one  of  the  Kirghiz  chiefs  to  deny 
it,  and  to  express  their  desire  and  intention  to  live  in  peace 
and  amity  with  the  Eussians. 

In  March  1868  the  Sultan  Abil  Ogla  sent  two  envoys  to 
Vierny  with  letters  expressive  of  his  desire  for  peace,  and 
asking  that  measures  might  be  taken  to  restore  the  plunder 
which  the  Eussian  Kirghiz  had  taken  from  his  subjects.  To 
this  the  General  commanding  replied  in  a  friendly  way,  saying 
that  he  was  at  his  post  to  put  down  marauding  expeditions  on 
the  Eussian  side,  and  asking  similar  measures  to  be  taken  on 


186  TUKKISTAN. 

the  part  of  the  Tarantchis.  A  second  envoy  came  in  the  same 
year,  but  was  stopped  and  robbed  on  the  way.  The  robbers, 
who  turned  out  to  be  Eussian  Kirghiz,  were  arrested,  and  all 
that  had  been  taken  was  restored.  Yet,  in  spite  of  all  this, 
robberies  continued  even  on  the  Russian  post-roads,  and  al- 
though it  is  probable  that  in  all  cases  the  marauders  were 
really  Eussian  Kirghiz,  yet  they  made  the  province  of  Kuldja 
their  head-quarters,  and  returned  there  as  to  a  safe  retreat. 
In  order  to  put  this  down  a  small  expedition  was  made  in 
October  of  that  year,  and  20,000  head  of  cattle  were  taken 
from  the  Kirghiz.  At  the  same  time  a  part  of  the  forces  at 
Borokhudzir  advanced  to  Khorgos  and  took  from  the  Kirghiz 
5,000  sheep.  In  this  way  mutual  complaints  arose  and  mutual 
demands  for  indemnity,  which  gave  rise  to  many  embassies  from 
the  Sultan,  and  finally  to  the  mission  of  Baron  Kaulbars  to 
Kuldja  at  the  end  of  1870. 

The  efforts  at  arrangement  turned  out  to  be  fruitless,  and 
there  is  some  reason  to  believe  intentionally  so.  General 
Kaufmann  had  begun  to  think  that  the  existence  of  this  little 
IDrincipality  could  no  longer  be  allowed  ;  fears  were  expressed 
that  it  would  fall  into  the  hands  of  Yakub  Bek  of  Kashgar, 
who  was  then  making  great  progress  in  his  war  against  the 
Dungans  of  Urumtsi  and  Turfan.  It  was  for  this  reason  that 
the  Muzart  Pass  was  occupied,  as  I  have  already  mentioned. 

Finally,  when  matters  had  reached  a  head,  preparations 
for  an  expedition  were  made,  the  forces  at  Borokhudzir  were 
increased,  and  General  Kolpakofsky  took  command  of  them. 
A  shrewd  and  well  written  report  was  sent  to  St.  Petersburg, 
showing  all  the  reasons  which  rendered  it  necessary  to  occupy 
:  Kuldja  for  the  security  of  the  frontier,  and  to  counteract  the 
designs  of  Yakub  Bek,  and  asking  permission  for  a  movement. 

Almost  simultaneously,  the  Tarantchis  having  luckily  at- 
tacked a  Russian  outpost  which  had  crossed  the  boundary;  the 
onward  movement  was  begun.  The  campaign  was  rapid  and 
decisive.  On  June  24  the  main  forces  left  Borokhudzir,  on 
the  28th  they  defeated  a  body  of  Tarantchis,  about  4,000  in 
number,  at  Alim-tu  :  on  the  30th  they  drove  them  from  a 
position  in  front  of  Tchin-tcha-ho-dzi,  and  immediately  occupied 
that  city.  On  the  next  day,  July  1,  they  occupied  Suidun 
without   oppositj  >n.      On  July   3,  near  Bayandai,  the  Sultan 


A   CHINESE  ACCOUNT.  187 

sent  in  his  submission  through  his  envoys,  one  of  whom  was 
his  son.  In  the  evening  of  that  day  he  delivered  himself 
up,  and  on  the  next,  July  4,  General  Kolpakofsky  entered  the 
capital. 

The  Kussians,  however,  were  unable  to  stop  one  further 
act  of  barbarity.  When  the  Tarantchis  in  Kuldja  learned  the 
surrender  of  their  Sultan  they  wreaked  their  vexation  and 
despair  on  the  poor  Dungans  and  Chinese.  During  that  night 
they  massacred  more  than  2,000  in  the  city  and  in  its  neigh- 
bourhood. On  the  next  day,  when  this  became  known, 
General  Kolpakofsky  informed  the  Sultau  and  his  counsellors 
that,  if  this  massacre  did  not  cease,  they  should  answer  for  it 
with  their  heads,  The  threat  took  effect,  but  the  worst  had 
already  been  done.  The  troops,  in  advancing  from  Bayandai 
to  Kuldja,  found  everywhere  mutilated  bodies,  and  wounded 
and  dying  men.  In  one  of  the  canals  just  outside  of  the  city 
were  500  corpses,  which  it  was  said  had  been  brought  out  from 
Kuldja  at  daylight  and  thrown  there. 

Lu-tsun-han,  in  reporting  the  Eussian  occupation,  says : 
'  Once  again  they  fought ;  the  Turkistanis  were  dispersed,  each 
one  seeking  to  save  his  life.  The  Dzian-Dziun  of  Semiretch 
( General  Kolpakofsky)  accepting  the  declarations  of  submission 
botli  from  the  Chinese  and  the  Turkistani  troops,  and  assuring 
them  of  mercy,  immediately  marched  to  Suidun.  Here  the 
Turkistanis  and  the  Chinese  Mussulmans  again  met  the  enemy 
in  battle.  The  balls  and  bullets  of  the  Eussian  army  flew  like 
a  shower,  like  a  flight  of  grasshoppers.  Of  wounded  and  killed 
of  every  kind  of  people  there  were  not  few.  The  Turkistanis 
were  defeated,  and  in  great  confusion  returned  to  the  city  of 
Kuldja.  The  Dzian-Dziun  of  Semiretch  quieted  in  every  way 
those  who  remained  in  Suidun,  both  Mantchus  and  Chinese, 
both  soldiery  and  civilians,  as  well  as  the  Chinese  Mussulmans, 
not  harming  anyone  ;  not  even  a  single  blade  of  grass,  nor  a 
single  tree,  nor  a  fowl,  nor  a  dog  received  any  harm  or  injury, 
not  a  hair  was  touched.  All  this  is  owing  to  the  orders  of  the 
Dzian-Dziun  of  Semiretch.  .  .  . 

'  But,  although  the  Turkistanis  (after  the  submission  of  the 
Sultan)  in  words  expressed  their  submission,  yet  their  poisoned 
tongues  did  not  vanish.  There  were  many  instances  that  in  lonely 
places  they  actually  caught  Mantchus  and  Chinese  and  killed 


188  TUEKISTAN. 

them.  Happily  heaven  did  not  permit  the  human  race  to  end. 
Now  the  leader  of  the  great  Eussian  Empire,  the  Dzian-Dziun 
of  Semiretch,  with  his  army,  inspired  with  humanity  and  truth, 
has  quieted  everyone.  This  petty  foreign  power  1  saved  the 
nation  from  fire  and  water,  it  subdued  the  whole  four  countries 
without  the  least  harm,  so  that  children  are  not  frightened, 
and  the  people  submitted  not  without  delight  and  ecstasy.' 

The  authorities  at  St.  Petersburg  were  not  over  pleased  at 
the  occupation  of  the  new  territory,  and  although  General 
Kolpakofsky  received  the  St.  George,  he  did  so  not,  as  is  custo- 
mary, by  the  will  of  the  Emperor,  but  in  a  still  more  compli- 
mentary way  on  the  vote  of  the  Chapter  of  the  Order.  The, 
Foreign  Office  immediately  informed  the  Chinese  government 
of  the  occupation  of  the  province,  and  declared  its  readiness  to 
restore  it  to  China  whenever  a  sufficient  force  could  be  brought 
there  to  hold  it  against  attacks  and  to  preserve  order.  So  far 
this  has  not  been  done,  and  the  question  of  the  permanent 
occupation  and  annexation  of  the  province  still  remains  un- 
decided. 

The  Sultan  Abil  Ogla  was  taken  to  Vierny,  where  he  still 
resides.  He  was  allowed  to  keep  all  his  property,  which  was 
said  to  be  very  considerable.,  as  at  the  time  of  his  capture  he 
had,  among  other  things,  6000  horses.  He  seems  to  have  been 
loved  by  his  people  for  his  goodness,  generosity  and  justice,  but 
nevertheless  he  had  constant  fear  of  secret  enemies, — as  indeed 
well  he  might  have  had  considering  the  fates  of  his  predecessors 
and  the  passions  raging  among  the  insurgents, — so  that  he 
rarely  slept  at  home,  but  spent  the  nights  in  the  houses  of  his 
most  devoted  adherents.  After  he  arrived  at  Kuldja  and  was 
presented  to  General  Kaufman  he  said  that  the  previous  night 
was  the  first  time  he  had  slept  with  a  feeling  of  safety  and 
comfort  since  he  had  mounted  the  throne. 

From  Suidun  I  made  another  excursion  to  Lake  Sairam  Nor, 
north  of  the  range  of  Borokhoro.  Captain  Bozhovitch  gave 
me  six  Cossacks  as  an  escort,  and  I  had  besides  for  the  first  day 
the  company  of  a  young  Eussian  officer.  As  it  was  some  distance 
further  to  go  by  the  regular  road,  we  took  a  short  cut  across  the 

1  A  touch  which  shows  the  true  Chinese  official  writing  to  his  Empercir. 


THE   TALKI  DEFILE.  18P 

meadows  for  twenty  miles  until  we  reached  the  opening  of  the 
Talki  ravine.  Through  some  misapprehension  of  the  Kirghiz 
guide  we  lost  our  way  and  had  to  make  a  greater  circuit,  first 
through  plains  covered  with  dry  and  yellow  grass,  and  then  over 
a  higher  steppe  thickly  overgrown  with  wormwood.  The  entrance 
to  the  ravine  was  in  some  respects  different  from  any  that  I 
know.  Instead  of  gradually  rising  and  imperceptibly  penetrating 
among  the  mountains,  we  came  to  a  cleft,  as  it  were,  in  the 
high  mountains  which  seemed  to  rise  directly  out  of  the  plain, 
where  the  little  river  Talki  came  hounding  over  the  rocks  in  a 
succession  of  pretty  cascades.  The  ascent  began  at  once.  In  a 
dozen  paces  we  had  turned  a  corner  and  had  immediately  found 
ourselves  between  high  walls  of  rock  completely  shut  out  from 
the  plain  and  apparently  in  the  very  heart  of  the  mountains. 
After  the  bare  and  desolate  mountains  which  I  had  so  frequently 
seen  I  was  unprepared  for  anything  so  charming.  The  vegetation 
was  superb,  especially  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  ravine,  where 
wild  apples,  wild  apricots,  elms,  poplars,  and  willows  grew 
in  profusion,  often  festooned  with  the  luxuriant  and  familiar 
foliage  of  the  wild  hop.  It  was  then  autumn,  and  the  leaves  of 
the  trees  were  becoming  yellow  and  red  with  a  brilliancy  that 
I  had  not  expected  to  find  out  of  America.  The  road  was 
everywhere  excellent,  for  this  was  the  old  Chinese  road,  and 
although  the  bridges  had  been  destroyed  it  mattered  not  to  us, 
who  were  on  horseback.  This  road  was  built  by  the  Mongols  to 
keep  up  their  communication  with  Central  Asia,  and  from  the 
number  of  times  that  we  had  to  cross  the  very  clear  but  icy- 
cold  stream  of  the  Talki,  I  think  that  there  might  have  been  at 
least  the  forty-eight  bridges,  of  which  the  old  historians  speak. 
The  road  was  renewed  by  the  Chinese  after  their  capture  of  the 
province  and  was  only  abandoned  during  the  recent  insurrection. 
A  very  small  sum  would  suffice  to  put  it  in  complete  repair  as 
a  carriage  road.  About  ten  miles  up  the  defile  we  reached  a 
Cossack  picket,  where  we  were  to  pass  the  night,  as  darkness 
and  cold  were  rapidly  coming  on.  The  half  dozen  Cossacks 
stationed  there,  who  had  been  quite  alone  all  the  summer  except 
for  the  passing  of  Kirghiz  migrating  from  beyond  the  moun- 
tains, or  for  the  occasional  visits  of  a  topographer  or  a  surveyor, 
were  delighted  to  meet  their  comrades  and  equally  glad  to  be 
regaled  with  the  sheep  which  we  had  brought  with  us.    As  theii 


190  TURKISTAK 

share  towards  our  supper  some  of  them  went  out  to  the  stream 
and  brought  in  some  nice  fish.     Although  the  clay  had  been  so 
warm,  the  night  was  very  cold  and  we  were  glad  to  have  a  fire 
kept  up  all  night  in  the  middle  of  our  kibitka.     The  next 
morning  I  resumed  my  journey  towards  the  lake,  but  unfortu- 
nately the  Eussian  officer  who  was  accompanying  me  received  a 
message   from  his  commander  to  return  immediately  and  take 
charge  of  a  party  of  soldiers  who  had  served  out  their  time  and 
were  returning  home.     I  was  therefore  obliged  to  proceed  alone. 
As  we  went   on  the  valley  got  narrower  and   steeper.     At  last, 
after  riding  twelve  or  thirteen  miles  we  ascended  a  very  steep 
hill,  and  no  sooner  had  we  reached  the  flat  rocks  on  the  top  than 
we  beheld  before  us  a  scene  of  wonderful  beauty.     Immediately 
below,  although  at  an  altitude  of  7,200  feet,  lay  the  lake  of 
Sairam   Nor,  of  a  rich  dark  blue,  apparently  oval,  about  twenty 
miles  long  by  fifteen  broad,  on  every  side  of  which  rose  high 
mountains,  those  beyond   being  often  covered  with  snow.     I 
thought  I   could   discern  where  the  pass  lay  into   the  valley  of 
Borotala,  and  to  the  eastward   there   was  an   evident  opening 
through  which  the  old  road  went  on  to  Manas  and   Urumtsi. 
After  enjoying  for  a  while  the  view  we  went  down  to  the  shore 
of  the  lake,  where  we  rested  for  a  few  hours  near  a  little  spring 
of  excellent  water  and  took  our  lunch.     The  water  of  the  lake 
is  slightly  saltish  and  is  unfit  for  making  tea.     From  the  shore 
the  water  of  the  lake  was  beautifully  clear,  and   small  objects 
could  be  discerned  at  the  bottom  from  a  distance  of  many  feet. 
The  natives  believe    that    the    lake    throws   up   on  the    shore 
whatever  impurity  may  be  cast  into   it,  and  they  insist  that 
there  are  no  fish  there.     I   walked  along  the  edge  for  some 
distance  without  seeing  any,  and   did   not  even  see  the  shrimps 
which   Mr.  Dilke  told   me  he  had   found  there.     The  legend 
is  that  the  spirit  of  this  lake  appears  in  the  form  of  a  stony  he- 
goat  with  great  horns  and  a  thick  beard,  and  that  misfortunes 
follow  its  appearance.    In  the  mountains  on  the  west  and  south- 
west of  the   lake  are  numerous  warm  springs  of  a  medicinal 
character,  called  arasan  by  the  natives.     Beyond  the  Ohala-tau 
mountains  to  the  north  is  the  valley  of  the  Borotala,  a  stream 
which  runs  through  sandy  plains  parallel  to  the  Hi,  but  exactly 
in  the  opposite  direction,  falling  into  Lake  Ebi  Nor.     The  fall 
of  ground  is  very  singular,  as  in  the  seventy  miles  which  separate 


LAKE  SAIRAM  NOK.  191 

the  Sairam  Nor  from  the  Ebi  Nor  the  difference  of  altitude  is 
6,500  feet.  The  regular  post-road  to  Tchugutchak  left  the 
road  from  Urumtsi  to  Sairam  Nor  at  Kur-kara-usu,  but  there 
was  another  more  direct  road  possible  for  carts  which  went 
through  the  defile  in  the  Ala-tau  near  the  head  of  Lake  Ala 
Kul  at  a  place  called  Sabada,  famous  for  its  violent  winds.  This 
is  a  deep  cut  through  the  mountains,  and  whenever  there  is  an 
east  wind  it  blows  with  such  violence  through  this  pass  that  it 
can  be  felt  even  at  SergiopoL  250  miles  further. 

Mr.  Zakharof,  in  passing  through  it,  was  met  by  what  the 
Kirghiz  called  only  a  moderate  wind,  and  was  immediately 
obliged  to  leave  the  main  road  and  take  a  steeper  path  through 
the  mountains.  The  Cossacks  who  rode  in  front  of  him  were 
laid  up  for  several  days  with  sore  eyes  caused  by  the  sand  and 
gravel.  He  told  me  that  the  accounts  of  Eubruquis  and  others 
were  literally  true  ;  for  that  when  there  was  a  violent  wind  it 
was  impossible  for  horses  or  camels  to  stand  against  it,  and 
large  pebbles  were  sometimes  carried  along  by  it. 

Nor  is  a  Mongol  word  meaning  lake,  corresponding  to  the 
Turkish  word  Kid,  but  as  to  the  origin  of  Sairam,  which  the 
Chinese  write  Sai-li-mu,  there  is  much  doubt.  The  Mongol 
name,  Sairam  Tchagan  Nor  Klaproth  translates  as  '  The 
Great  Lake  of  Tranquillity.'  It  is  apparently  the  same  as 
Sut-hul,  or  '  Milk  Lake,'  mentioned  by  King  Hethum  in  his 
'  Journey  to  the  Court  of  Mangu  Khan.'  The  old  monk  Tch'ang 
Tch'un  gives  an  excellent  description  of  it,  which  I  cannot 
forbear  quoting. 

'  After  having  left  the  sandy  desert,  we  travelled  five  days, 
and  stopped  on  the  northern  side  of  the  Yin  Shan.  The  next 
day,  early  in  the  morning,  we  proceeded  southward  on  a  long- 
slope  seventy  or  eighty  miles,  and  stopped  in  the  evening  to 
rest.  The  air  was  cold ;  we  found  no  water.  The  next  day  we 
started  again,  and  travelled  south-westward,  and  at  a  distance 
of  twenty  li  suddenly  got  sight  of  a  splendid  lake  of  about  two 
hundred  li  in  circumference,  enclosed  on  all  sides  by  snow- 
topped  peaks,  which  were  reflected  in  the  water.  The  master 
named  it  the  Lake  of  Heaven.  Following  the  shore  we  de- 
scended in  a  southern  direction,  and  on  either  side  were  nothing 
but  perpendicular  cliffs  and  rugged  peaks.  The  mountains 
were  covered  to  their  summits  with  dense  forests,  consisting  of 


192  TURRISTAK 

birches  and  pines  more  than  a  hundred  feet  high.  The  river 
winds  through  the  gorge  for  about  sixty  or  seventy  li  with  a 
rapid  current,  sometimes  shooting  down  in  cascades.  The 
second  prince,  who  was  with  the  Emperor  at  the  time  he  went 
to  the  west,  first  made  a  way  through  these  mountains,  cut 
through  the  rocks,  and  built  forty-eight  bridges  with  the  wood 
cut  on  the  mountains.  The  bridges  are  so  wide  that  two  carts 
can  pass  together. 

i  We  passed  the  night  in  the  defile,  and  left  it  the  next 
morning ;  we  then  entered  a  large  valley  which  stretched  from 
east  to  west,  well  watered,  with  abundant  grass,  and  here  and 
there  some  mulberry  trees  or  jujubes.' 

A  short  drive  of  about  twenty  miles  easterly  from  Suidun, 
brought  me  to  what  is  called  Old  or  Tartar  Kuldja,  formerly 
known  as  Kuren.  Under  the  Chinese  rule  it  was  the  seat  of 
the  administration  of  the  Tarantchis  and  Mussulmans,  then  the 
capital  of  the  rebels,  and  now  the  chief  place  of  the  Russian 
administration. 

On  the  road  I  passed  the  ruins  of  Bayandai,  one  of  the  six 
great  fortresses  built  by  the  Chinese  to  control  the  country  ; 
now,  hardly  one  stone  is  left  upon  another. 

At  Kuldja  I  was  most  hospitably  received  by  Colonel 
Wartmann,  the  Russian  commandant,  who  occupies  the  Sultan's 
old  palace  in  the  citadel.  Apart  from  the  warmth  and  kind- 
ness with  which  I  was  greeted,  and  which  I  never  shall  forget, 
an  additional  charm  was  added  to  my  stay  in  tins  curious  and 
uncivilised  town  of  the  far  East,  by  finding  there  excellent 
servants,  and  the  cleanliness,  the  neatness,  and  the  thousand 
little  conveniences  which  tend  to  make  up  the  comfort  of  an 
English  home. 

But  the  pleasure  and  comfort  within  doors  could  not  long 
detain  me  from  the  strange  world  without.  The  appearance  of 
the  town  is  much  like  that  of  Suidun,  but  it  is  built  on  a  larger 
and  grander  scale.  It  is  nearly  square,  each  side  being  about 
a  mile  in  length,  and  is  surrounded  with  high  and  thick  walls, 
which  are  sufficiently  well  built  to  withstand  a  vigorous 
attack,  and  are  so  wide  at  the  top  as  to  allow  carriages  to  pass 
on  them.  Two  broad  streets  cut  it  into  four  equal  parts,  and 
these  are  again  sub-divided  by  numerous  lanes  and  alleys. 

One  soon  sees  that  Kuldja  was  a  Tartar  town,  and  that  the 


THE  KULDJA  BAZAAR.  193 

Chinese  polish  and  civilisation  it  acquired  was  superficial. 
Except  the  two  mosques  and  some  of  the  large  buildings  which 
belong  to  the  Government,  there  are  but  slight  traces  of 
Chinese  architecture  in  the  broad  streets  and  in  the  smaller 
lanes.  All  the  houses  are  built  of  clay,  with  flat  roofs,  as  in 
the  Uzbek  countries  of  Central  Asia.  Even  the  palace  in  the 
citadel  bears  few  traces  of  Chinese  taste,  and  these  few  are  chiefly 
in  the  form  of  lattices  and  some  slight  ornamentation  on  the 
walls.  It  has  indeed  been  somewhat  refitted,  but  in  general, 
except  for  its  larger  size,  it  is  no  different  from  houses  of  rich 
merchants  in  Tashkent.  Most  of  the  long  streets  of  Bazaar- 
Kutche,  just  outside  of  the  citadel,  are  given  up  to  Tarantchi 
shops,  which  are  for  the  most  part  small  and  insignificant,  but 
just  beyond  the  suburbs,  where  Dang  Dungan  and  Maimatcheu 
begin,  the  bazaar  is  tenanted  by  Dungans  and  Chinese  indis- 
criminately. The  majority  of  the  shops  are  larger  and  more 
comfortable  than  at  Tashkent,  and  the  dealer  is  separated 
from  his  purchasers  by  a  counter,  or  at  least  by  a  railing. 
Besides  the  shops  there  were  many  dealers,  who  had  nothing 
but  a  board  on  trestles  on  which  to  display  their  wares,  while 
others  were  merely  itinerant  vendors,  carrying  all  their  goods 
on  a  tray  slung  about  their  neck. 

In  spite  of  renewed  visits  I  found  little  of  value  that  had 
come  down  from  the  Chinese  times  ;  all  articles  of  worth  or 
beauty,  such  as  porcelain  and  bronzes,  had  been  bought  up 
by  the  Eussians  soon  after  the  conquest,  and  little  can  now 
be  obtained  except  by  what  is  tantamount  to  force — by  asking 
the  Aksakal  to  send  private  people  to  you  who  have  articles 
to  sell.  All  the  good  jade  articles  that  had  been  found,  had 
been  gradually  bought  up  by  the  Chinese  merchants,  and  sent 
back  to  China  through  Kiakhta.  All  the  articles  I  could  ob- 
tain were  of  slight  value,  such  as  chop-sticks,  slippers,  spec- 
tacles, mandarins'  buttons,  and  bows  and  arrows. 

I  was  shown  several  mills  on  the  outskirts  of  the  bazaar, 
amongst  others,  an  exceedingly  interesting  paper  mill,  and  a 
factory  for  the  manufacture  of  vermicelli,  where  the  paste, 
after  being  properly  prepared,  was  placed  on  a  perforated 
board  raised  several  feet  above  the  floor,  and  allowed  to  descend 
by  its  own  weight. 

The  two   most  remarkable  buildings  in  the  town  are  the 

VOL.    II.  0 


194  TUEK1STAN. 

great  mosques  ;  the  Jumma  mosque  of  the  Tarantchis,  which  ia 
situated  within  the  walls,  and  the  Dungan  mosque  just  outside. 
These,  judging  by  their  size  and  their  Chinese  architecture, 
were  in  all  probability  constructed  at  the  expense  of  the  Govern- 
ment. They  are  faced  with  large  diamond-shaped  tiles,  and 
the  walls,  as  well  as  the  friezes  of  the  cornices,  are  profusely 
ornamented  with  arabesques  carved  in  burnt  clay.  The  roofs 
are  large  and  flaring,  with  turned  up  corners  in  the  well-known 
Chinese  style.  The  Dungan  mosque  has  a  wonderful  minaret, 
built  of  small-roofed  pavilions  one  on  top  of  the  other,  making 
a  most  bizarre  effect.  The  floors  of  the  mosque  are  of  tiles, 
and  there  is  little  ornamentation  within,  except  around  the 
point  which  marks  the  direction  of  Mecca. 

There  is  but  one  Buddhist  temple  in  Kuldja,  and  that  is 
not  yet  completely  finished ;  but  what  interested  me  more  than 
either  this  or  the  mosques,  was  a  small  Christian  church  which 
had  been  established  years  before  by  French  and  Italian 
Catholic  missionaries.  These  Catholics,  who  had  not  for  many 
years  been  visited  by  missionaries,  were  among  the  first  who 
welcomed  the  Eussian  troops  subsequent  to  the  occupation. 
After  going  through  one  or  two  courts  and  narrow  passages  we 
came  to  the  church,  which  was  a  small  room.  Besides 
a  rude  altar  with  a  crucifix,  there  were  two  pictures, 
one  of  Christ  and  the  other  of  the  crucifixion.  Over  the  altar 
was  a  large  Chinese  inscription.  I  asked  the  cheerful  young 
deacon  who  accompanied  us,  what  that  meant.  He  found 
some  difficulty  in  expressing  himself,  but  at  last  slowly  said 
Deus.  That  was  the  utmost  extent  of  his  Latin  conversation, 
but  on  my  handing  him  one  of  the  mass  books,  he  read  it 
fluently  enough,  although  with  a  pronunciation  which  was  at 
least  singular.  Whether  he  understood  it  is  a  different 
question. 

In  one  of  my  walks  I  had  the  advantage  of  being  accom- 
panied by  Bushri  Haupi,  the  Tarantchi  Aksakal  of  the  city, 
still  a  young  and  handsome  man,  who  gained  his  prominence  by 
being  a  good  rider  and  a  favourite  of  the  last  Sultan.  In  the 
various  commotions  he  has  succeeded  in  amassing  a  good 
fortune,  and  his  rule  is  strict  if  not  just.  Wherever  we  went, 
all  classes  of  the  population  seemed  to  stand  in  great  awe  of 
him,  and  at  once  explained  to  him  in  detail  anything  I  desired 


A   CHINESE   RESTAURANT.  195 

to  examine ;  but  agreeable  as  was  his  company,  I  began  to 
think  that  it  was  perhaps  not  my  best  introduction  to  the 
( onfidence  of  the  natives.  I  therefore  preferred  for  the  most 
part  to  go  about  alone,  looking  into  the  shops,  peeping  into 
the  manufactories  and  mosques,  and  walking  lazily  through  the 
bazaars  and  squares,  watching  the  sports  of  the  children,  or 
looking  at  the  Tarantchi  women  with  their  blue  gowns  and 
pretty  embroidered  caps,  to  being  accompanied  by  an  official 
like  Bushri  Haupi.  But  if  I  wished  to  ask  questions  I  fared 
badly,  for  if  Bushri  Haupi  did  not  go,  it  was  necessary  to 
t:ike  two  interpreters,  one  who  could  speak  Russian  and 
Tarantchi,  and  the  other  Tarantchi  and  Chinese. 

One  morning  an  officer  of  my  acquaintance  invited  me  to 
breakfast  with  him  at  the  chief  Chinese  restaurant.  The 
ground-floor  was  given  up  to  the  lower  classes  of  the  population, 
while  the  upper  story  was  reserved  for  persons  who  wished  for  a 
more  substantial  meal  or  for  more  luxury, — not  that  the  luxury 
was  in  any  case  very  great.  The  walls  were  lined  with  wooden 
tables,  at  the  sides  of  which  were  placed  rude  benches  ;  but  at 
the  table  which  had  been  prepared  for  us  in  one  corner  were 
placed  Chinese  chairs.  The  board  had  been  well  scoured,  and 
all  the  apparatus  for  eating  was  clean  and  neat.  The  room 
served  for  a  kitchen  as  well  as  a  dining-room.  In  the  middle 
was  a  great  furnace,  and  at  the  further  end  were  cooks  in 
white  gowns  and  aprons,  busily  engaged  in  carving,  chopping, 
and  mixing  the  great  variety  of  dishes  necessary  for  any  well 
ordered  meal.  Exactly  what  we  ate  I  am  unable  to  say; 
but  strict  orders  had  been  given  that  no  meat  should  be 
used  in  the  preparation  of  the  dishes  except  fowls  and  mutton, 
for  the  Chinese  are  greatly  addicted  to  the  use  of  pork, 
which  in  this  region  is  not  always  sound.  I  found  every- 
thing, with  the  exception  of  some  of  the  sauces,  exceedingly 
palatable,  and  the  delicacy  of  the  preparation  and  the  beauty 
of  the  dishes  added  greatly  to  the  pleasure  of  the  repast. 
Everything  was  served  in  small  bowls,  and  we  were  provided 
with  chop-sticks,  although  as  a  general  rule  the  Chinese  carry 
these  for  themselves,  and  my  friend  had  had  the  forethought  to 
send  by  his  servant  some  forks  and  spoons.  Great  care  hail 
been  taken  in  the  arrangement  of  the  dishes ;  the  mutton, 
for  instance,  was  cut  in  small  thin  slices  and  symmetrically 

o  2 


196  TURKISTAN. 

arranged  in  a  bowl,  the  edge  of  the  white  fat  being  tinted  a 
delicate  rose  colour.  A  salad  was  made  of  exceedingly  thin  slices 
of  radish,  each  of  which  was  pure  white  with  a  red  border,  and 
to  relieve  the  dish  were  a  few  strips  of  green  pepper.  Other 
dishes,  such  as  rice  and  fowls,  were  slightly  tinted  with  saffron 
or  relieved  by  the  bright  red  of  fresh  peppers  or  the  dark 
green  of  leeks.  The  number  of  vegetables  found  here  was 
really  surprising,  especially  after  the  paucity  of  them  through 
Central  Asia.  We  had  brought  with  us  a  bottle  of  wine,  for 
the  only  drink  to  be  obtained  besides  tea  was  an  extremely 
strong  liquor  called  by  the  various  races  Ju,  Junjun,  or  Shau- 
ju.  This  liquor  is  made  by  the  fermentation  of  barley,  sorghum, 
rice,  and  other  grains,  and  contains  sixty  per  cent,  of  pure 
alcohol,  a  great  quantity  of  fusel  oil,  and  sometimes  a  mixture 
of  opium.  The  taste  is  disagreeable  and  the  odour  is  in  the 
highest  degree  disgusting.  The  little  which  I  took  seemed  like 
liquid  fire.  During  the  Chinese  rule  ju  was  distilled  under 
government  supervision,  and  an  excise  duty  was  levied  upon 
it.  It  appears  that  it  is  now  freely  manufactured,  but  it  has  of 
late  been  found  necessary  to  prohibit  its  sale  where  troops  are 
stationed,  as  its  effects  are  sometimes  poisonous.  The  Russian 
soldiers  are  exceedingly  partial  to  it,  on  account  of  the  length 
of  time  the  effects  of  intoxication  produced  by  it  last.  They 
say  that  when  they  get  over  being  drunk,  all  they  have  to  do 
is  to  warm  themselves  a  little  in  the  sun,  and  they  feel  again  as 
happy  as  ever. 

On  the  order  of  the  Commandant,  Bushri  brought  to  us  one 
evening  some  Chinese  musicians  and  comedians.  The  mu- 
sical instruments  were  few  and  simple.  One  of  the  musicians 
had  a  kind  of  flute,  another  a  guitar  with  two  strings,  while  the 
third  filled  in  the  harmony  by  beating  with  a  little  stick  on 
three  porcelain  bowls  of  different  sizes,  which  he  held  in  his 
hand.  The  music  was  very  singular,  and  I  was  not  sufficiently 
accustomed  to  it  to  perceive  all  its  beauty.  It  must  have  had 
some  beauty  as  the  natives  seemed  to  enjoy  it  greatly.  We  had 
one  or  two  dances  by  a  man  dressed  in  Chinese  costume,  who 
held  a  long  stick  of  bamboo  covered  with  little  bells  and  jingling 
pieces  of  metal.  The  comedians  were  only  two,  a  man,  and  a 
boy  dressed  as  a  woman.  They  wore  the  ordinary  Chinese 
dress,  except  that  they  were  masked  for  the  occasion  by  the 


POPULATION   OF  KTJLDJA.  197 

application  of  flour  and  a  little  red  chalk  to  their  feces, 
by  odd  wigs,  and  by  a  few  bits  of  trumpery  finery  about  their 
clothes.  The  first  piece,  which  was  in  the  nature  of  an  opera 
sung  in  alternate  strains,  represented  first  a  courtship,  then  the 
joys  of  early  married  life,  and  finally  the  distress  of  the  wife  at 
the  long  absence  of  her  husband  on  some  trading  expedition. 
He  returned,  but  only  to  relate  with  grief  to  his  wife  that  he 
had  lost  all  his  money  and  was  utterly  ruined,  and  to  upbraid 
her  that  during  his  absence  she  had  spent  what  little  he  had 
left  at  home.  Then  followed  mutual  reproaches,  threats  of 
suicide  and  murder,  and  finally  a  reconciliation,  which  was  comic 
in  the  extreme.  The  other  piece  was  a  farce,  but  of  such  a 
very  Chinese  character  that  it  was  impossible  for  me  to  learn 
what  was  the  subject  or  what  were  the  situations.  Apparently 
■ — to  judge  from  the  laughter  of  the  few  spectators  who  under 
stood  Chinese — the  jests  were  of  the  broadest  character. 

Of  the  population  of  the  city  of  Kuldja,  which  is  estimated 
at  10,000,  the  Tarantchis  constitute  fully  one-half.  The 
number  of  Tarantchis  in  the  province  is  now  estimated  at 
about  40,000.  Baron  Kaulbars  gives  the  highest  total  popula- 
tion of  the  province  at  130,000,  divided  as  follows  :  Tarantchis, 
40,000;  Dungans,  10,000;  Chinese  and  Sibos,  5,000;  Kalmuks, 
30,000;  Kirghiz,  35,000;  and  Torgots,  10,000.  The  number 
of  Dungans  is  probably  over-estimated,  while  the  number  of 
Chinese  is  in  reality  more.  Other  investigators  estimate  the 
total  population  at  less  than  100,000.  We  know  that  before  the 
insurrection  the  number  of  Dungans  was  about  60,000,  of  Chinese 
100,000,  and  of  Mantchus  80,000,  of  which  last  hardly  500  now 
remain.  According  to  these  data  the  nomad  population  have 
remained  about  the  same,  because  they  suffered  little  during  the 
war.  The  total  population  of  the  country  during  Chinese  times 
would  have  been  at  least  350,000,  i.e.  three  and  a  half  times  more 
than  it  is  now.  From  this  it  is  easy  to  understand  the  devas- 
tation caused  by  the  war,  and  the  ruin  which,  owing  to  the 
diminution  of  the  population,  fell  upon  the  trade,  agriculture, 
and  prosperity  of  the  country. 

The  resources  of  the  province  are  still  great.  The  soil  is 
fertile,  and  needs  only  patient  industry  and  care  to  render  it 
very  productive.  As  to  minerals,  the  mountains  abound  in 
iron  and  copper,  and  coal  of  a  very  excellent  quality  is  found 


1 98  TUEKISTAN. 

within  fifteen  miles  of  the  city  of  Kuldja.  This  coal  is  constantly 
worked,  as  it  forms  almost  the  only  fuel  of  the  population,  and, 
in  spite  of  the  general  rise  in  prices  caused  by  the  Eussian 
occupation,  the  price  of  coal,  according  to  the  quality,  is  from 
3  kopeks  to  5  kopeks  a  pud  (5s.  to  8s.  a  ton).  Other  articles 
of  consumption  are  as  cheap  in  proportion.  Beef  and  mutton 
cost  l^d.  to  2d.  per.  lb.,  and  a  fowl  can  be  procured  for  2d. 
Flour  costs  20  kopeks,  or  Id.  for  a  pud  of  36  lb. ;  unground 
wheat  is  half  that  price,  and  rice  is  less,  whilst  other  grains  are 
even  cheaper.  Prices  of  grain  and  flour  have  doubled  and  even 
tripled  since  the  advent  of  the  Eussians,  as  in  1870  a  little 
more  than  100  lb.  of  excellent  flour  sold  for  18  kopeks.  The 
trade  of  the  province  is  at  present  unimportant,  and  even  in 
the  Chinese  times,  in  spite  of  the  efforts  made  by  the  Eussians 
to  encourage  commerce,  neither  the  imports  nor  the  exports 
ever  reached  30,000/.  per  annum. 

Almost  everything  I  saw  in  the  valley  of  the  Hi  led  me  to 
believe  that  this  was  in  every  respect  the  richest  portion  of  the 
Asiatic  provinces  recently  occupied  by  the  Eussians.  In  the 
present  unsettled  state  of  affairs — as  the  Eussian  Government  has 
not  yet  decided  whether  it  will  retain  this  province,  or  restore  it 
lo  the  Chinese — Eussian  colonisation  is  not  allowed.  While 
Kuldja  offers  a  rich  field  for  Eussian  labour  it  is  open  to  doubt 
whether  Eussian  peasants,  with  their  shiftless  habits,  would  be 
able  to  make  as  much  out  of  the  country,  and  support  as  large 
a  population,  as  did  the  Chinese  with  their  economy  and  well- 
organised  system  of  cultivation.  It,  however,  seems  to  be  the 
only  part  of  Central  Asia  that  will  ever  repay  the  expenses 
bestowed  upon  it ;  and,  from  economical  and  other  motives,  it 
woidd  seem  to  be  very  unwise  for  the  Eussians  any  longer  to 
entertain  the  idea  of  giving  it  up  to  China,  even  should  the 
Chinese  send  an  army  sufficiently  large  to  preserve  order  in  the 
event  of  the  province  being  handed  over  to  them.  At  present,  as 
the  Eussians  have  but  a  small  garrison  there,  the  population  is 
only  kept  down  by  the  mutual  hatred  of  the  different  races 
composing  it.  At  the  time  of  my  visit  there  were  rumours  of 
an  approaching  Chinese  force,  and  that  the  Eussians  were  soon 
to  evacuate  the  country.  I  heard  a  Tarantchi  say,  '  As  soon  as 
the  Eussians  have  turned  their  backs  we  will  massacre  all  the 
Chinese  and  Dungans  who  are  left.'     The  few  Chinese  still  re- 


THE  KUNGES   VALLEY.  199 

foaming  in  Kulclja  have  frequently  stated  that  in  the  event  of 
the  Eussians  abandoning  the  country  they  would  either  precede 
them  or  accompany  them. 

The  Russian  administrators  are  naturally  greatly  impeded 
by  the  uncertain  tenure  of  their  sway ;  and  as  they  regard  their 
occupation  as  possibly  merely  a  temporary  one,  they  are  unable 
to  take  any  measures  looking  to  the  permanent  improvement 
of  the  country  or  of  its  inhabitants.  Temporary  measures,  how- 
ever, have  been  taken  by  Colonel  Wartmann,  who  has  established 
a  small  school  for  the  benefit  of  the  Russian  soldiers  as  well  as 
of  those  natives  who  desire  to  learn  Russian,  to  which  he  has 
succeeded  in  attracting  about  thirty  native  children.  In 
addition  to  this  six  sons  of  Cossacks  were  placed  at  a  Dungan 
school,  and  at  the  time  of  my  visit  were  rapidly  displaying 
great  proficiency  both  in  Chinese  and  Kalmuk.  As  I  was 
unable  to  hear  of  more  than  one  person  in  the  Russian  service 
who  spoke  these  languages,  the  boys  will,  in  the  course  of  a 
year  or  two,  undoubtedly  be  of  great  use. 

The  inhabitants  of  the  immediate  neighbourhood  of  Kuldja 
are  nearly  all  Tarantchis,  this  being  the  region  in  which  these 
people  were  settled  by  the  Chinese  authorities.  With  but  few 
exceptions  they  are  agriculturists.  The  valleys  of  the  Kunges 
and  of  the  Kash  are  inhabited  by  the  Torgots  and  the  Kalmuks, 
remnants  of  the  old  Jungarians  and  descendants  of  those 
Kalmuk  tribes  who,  as  I  have  before  mentioned,  returned  from 
the  Lower  Volga  in  the  beginning  of  the  last  century.  I  had 
no  opportunity  during  my  short  stay  to  get  so  far  into  the 
valley,  but  as  the  condition  of  these  people  is  of  some  little 
interest,  I  shall  quote  a  few  observations  from  a  report  of  Mr. 
Aristof,  who  visited  them  in  the  spring  of  1873,  and  who  was 
for  some  time  director  of  the  chancery  for  the  affairs  of  Kuldja, 
and  is  an  exceedingly  well-informed  and  careful  observer.1 
'  The  valley  of  the  Kunges,'  he  says,  '  is  the  natural  prolonga- 
tion of  the  valley  of  the  Hi  to  the  east,  extending  about 
110  miles  from  its  union  with  the  Hi  to  the  mouth  of  the 
defile  from  which  it  issues ;  its  breadth  is  from  ten  to  twenty 
miles.  Including  the  salt  pools  and  places  destitute  of  water, 
no  less  than  half  of  this  valley  is  fit  for  agriculture,  and  it  is 
able  to  support  at  least  2,000  families.    The  middle  and  the  upper 

1  Quoted  by  Khoroshkin  in  '  Turkibtan  Gazette,'  No.  13,  1875. 


200  TUREISTAN. 

parts  of  the  valley  are  the  best  in  regard  to  the  abundance  of 
water,  pastures,  and  meadows,  as  well  as  for  forests.  The  lower 
part  of  the  right  bank  for  about  thirty  miles  is  waterless  and 
salt,  but  the  left  bank  of  the  Kunges,  even  on  its  lower  course, 
is  only  in  places  covered  with  salt  pools,  and  is  watered  by  the 
river  Tsanma  and  by  canals  brought  from  the  Tekes,  which 
formerly  irrigated  a  great  extent  of  the  arable  land  now  aban- 
doned. In  the  upper  part  of  the  valley,  and  in  the  mountain-, 
there  are  many  species  of  trees,  such  as  poplar,  apple,  apricot,  elm, 
fir,  birch,  and  mountain-ash,  besides  many  kinds  of  bushes  and 
shrubs.  The  valley  of  the  Kunges  is  lower  than  that  of  the  Tekes, 
but  the  climate  is  warmer,  and  is  nowhere  unfavourable  to  agri- 
culture. The  river  is  everywhere  deep,  and  flows  chiefly  in  one 
channel,  which  has  a  rocky  character  only  in  the  upper  part  of 
the  valley.     There  are  few  fords. 

'  During  Chinese  rule  the  valley  of  the  Kunges  was  occupied 
by  nomad  Kalmuks  of  the  tribe  of  Arbun,  who  now  live 
on  the  Kash.  Since  1871  the  valley  of  the  Kunges  has  been 
occupied  by  Torgots,  who  came  here  to  be  under  Russian  pro- 
tection from  the  Yulduz  and  from  Karashar,  where  they  were 
oppressed  by  the  Kashgarians.  The  Kunges  valley  is  not  en- 
tirely suitable  for  nomads  and  their  herds,  for  although  forage 
is  abundant  it  is  very  warm  in  summer,  and  in  the  winter  the 
snow  is  deep.  I  therefore  met  in  the  valley  but  a  very  small 
number  of  aids  with  sheep.  The  greater  part  of  the  auls 
wander  during  the  summer  in  the  mountains  between  the 
Kunges  and  the  Tsanma  and  along  the  Tsanma  and  Jirgialan. 
Here  there  is  plenty  of  room  for  them  and  much  grass.  The 
upper  parts  of  the  mountain  valleys  abound  in  excellent  land, 
owing  to  the  abundance  of  good  soil  and  water,  but  the 
grass  is  woody,  high,  and  broad-leaved.  The  Torgots  have 
their  winter  quarters  on  the  Jirgialan,  and  especially  in  the 
mountains  between  the  Kunges  and  the  Kash,  next  the  tribe 
of  Arbun.  Until  the  Mussulman  insurrection  the  Karashar 
Torgots  were  governed  by  a  Khan,  who  exercised  immediate 
authority  over  fifty  sumuls  and  companies.  In  all  there  were 
fifty-four  sumuls,  with  one  hundred  to  two  hundred  kibitkas 
in  each.  At  the  beginning  of  the  insurrection  the  Khan  went 
to  Pekin  for  the  usual  presentation  to  the  Emperor,  and  after 
that  could  not  return  to  his  tribe,  because  the  Chinese,  in  part 


THE   TOEGOTS.  201 

by  promises  and  favours  and  in  part  by  threats,  retained  him  in 
Mongolia,  so  as  through  him  to  keep  up  relations  with  the 
Torgots,  from  whom  they  expected  to  receive  help  in  their 
campaign  against  the  Mussulmans.  Up  to  1871  the  Khan  could 
not  return  to  his  people,  in  part  through  the  difficulty  of  getting 
to  the  Yulduz  through  the  Mussulman  countries.  After  the  occu- 
pation of  Kuldja  in  the  autumn  of  1871  the  Torgots  emigrated 
from  the  Yulduz  to  the  Kunges,  and  the  Khan  was  informed  by 
General  Kolpakofsky  that  he  could  return  to  his  people.  He  did 
not,  however,  return,  for  the  Chinese  were  unwilling  to  let  slip 
from  their  hands  a  force  which  could  act  upon  one  of  the  races 
living  in  the  valley  of  Hi.  In  consequence  of  this  instructions 
were  given  that  no  order  of  the  Khan,  in  whose  name  the 
Chinese  began  to  collect  cattle,  grain,  &c,  should  be  obeyed  by 
the  Torgots.  After  the  departure  of  the  Khan  for  Pekin  the 
second  Prince,  Gun,  was  the  most  powerful  individual.  In  1871 
he  came  to  the  Kussians  as  the  head  of  the  race,  and  was  after- 
wards entrusted  with  the  task  of  relieving  the  Torgots.  The 
other  princes  and  chiefs,  however,  did  not  leave  him,  and  con- 
tinued to  have  relations  with  the  present  Khan  and  with  the 
Chinese  Government.  With  them  were  associated  the  wife  of 
the  Khan,  who  with  her  two  sons  had  remained  amongst  the 
people,  and  the  Lamas,  of  whom  there  are  very  many  among 
the  Torgots,  and  for  whose  support  heavy  contributions  are 
yearly  raised  from  the  people.' 


202  TURKESTAN. 


CHAPTER   XIII. 

THE    RUSSIAN    ADMINISTRATION. 

Difficult 'es  of  administration — The  Steppe  Commission — Project  fol  the 
government  of  Turkistan — New  projects  proposed — Opposition  to  them 
— The  results  of  Russian  rule — Financial  and  economical — Deficits — Cost 
of  government — Effect  of  the  Russian  administration — Character  of  the 
officials — Personal  relations  of  Russians  to  natives — What  lias  been  done 
for  the  country— Roads — Schools — Hospitals — Passports — Too  much  civi- 
lisation— Elective  institutions — Change  and  variability  of  Russian  rule — 
Arbitrariness  of  officials — Influence  of  bad  natives — Corruption  and 
venality — Corrupt  officials  unpunished — Consequent  discontent — Evidences 
of  it  in  recent  events. 

The  extent  of  the  country  occupied  by  the  Russians  in  Central 
Asia, — 325,000  square  miles  English,  as  large  as  Germany  and 
Italy — together  with  its  scanty  and  scattered  population  of 
1,600,000  men,  no  more  than  that  of  Denmark,  and  its 
distance  from  the  home  government,  have  rendered  the  work 
of  administration  a  difficult  one.1  Th^  real  strength  of  the 
Russians  —the  power  by  which  they  keep  down  or  attach  to 
themselves  the  native  inhabitants— has  been,  and  must  for 
some  time  be,  the  army,  which  in  1873  numbered  about 
36,000  men,  including  the  Cossacks,  and  which,  since  the 
capture  of  Khiva  and  the  war  in  Khokand,  has  been  con- 
siderably increased.  But  no  sooner  had  the  first  step  in 
conquest  been  taken,  and  the  permanent  occupation  of  Tash- 
kent been  decided  upon,  than  the  Russian  Government  set 
itself  seriously  to  work  to  provide  some  method  for  the  civil 
administration   of  the  country,  and  endeavoured   to  give  the 

1  This  is  the  Russian  estimate  without  the  more  recent  acquisitions  of  Kuldja, 
the  Amu  Darya  district  and  Khokand,  -which  would  bring  up  the  population  to 
2,500,000 — a  large  estimate,  though  less  than  that  of  Switzerland, — and  the  extent 
of  territory  to  460,000  square  miles,  equal  to  that  of  the  Austrian  Empire,  Ger- 
many, and  Belgium  taken  together. 


THE  STEPPE   COMMISSION.  203 

inhabitants  a  more  settled  government  and  better  laws  than 
they  had  enjoyed  under  their  native  rulers. 

The  movement  of  1864  for  the  formation  of  a  new  line  to 
fill  up  the  gap  between  Fort  Perovsky  and  Vierny,  and  of  which 
the  unforeseen  result  was  the  capture  of  Tashkent,  had  been 
made  by  troops  moving  both  from  Siberia  and  Orenburg  under 
the  orders  of  two  Governors-General.  Colonel — afterwards 
General — Tchernaief,  after  the  withdrawal  of  General  Verevkin 
had  for  some  time  almost  independent  command,  and  with  great 
good-sense  administered  the  newly  acquired  territory  with  as 
little  change  as  possible  from  native  usage  and  native  law,  and 
by  means  of  native  officials.  On  his  recall  in  1866,  General 
Komanofsky  was  appointed  Governor,  with  only  a  few  general 
rules  to  guide  his  conduct  in  the  administration  ;  but,  instead 
of  having  an  independent  command,  he  was  made  subject  to 
the  orders  of  the  Governor-General  of  Orenburg.  At  the  same 
time,  in  order  to  learn  the  special  necessities  of  that  part  of  the 
steppe  which  had  been  newly  annexed,  as .  well  as  of  the  city 
population,  which  was  so  different  in  character  from  the 
nomads,  a  special  commission  was  appointed,  consisting  of  Mr. 
Giers  and  Cols.  Dandeville,  Geins,  and  Protsenko,  which  devoted 
itself  for  two  years  to  travelling  over  the  country  and  to  study- 
ing the  wishes  and  interests  of  the  population. 

This  commission — known  as  the  Steppe  Commission- — did 
very  good  service,  and  in  the  spring  of  1867  was  ready  with  a 
report  and  a  project  for  the  better  government  of  the  country. 
The  experience  of  two  years  had  also  been  useful  in  showing 
the  Government  what  it  was  necessary  to  do.  The  project  was 
referred  to  a  committee  composed  of  delegates  from  the  Minis- 
tries of  War,  of  the  Interior,  and  of  Foreign  Affairs,  under  the 
presidency  of  the  Minister  of  War,  was  accepted  with  modi- 
fications, and  was  put  in  force  for  a  term  of  three  years.  The 
most  important  of  the  changes  decided  upon  by  this  committee 
were  to  detach  Turkistan  from  the  province  administered  by 
the  Governor-General  of  Orenburg,  and  to  add  to  it  a  part  of 
the  Siberian  province  of  Semipalatinsk,  now  known  as  Semi- 
retch,  and  place  them  under  the  rule  of  a  separate  Governor- 
General,  who  should  report  only  to  the  Emperor  at  St.  Peters- 
burg, and  who  should  have  full  powers  granted  to  him  in  certain 
respects  so  as  to  meet  emergencies.     Against  this  arrangement 


20-4  TURKISTAN. 

General  Kryzhanofsky,  the  Govern  or- General  of  Orenburg, 
naturally  protested,  on  the  ground  that  such  an  arrangement 
would  be  premature,  as  it  would  be  necessary  first  to  bind  the 
region  somewhat  more  strongly  to  Eussia  :  for  Turkistan  being 
far  off  from  the  rest  of  the  empire,  and  separated  by  regions 
inhabited  by  nomad  tribes,  an  independent  administration 
would  seek  the  motives  for  its  acts  exclusively  in  Central 
Asiatic  life,  and  would  sooner  or  later  come  to  be  in  disaccord 
with  the  interests  and  the  views  of  the  Imperial  Government. 
General  Kryzhanofsky  added  :  '  The  period  of  conquest  without 
a  determined  purpose  has  now  passed ;  therefore  the  causes  also 
have  ceased  which  would  render  indispensable  in  Turkistan 
persons  of  authority  with  wide  powers,  so  that  all  that  the 
political,  military,  and  administrative  needs  demand  can  be  met 
by  a  military  governor  acting  within  the  fixed  rights  given  to 
him.'  Another  reason  was,  that  as  a  great  part  of  the  province 
of  Turkistan  was  inhabited  by  Kirghiz,  of  exactly  the  same  tribes 
and  families  as  those  in  the  province  of  Orenburg,  the  Kirghiz 
would  be  forced  to  live  under  two  administrations,  a  state 
of  things  which  would  be  productive  of  disputes  and  difficulties. 

Experience  has  shown  that  the  reasoning  of  General 
Kryzhanofsky  was  sound,  but  at  the  time  he  was  alone  in  his 
opposition. 

Mr.  Giers  and  Colonel  Protsenko  were  opposed  to  inclu- 
ding Semiretch  in  the  new  province,  as  the  interests  of  the 
Siberian  frontier  were  so  totally  different  from  those  on  the  side 
of  Khokand  and  Bukhara;  but  the  military  authorities,  having 
once  resolved  on  creating  a  new  Governor-General,  wished 
to  provide  him  with  a  sufficiently  large  territory  over  which 
to  rule,  in  order  to  prove  the  necessity  of  his  appointment. 
One  other  resolution  was  arrived  at  by  the  committee,  which 
was  that  the  interests  of  the  State  demanded  that  all  the  ad- 
ministration be  concentrated  in  the  hands  of  the  War  Office. 

The  main  features  of  this  project  are  as  follows.  The 
Governor- General  is  appointed  directly  by  the  Emperor,  and 
has  much  the  same  powers  as  Governors-General  in  other  parts 
of  the  country,  with  the  exceptions  provided  for  by  the  project. 
He  has  besides  the  right  in  case  of  need  to  suspend  the  regula- 
tions or  to  make  exceptions  to  them.  He  is  at  the  same  time 
commander-in-chief  of  the  forces,  and  possesses  full  power  to 
carry  on  diplomatic  relations  with  the  neighbouring  countries. 


THE   FIRST  PROJECT.  205 

The  amount  of  his  salary,  which  is  said  to  be  50,000  rubles, 
is  not  fixed  by  the  regulations,  but  is  determined  by  a 
direct  order  of  the  Emperor.  Under  him  are  the  two  provinces 
of  Syr  Darya  and  Semiretch,  each  governed  by  a  Military  Gover- 
nor, receiving  a  salary  of  7,000  rubles,  appointed  on  the  nomi- 
nation of  the  Ministry  of  War,  and  having  a  general  position 
similar  to  that  of  Governors  of  provinces  in  other  parts  of  the 
Empire.  The  Military  Governor  of  Semiretch  is  at  the  same 
time  the  Ataman  of  the  Semiretch  Cossacks.  These  Governors 
are  assisted  by  a  council  known  as  the  Provincial  Eegency, 
appointed,  with  the  exception  of  the  heads  of  departments,  by 
the  Governor. 

The  province  of  the  Syr  Darya  was  divided  into  the  districts 
of  Kazala,  Perovsky,  Turkistan,  Tchimkent,  Aulie-ata,  Kurama, 
and  Hodjent,  besides  the  city  of  Tashkent,  which  forms  a 
separate  administrative  division,  and  that  of  Semiretch  into 
the  districts  of  Sergiopol,  Kopal,  Vierny,  Issyk  Kul,  and  Tokmak. 
At  the  head  of  each  of  these  departments  or  Uyezds  is  a  Prefect 
or  commandant,  who  has  both  the  police  and  the  general  super- 
vision of  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  district,  Eussian  as  well 
native.  The  Prefects  receive  salaries  of  2,000  rubles;  and 
although  originally  resembling  in  functions  the  district  police 
officials  in  the  provinces  of  European  Russia,  they  now  occupy 
a  much  more  powerful  and  independent  position.  The  nomad 
population,  chiefly  Kirghiz,  is  divided  into  auls  and  volosts, 
the  auls  comprising  from  one  to  two  hundred  families,  and  the 
volosts  about  ten  times  as  many.  These  subdivisions  are  governed 
by  administrators  and  elders  chosen  by  the  people  themselves, 
and  under  the  supervision  of  district  prefects,  who  have  power  to 
remove  them  in  case  of  failure  of  duty.  Among  the  settled 
population  one  aksakal,  literally  'greybeard,'  is  chosen  over 
each  considerable  village  by  the  vote  of  the  people  themselves ; 
and  in  the  cities  each  ward  has  its  own  aksakal,  whose  duties 
are  the  same  as  those  of  the  elders  in  the  police  administration 
among  the  Kirghiz. 

Justice  is  administered  by  courts  of  three  kinds — a  military 
court,  which  judges  natives  for  inciting  to  rebellion,  attacks  on 
on  the  post  or  on  military  transports,  and  for  the  murder  of 
Christians,  or  of  persons  who  have  declared  a  desire  to  become 
Christians,  as  well  as  for  the  murder  of  officials.  For  the  trial 
of   Russians  and  for  that  of  natives  for  most  other  criminal 


206  TTJRKISTAN. 

offences,  as  well  as  for  the  settlement  of  disputes  betweeD 
Eussians  and  natives,  courts  are  established  on  the  basis  of  the 
general  laws  of  the  Empire.  For  all  disputes  between  each 
other ,  and  for  some  of  the  lesser  crimes,  the  natives  are  allowed 
courts  of  their  own.  In  the  courts  of  the  nomad  jDopulation,  of 
which  I  have  already  spoken,1  the  judges  are  called  Kiis,  elected 
by  the  population,  and  judge  according  to  the  tribal  and 
national  traditions.  These  courts  also  decide  cases  of  baranta 
or  pillage,  and  of  murder  when  committed  by  Kirghiz  on  each 
other.  In  the  towns  the  Kazis,  or  native  judges,  deciding 
according  to  the  Shariat  or  Mussulman  law,  are  allowed  to 
remain ;  but  as  they  are  made  elective  by  delegates  from  the 
population  their  importance  in  the  eyes  of  the  natives  is 
much  diminished.  For  the  management  of  the  municipal  and 
the  communal  affairs  of  the  cities  and  villages  in  the  province 
of  the  Syr  Darya  inhabited  by  natives,  and  for  collecting  the 
taxes,  there  were  instituted  '  economical  communal  regencies, 
the  members  of  which  are  elected  for  three  years  at  the  same 
time  with  the  aksakals;  and  although  they  are  under  the  general 
direction  of  the  aksakals,  and  of  the  district  prefects,  they  are  sup- 
posed to  have  a  freedom  of  action,  and  no  regulation  pertaining 
to  the  local  needs  or  to  the  taxes  is  thought  to  pass  without 
their  assent.  Some  of  the  taxes  imposed  during  Mussulman 
rule  are  retained,  such  as  the  haradj  and  tanap,  or  taxes  on 
land,  and  its  products  being  fixed  at  one-tenth  of  the  harvest. 
The  zekat,  or  customs  duty,2  was  fixed  at  2\  per  cent,  on  the  value 
of  all  goods  imported  into  the  country,  and  the  same  tax  is 
imposed  on  the  trading  capital  of  merchants.  A  tax  is  im- 
posed on  the  nomad  population  of  two  rubles  seventy-five 
kopeks  for  each  kibitka  or  family. 

As  the  native  inhabitants  have  to  provide  for  the  payment 
of  their  own  officials,  as  well  as  for  the  repairs  of  bridges  and 
post-roads,  and  for  the  erection  of  prisons  and  Government 
buildings,  another  tax  is  imposed  upon  them,  called  the 
zemskij,  or  communal  tax,  the  amount  of  which  is  to  be 
settled  by  the  police  administration  and  by  the  Russian  officials, 
and  is  then  levied  directly  on  the  towns  and  villages  by  the 
Communal  Regency.3 

1  Vol.  i.  pp.  166-169;  ii.  p.  140.  2  See  vol.  i.  pp.  204-6. 

8  Vol.  i.  p.  305. 


THE  NEW  PROJECTS.  207 

Although  the  term  during  which  this  project  was  to  stand 
expired  in  1871,  the  country  has  been  governed  in  the  main 
according  to  its  provisions  up  to  the  present  time  There  are, 
however,  certain  exceptions.  The  district  of  Zarafshan,  which 
was  annexed  in  1868,  never  came  under  them,  and  the  rule  of 
the  Governor  has  therefore  been  almost  of  an  arbitrary  kind. 
The  position  of  affairs  in  Kuldja  and  in  the  Amu  Darya  Kay  on 
is  similar.  Certain  changes,  too,  were  made  in  the  regulations 
by  the  Governor-General,  in  accordance  with  the  powers  granted 
to  him,  and  among  others  the  haradj  and  tanap  taxes  were 
merged  in  one  general  land-tax,  which  was  divided  en  bloc 
among  the  villages,  and  which  has  since  that  time  constantly 
increased  in  an  arbitrary  manner,  as  no  survey  or  measurement 
of  lands  has  been  made.  While  the  government  of  the  pro- 
vinces still  remains  in  the  hands  of  the  Ministry  of  War, 
certain  exceptions  have  been  made.  Instead  of  the  financial 
arrangement  proposed  by  the  regulations,  district  treasurers 
and  a  central  finance  bureau  were  established  upon  the  same 
basis  as  those,  in  European  Eussia,  subject,  not  to  the  control 
of  the  Ministry  of  War,  but  to  that  of  the  Ministry  of  Finance. 
Soon  after  a  bureau  of  control  was  established  in  Tashkent 
independent  of  all  other  branches  of  the  administration,  which 
has  been  productive  of  great  good  in  reducing  expenses.  The 
postal  system — the  sphere  of  which  was  subsequently  enlarged 
by  the  addition  of  telegraph  lines — was  taken  partly  out  of  the 
hands  of  local  authorities  and  rendered  subject  to  the  Ministry 
of  the  Interior. 

When  the  term  of  the  regulations  expired — in  1871 — an 
order  of  the  Governor-General  forbade,  until  the  decision  of  the 
land  settlement,  the  closing  of  any  sales  of  real  estate  by  the 
natives  ;  in  other  words,  one  of  the  most  important  rights  of 
civil  society  was  annihilated.  It  may  be  added  to  this  that  the 
instructions  which,  by  the  regulations,  were  to  be  drawn  up 
for  the  administration  of  the  district  prefects  never  went  into 
force,  and  the  administration  of  each  district  was,  therefore, 
different  from  that  of  the  others — sometimes  in  the  most  essen- 
tial particulars — thus  securing  no  unity  of  law  or  method. 

In  1871  a  new  project  was  drawn  up,  but  was  not  approved 
at  St.  Petersburg,  and  was  returned  for  reconsideration.  It 
was  again  brought  up,  in  an  amended  form,  in  the  autumn  of 


208  TUKKISTAN. 

1872,  but  it  did  not  even  then  receive  the  Emperor's  consent. 
In  the  winter  of  1874-5  another  and  more  carefully  considered 
project  was  brought  from  Tashkent,  and  was  immediately 
discussed  by  a  commission  containing  delegates  from  all  the 
ministries  interested  in  it. 

The  objections  to  this  project  were  so  serious  from  a  finan- 
cial point  of  view,  that  General  Kaufmann,  seeing  no  hope  of 
the  project  passing  the  Council  of  the  Empire,  withdrew  it,  but 
presented  it  again  in  an  amended  form  in  the  early  part  of 
1876.  It  is  said  that  this  project  meets  with  the  same  oppo- 
sition from  the  Ministry  of  Finance  as  did  its  predecessor. 
The  officials  of  Turkistan  have  been  so  long  in  the  habit  of 
spending  large  sums  of  money  Avithout  control,  that  they  have 
provided  for  the  necessities  of  the  Grovernment  on  what  is,  for 
Russia,  a  very  extravagant  scale.  The  ordinary  expenses  of  the 
Grovernment  are  to  be  increased  by  the  new  project  to  almost 
double  what  they  were  under  the  old  regulations.  The  expense 
for  the  police  administration  of  a  city  like  Vierny,  for  instance, 
of  12,000  inhabitants,  is  estimated  at  13,800  rubles,  while 
similar  cities  in  European  Eussia  demand  only  from  3,000 
to  5,000  rubles  a  year.1     It  must  be  admitted,  however,  that 

1  The  present  annual  expense  for  the  police  government  of  Vierny  is  only 
1.200  rubles,  so  that  the  allowance  in  the  new  project  is  eleven  times  greater  than 
the  old.  The  police  of  Wilna,  a  city  of  69,464  inhabitants,  costs  only  13,845 
rubles.  The  police  in  Petrozavodsk,  Polotsk,  Pinsk,  Altsensk,  and  Berdiansk, 
cities  of  about  the  same  size  as  Vierny,  costs  from  2,57-5  to  4,448  rubles  yearly.  It 
is  proposed  to  expend  on  the  police  administration  of  Tashkent  29,600  rubles,  or 
three  times  as  much  as  at  present.  As  the  native  town  has  its  own  police,  the 
maintenance  of  which  is  a  separate  item  of  the  budget,  this  expense  is  chiefly  for 
the  small  Eussian  population.  Even  were  the  expense  for  the  benefit  of  the 
■whole  population,  the  cost  of  the  police  in  Kishinef,  a  city  of  94.124  inhabitants, 
is  only  17,158  rubles,  and  in  Saratof,  of  84,391  inhabitants,  is  only  15,328  rubles. 
The  inhabitants  of  Kishinef  and  Saratof  pay  18  kopeks  per  head,  while  the  much 
poorer  Tasdtentians  pay  37  kopeks,  twice  as  much.  In  Kief  the  police  adminis- 
tration has  50  members  and  costs  only  24,473  rubles:  in  Tashkent  for  a.  personnel 
of  1 1  it  is  proposed  to  spend  29,600  yearly.  The  total  pay  of  the  Prefect  of  Tash- 
kent, according  to  the  project,  will  be  5,500  rubles,  surpassing  that  of  all  police- 
masters  (in  St.  Petersburg  these  receive  4,450  rubles,  in  other  cities  from  1,182 
to  1,478  rubles),  and  of  vice-governors  (who  receive  from  2,273  to  3,441  rubles  a 
year),  and  equalling  that  of  many  governors  (29  Eussian  governors  receive  from 
5,350  to  5,380  rubles  each  yearly.)  For  the  chancery  of  the  Governor-General 
52,800  rubles  is  set  apart,  surpassing  the  cost  of  the  chancery  of  every  other 
governor  general  except  that  of  Wilna.  The  yearly  expense  of  the  Governor- 
General's  chancery  at  Moscow  is  36,561  rubles,  at  Kief,  54,048  rubles,  at  Oren- 


EXTRAVAGANCE  AND   ECONOMY.  209 

the  Ministry  of  Finance  looks  upon  this  from  a  purely  bureau- 
cratic point  of  view,  seeing  no  reason  why  the  expenses  of  a 
provincial  district,  or  city  government  in  one  part  of  the 
country  should  be  more  than  in  another,  and  believing  that, 
notwithstanding  the  distance  from  St.  Petersburg,  the  expense 
of  administration  in  Turkistan  should  be  no  more  than  in  other 
remote  provinces,  such  as  Yeneseisk  or  the  Amur. 

From  a  general  point  of  view,  however,  the  ideas  of  General 
Kaufmann  are  more  probably  correct,  for  it  is  impossible  to 
find  honest  men,  who  will  prove  themselves  at  the  same  time 
capable  administrators,  for  the  beggarly  salary  which  they  in 
general  receive.  It  is  perfectly  well  known  that  in  the  pro- 
vinces of  European  Eussia  almost  every  police  and  administra- 
tive official  adds  to  his  scanty  income  two  or  three  and  even 
ten  times  the  amount  properly  received  from  the  Govern- 
ment,— getting  it  in  various  ways  out  of  the  public.  In  this 
case,  however,  while  the  salaries  have  been  greatly  raised,  the 
clief  increase  of  expenses  arises  from  an  increase  in  the  number 
of  officials,  who  are  already  far  too  many.  Where  the  Ministry 
of  Finance  is  clearly  right  is  in  thinking  that  the  importance 
of  Turkistan  to  the  Empire  and  the  necessities  of  its  administra- 
tion do  not  demand  so  great  an  expenditure  of  money,  and  that 
some  of  the  bureaux  and  boards  of  administration  comprised  in 
the  project  are  utterly  useless  and  unnecessary,  and  will  only 
cause  a  waste  of  money.  Such,  for  instance,  is  a  Forest  Depart- 
ment,— in  a  country  where  the  trees  can  almost  be  counted  on 
one's  fingers, — which,  with  its  central  board  of  administration, 
its  officials  in  each  district,  and  its  officers  and  guardians,  is  ex- 
pensive and  superfluous.  The  Mining  Department  is  open  to 
almost  the  same  objection.1     The  Ministry  also  objects  to  paying 

burg,  39,234  rubles;  at  Riga.  33,412  rubles;  of  Eastern  Siberia,  40,242  rubles  ; 
of  Western  Siberia,  35,090  rubles  ;  and  at  Wilna,  67,628  rubles.  By  the  present 
system  the  expenses  for  the  civil  administration  of  the  province  of  Turki&tan  are 
nominally  438.340  rubles;  by  the  new  project  they  are  estimated  at  1,360,570 
rubles,  or  more  than  three  times  as  much.  In  extent  the  province  of  Turkistan 
("without  Kuldja  and  the  Amu  Darya)  is  about  equal  to  that  of  Semipalatinsk  or 
Tomsk,  and  in  population  it  is  rather  less  than  the  provinces  of  Perm  or  Viatka 
in  European  Russia. 

1  For  the  Mining  Department,  the  sum   of  12,750  rubles  yearly   is  asked 

beside  the  28,000  annually  spent  in   exploration  for  coal.     It  is  also  proposed  to 

establish  a  central  Bureau  of  Archives,  at  a  cost  of  5,500  rubles  yearly,  of  which 

2,000  rubles  go  to  the  salary  of  the  Direct  jr.     It  would  har  lly  be  supposed  that, 

VOL.    II.  P 


210  TURKESTAN. 

22,000  rubles  a  year  for  the  support  of  the  'Turkistan  Gazette,' 
while  the  '  Journal  of  the  Ministry  of  Ways  of  Communication,' 
and  the  '  Journal  of  the  Ministry  of  Crown  Domains,'  cost  about 
7,000  or  8,000  rubles  a  year  only,  and  are  of  much  more 
importance  and  use. 

Another  and  perhaps  more  serious  objection  to  the  new 
project,  which  has  also  been  a  drawback  of  late  to  the  general 
efficiency  of  the  administration  of  Turkistan,  is  the  attempt 
made  to  apply  Russian  laws  to  the  natives,  and  to  assimilate 
the  administration  of  the  country  to  that  of  the  other  provinces 
of  the  Empire.  The  attempt  to  introduce  the  benefits  of  a 
high  civilisation,  and  especially  the  effort  to  spread  elective  and 
democratic  institutions  among  people  whose  education  for  ages 
has  been  entirely  in  an  opposite  direction,  is  a  most  dangerous 
one.  Gen.  Tchernaief,  who  as  an  administrator  was  unequalled, 
and  who  seemed  to  know  by  instinct  what  it  was  be^-t  to  do, 
strongly  condemns  the  present  methods  of  the  Russian  adminis- 
tration, and  lays  great  stress  on  the  rule  which  he  adopted 
when  he  was  at  the  head  of  affairs,  that  the  Russian  power  should 
not  be  placed  at  the  head  of  the  local  administration,  but  as  it 
were  on  one  side,  so  as  merely  to  control  the  Government  and 
to  protect  the  inhabitants  in  case  of  injustice  ;  in  other  words, 
his  idea  was  to  allow  the  country  as  much  as  possible  to  govern 
itself  in  accordance  with  the  old-established  laws  and  institu- 
tions, thus  giving  the  Russians — by  not  mixing  in  the  details 
of  the  government — a  greater  moral  power,  and  effecting  an 
enormous  saving  of  money  and  forces.  Another  officer  of  great 
experience  writes  as  follows  :  '  The  new  regiine  will  assimilate 
the  position  of  Asiatics  to  that  of  Russians  and  subject  them  to 
the  same  laws,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  our  Government 
on  annexing  the  country  formally  declared  to  the  inhabitants 
that  their  judicial  system  called  the  Shariat  should  be 
guaranteed  to  them.  This  declaration  constituted  one  of  the 
chief  elements  of  our  moral  and  political  influence  over  the 
natives.  Of  course  Russian  legislation  must  be  applied  sooner 
or  later  to  the  Asiatic  peoples  who  enter  into  the  circle  of  our 

in  the  ten  years  of  Russian  rule  enough  important  papers  had  accumulated  to 
render  such  a  bureau  necessary.  The  Archives  of  the  Senate  at  St.  Petersburg 
cost  but  6,144  rubles  a  year,  those  of  the  Ministry  of  Crown  Domains  but  2,164 
rubles,  while  two  of  the  most  important  Archive  Bureaux  in  the  Empire,  at  Wilna 
and  Kief,  together  need  only  6,109  rubles. 


THE   COST  OF   CONQUEST.  211 

possessions,  but  it  would  be  better  for  this  to  be  brought  about 
later  than  sooner,  for  it  is  impossible  to  use  constraint  with 
regard  to  the  manners  and  customs  of  the  country,  and  annul  a 
regime  of  tolerance,  especially  when  we  do  not  even  know  the 
country  which  we  wish  to  reform  from  top  to  bottom.  In 
acting  thus  we  committed  a  great  fault,  of  which  our  antago- 
nists have  always  taken  advantage.  It  is  evident  that  there 
ought  to  be  no  question  about  introducing  new  things  into  a 
country  where  we  have  not  yet  succeeded  in  acquiring  a  just 
idea  of  the  old.' 

With  these  remarks  on  the  theory  and  character  of  the 
Eussian  administration  in  Central  Asia  let  us  now  consider 
how  these  ideas  have  been  carried  out,  and  what  the  effect  has 
been  on  both  the  Eussians  and  the  natives. 

We  will  first  consider  this  from  a  financial  and  economical 
point  of  view.  The  actual  cost  of  the  conquest  was  very  slight. 
When  the  first  movement  in  Central  Asia  was  made  General 
Tchernaief  received  15,000  rubles  for  the  expenses  of  the  cam- 
paign, and  General  Verevkin  200,000  rubles,  to  which  subse- 
quently 50,000  more  were  added  ;  23-1,000  rubles  only  were 
spent,  the  remaining  10,000  being  transferred  to  Genera 
Tchernaief.  Tchernaief  was  greatly  in  need  of  money,  and 
was  obliged  frequently  to  give  receipts  for  the  camels  and  the 
provisions  he  took,  and  also  to  borrow  from  the  natives.  In 
reality  the  first  campaign  was  conducted  almost  entirely  upon 
credit,  and  when  the  commission  settled  up  affairs  it  wa 
found  that  the  whole  cost  of  the  conquest  was  only  519,500 
rubles.  This  was  exclusive  of  two  journeys  of  General  Kry 
zhanofsky,  which  cost  perhaps  half  that  sum,  and  of  the  pay 
and  rations  of  the  troops,  which  they  would  equally  have  drawn 
had  they  remained  at  home  in  the  provinces  of  Ornburg  and 
Western  Siberia.  The  campaign  of  General  Eomanofsky  in 
1866  is  estimated  at  250,000  rubles.  The  expedition  which 
resulted  in  the  capture  of  Samarkand  cost  150,000  rubles.  In 
this  way  the  cost  of  acquiring  nearly  the  whole  of  the  territory 
at  present  occupied  by  the  Eussians  amounted  to  900,000 
rubles,  of  which  500,000  were  paid  by  Bukhara  as  a  military 
contribution.  Of  course  the  Khivan  campaign  and  the  late 
campaign  against  Khokand,  to   say  nothing  of  the  expeditions 

p  2 


ii 


212  TUKKISTAN. 

in  the  mountains  of  the  Zarafshan,  against  Shahrisabs  and 
Karshi,  and  the  expedition  against  Kuldja,  have  materially 
added  to  this  cost,  but  the  extension  of  territory  caused  by 
them  has  been  in  reality  but  slight. 

Central  Asia  was  then  thought  to  be  a  rich  country,  and 
was  regarded  almost  as  a  promised  land.  It  was  believed  that 
not  only  would  it  support  the  troops  stationed  there,  but  that 
it  would  also  afford  large  and  increasing  revenues  to  the  Govern- 
ment. What  I  have  said  in  a  previous  chapter  about  the 
commerce,  agriculture,  and  mineral  resources  of  the  country  will 
show  how  far  this  was  in  reality  from  being  the  case.1  It  is. 
probable  that  the  erroneous  idea  of  the  resources  of  the  region 
had  some  influence  in  the  establishment  there  of  a  Grovernor- 
Greneral  and  in  making  Turkistan  a  separate  administrative 
region.  At  the  time  the  argument  certainly  was  used  that  this 
would  cost  no  more  than  before,  for  no  more  troops  would  be 
necessary,  and  that  there  would  be  merely  a  transference  of  ac- 
counts from  Orenburg  and  Western  Siberia  to  the  new  province 
of  Turkistan.  It  was  stated  in  the  report  to  the  Committee 
of  Ministers  of  June  30  (July  12),  1867,  that  the  military 
administration  of  the  new  province,  with  all  the  local  military 
boards  dependent  upon  it,  would  not  be  any  further  drain  upon 
the  Imperial  treasury,  as  all  the  expenses  could  be  met  by  the 
moneys  already  at  the  disposal  of  the  Minister  of  War,  in  con- 
sequence of  the  economy  which  would  be  effected  in  the  ad- 
ministration of  the  military  districts  of  Orenburg  and  Western 
Siberia,  from  the  territory  of  which  the  new  province  was  taken. 
It  was  said  also  that  the  military-civil  administration,  although 
it  was  a  source  of  new  expenditure  of  considerable  amount, 
would  yet  make  no  real  difference  to  the  Imperial  treasury,  as 
all  these  expenses  would  be  covered  by  the  province  itself,  a 
considerable  portion  of  which  would  still  be  left  free  to  aid  the 
Treasury  in  covering  the  expenses  of  the  troops.  This,  however, 
has  proved  to  be  very  far  from  the  truth.  The  military  ex- 
penses of  Orenburg  and  Western  Siberia  have  not  to  any  per- 
ceptible degree  diminished,  but  have  rather  increased.  The 
army  in  Turkistan,  owing  to  new  military  movements,  has  been 
constantly  increased,  and  the  military  expenses  are  far  beyond 
what  was  expected  ;  they  even  exceed  those  of  Orenburg  and 

'  See  Chaps.  V.,  VII.,  and  VIII. 


INCOME  AND   EXPEND1TUKE. 


213 


Western  Siberia  combined.  In  addition  to  this  actual  increase 
of  expenses  the  revenues  have  been  so  small  as  not  only  to  leave 
no  surplus,  but  even  to  prove  insufficient  to  cover  the  expenses 
of  the  administration. 

So  far,  there  have  been  only  deficits  in  the  budget  of  Tur- 
kistan,  which  have  increased  year  by  year,  until  in  1872  it 
amounted  to  5,500,000  rubles,  and  in  1873  it  was  probably 
more  than  7,000,000  rubles.  The  income  and  the  expenditure 
of  Turkistan  for  the  five  years  from  1868  to  1872  were  as 
follows,  in  rubles ]  : — 


Year 


1868  . 
18(39  . 

1870  . 

1871  . 

1872  . 


Total 


1,204.906 
2,356,2-11 
2,915,983 
2,102,955 
2,008,374 


10,588,459 


Expenditure 


4,392,940 
4,592,460 
6,114,883 
6,820,945 
7,576,116 


3,188,034 
2,236,219 
3,198.900 
4.717.990 
5,567,842 


29,497,414 


18,908,955 


In  these  statements  of  expenditure  are  not  included  the  pre- 
liminary expenses  for  the  army  for  articles  which  are  made  in 
Kussia.  These  enter  into  the  general  budget  of  the  Empire, 
where  there  is  no  comparison  of  one  part  of  the  country  with 
another,  so  as  to  show  what  would  be  properly  charged  to  the 
province   of  Turkistan.     Besides   this   there  were  received  in 

1871  400,000  rubles  as  a  war  contribution  from  Bokhara,  which 
are  not  included  in  the  budget,  but  were  spent  without  account 
there.     The  revenues  of  the  Zarafshan  district  from  1868  to 

1872  do  not  appear  in  the  budget,  being  until  that  time  at  the 
special  disposition  of  the  Governor-General.  These  revenues 
amounted  to  335,458  rubles  in  1868,  to  454,931  rubles  in  1869, 
to  762,058  rubles  in  1870,  and  to  1,414,092  rubles  in  1871. 
In  1873  the  taxes  were  diminished,  and  the  revenues  were 
included  in  the  general  budget. 

An  idea  may  be  obtained  of  the  capacities  and  state  of  the 
country  by  analysing  one  of  the  budgets,  say  for  the  year  1872. 

The  income  of  the  country  is  of  two  kinds :  first,  that 
coming  especially  from  the  country  itself  and  its  population  ; 

1  The  income  for  1875  was  estimated  at  2,509,234  rubles,  showing  no  great 
development  of  the  resources  of  the  country  in  the  last  three  years. 


214  rUEKISTAN. 

and,  second,  that  which  is,  as  it  were,  moved  on  from  Bussia, 
obtained  from  the  Kussians  who  live  there.  The  local  revenues 
amounted  to  1,328,200  rubles  only.  Of  these  the  personal  taxes 
and  taxes  on  kibitkas  amounted  to  566,000  rubles,  the  road-tax 
brought  1 54,000  rubles,  and  the  tax  on  land  and  its  products 
brought  276,000  rubles.  The  duty  from  internal  trade  was 
15,000  rubles.  The  entire  indirect  taxes  on  articles  of  con- 
sumption, including  the  duty  on  articles  of  foreign  trade, 
amounted  to  224,000  rubles,  to  which  should  be  added  the  duty 
on  tea  imported  from  India,  amounting  to  10,000  rubles.  The 
receipts  paid  to  Government  for  articles  sold  were  13,000 
rubles,  from  Government  property — as,  for  instance,  rents  of 
shops  in  the  bazaar — 32,400  rubles ;  and  for  freights  on 
steamers  of  the  Aral  flotilla,  800  rubles.  The  coal  taken  from 
the  Government  mines  amounted  to  4,600  rubles ;  but  the 
quantity  actually  sold  in  1872  brought  in  only  100  rubles. 
Wood  and  timber  brought  in  8,500  rubles.  This  shows  the 
unproductiveness  of  the  country  and  the  undeveloped  state  of 
its  mineral  wealth.  There  were  collected  21,400  rubles  of 
previous  taxes ;  and,  among  smaller  items,  foreign  passports  for 
natives  brought  in  700  rubles.  The  revenues  received  chiefly 
from  Russians  were  as  follows  :  Direct  taxes  of  various  kinds, 
6,200  rubles  ;  in  direct  taxes,  from  articles  of  consumption, 
255,000  rubles,  most  of  which  was  from  the  excise  on  spirits. 
The  taxes  for  rising  in  official  rank  brought  in  1 9,000  rubles 
in  the  year  ;  the  postal  revenues  amounted  to  44,000  rubles  ; 
and  the  telegraph,  which  was  at  that  time  open  to  Vierny  only, 
3,000  rubles  ;  while  the  sale  of  powder  and  cartridges  brought 
in  1,200  rubles.  The  sale  of  treasury  notes  produced  16,000 
rubles  ;  the  sale  of  various  Government  property,  such  as  medi- 
cines, useless  things,  &c,  brought  in  14,000  rubles  ;  and  private 
work  at  the  Government  printing  office  was  done  to  the  amount 
of  2,500  rubles.  The  return  of  money  illegally  obtained  from 
the  treasury,  fines,  and  the  pension  capital  brought  in  20,000 
rubles.  The  chief  increase  in  articles  of  revenue  is  in  the 
excise  on  liquors,  the  stamp-tax  on  documents,  and  the  postal 
revenues.  The  excise  on  liquors  and  rights  for  sale  of  liquors 
in  1868  was  114,000  rubles;  in  1869,  129,000  rubles;  in 
1870,  213,000  rubles  ;  in  1871,  240,000  rubles  ;  and  in  1872, 
255,000  rubles.     The  stamp-tax  produced  in  1S68  3,000  rubles, 


EXPENSES  IN    1872. 


215 


and  in  1872  26,000  rubles  ;  but  this  was  not  placed  on  a  proper 
basis  before  the  year  1870.  The  postal  revenue  was  only  9,800 
rubles  in  1868,  and  in  1872  was  65,300  rubles.  As  the  natives 
do  not  use  liquors  to  any  extent,  it  being'  against  the  principles 
of  the  Koran,  the  excise  is  paid,  of  course,  by  the  Russian 
population  only ;  and  as  in  the  course  of  five  years  the  produce 
of  the  tax  has  more  than  doubled,  it  would  seem  as  if  the 
Russian  population  had  also  doubled  in  that  time.  It  is,  how- 
ever, not  probable  that  the  Russian  population  of  Turkistan  is 
more  than  100,000,  from  which  must  be  deducted  the  Tartars, 
who  do  not  drink ;  consequently  every  Russian  in  the  province 
during  1872  paid  a  tax  of  at  least  two  rubles  per  head  for  the 
right  of  drinking  ;  a  large  sum  as  compared  with  the  usual 
statistics  for  the  use  of  liquors  in  other  populations.  It  was 
at  first  expected  to  unite  all  branches  of  the  administration 
under  the  War  Department,  but  this  was  found  to  have  a  very 
bad  effect  upon  the  finances  of  the  country,  and  it  subsequently 
became  necessary  to  take  the  finances,  as  well  as  the  post,  away 
from  the  control  of  the  military.  Since  that  time  a  branch  of 
the  control  department  has  been  established  in  Tashkent, 
which  has  succeeded  not  only  in  greatly  reducing  the  expenses, 
but  in  returning  to  the  treasury  sums  which  had  been  erro- 
neously taken  from  it. 

The  main  items  for  expenses  in  1872  are  in  round  numbers 
as  follows  : — 


1.  Salaries  and  expenses  of  officials 

2.  Pay  and  maintenance  of  the  army 

3.  Horses  for  the  cavalry  and  artillery 

4.  Medical  department  of  the  army 

5.  Building  expenses  . 

6.  Lighting  and  heating 

7.  Munitions  of  war    . 

8.  The  Aral  flotilla     . 
0.  Travelling  expenses 

10.  Transportation 

11.  Postal  expenses 

12.  Printing  Office       . 

13.  Extra  expenses 

14.  Schools. 

15.  Geological  and  economical  investigation 

16.  Provincial  expenses,  roads,  budget,  &c. 
17-  Assistance  to  Cossack  troops,  &c 
18.  Various  expenses    . 


Rubles 

802.40: 

3,015.200 

1,249,100 

138,800 

205,000 

252,900 

36.900 

57,800 

129,200 

222,700 

696,800 

29,700 

486.200 

12,600 

29,300 

146,1  jO 

38,700 

51,400 


216  TURKISTAN. 

The  total  expenses  amount  to  7,576,186  rubles;  to  this 
sum  should  be  added  at  least  500,000  rubles  for  the  expenses 
for  articles  for  the  army,  &c.,  made  in  other  parts  of  Eussia, 
but  destined  for  this  province.  If  we  at  the  same  time  deducted 
those  revenues  raised  exclusively  from  the  Eussians  residing-  in 
the  country,  about  361,000  rubles,  we  should  find  the  real  local 
income  as  about  1,627,000  rubles,  while  the  expenses  would  be 
8,000,000  rubles. 

It  will  be  seen  that  the  expenses  of  government  are  very 
large,  but  it  is  difficult  to  say  exactly  where  economy  should 
begin.  Before  the  recent  war  with  Khokand,  and  the  popular 
discontent  manifested  at  the  time,  good  judges  of  the  country — 
men  who  had  themselves  served  there — believed  that  only  half 
the  present  number  of  troops  was  necessary,  but  it  is  doubtful 
whether  such  is  now  the  case.  Such  a  diminution  of  the  troops 
would  of  course  materially  reduce  the  expenses.  There  are 
also  other  things  which,  perhaps,  are  not  great  in  themselves, 
but  which  mount  up  to  a  large  sum.  For  instance,  the  ex- 
pense of  the  Tashkent  fair,  during  T872,  amounted  to  150,000 
rubles — an  expense  utterly  useless  and  uncalled  for.  The 
sum  of  30,000  rubles  is  expended  on  the  repairing  and 
keeping  up  the  house  and  garden  of  the  Grovernor-Creneral ; 
30,000  rubles  a  year  are  also  given  to  the  horse-breeding  esta- 
blishment, which. — although  if  properly  cared  for,  it  might  be  of 
some  service  to  the  country, — is  not  an  absolute  necessity,  and 
serves  merely  as  a  comfortable  berth  for  certain  members  of  the 
Governor-Greneral's  Chancery.  When  the  province  of  Turkistan 
was  brought  under  a  separate  Governor-General  it  was  thought 
that  it  might  probably  reduce  the  expenses  of  Orenburg  and 
Western  Siberia,  but  experience  has  shown  that  the  expenses  of 
these  provinces  are  not  at  all  diminished,  and  we  have  the 
addition  of  very  large  sums  to  keep  up  the  officials,  and  staffs  of 
officials,  who  are  now  in  Tashkent.  As  Turkistan  is  a  separate 
governorship-general  and  military  district  it  must  have  all  the 
central  administrations,  in  order  that  it  may  be  entirely  inde- 
pendent of  others.  Thus,  there  is  a  central  administration  of 
artillery,  a  central  administration  of  the  army,  a  central  adminis- 
tration of  the  finances  &c,  ail  of  which  could  be  quite  as  well 
managed  at  Orenburg  or  Omsk.  General  Tchernaief,  who  cer- 
tainly knows  the  country  as  well  as  anyone,  in  a  long  and  able 


COST   OF  PROVISIONING-  TROOPS.  217 

report  which  he  made  in  1872  to  the  Ministry  of  Finance 
expressed  his  strong  opinion  that  it  would  he  advisahle  on  finan- 
cial as  well  as  on  political  grounds  to  return  to  the  old  order  of 
things — to  abolish  the  office  of  Governor-General,  and  to  restore 
the  province  of  Turkistan  to  the  Governor-General  of  Orenburg. 

At  the  time  of  the  march  of  the  Russian  troops  to  Tash- 
kent it  was  thought  that  it  would  be  of  great  advantage  to 
occupy  the  fertile  oasis  of  Central  Asia,  for  one  reason,  among 
others,  that  it  would  be  so  much  easier  and  cheaper  to  support 
the  troops.  It  is  questionable,  however,  whether  this  has  proved 
to  be  the  case.  In  1872  the  Treasury  spent,  for  the  provision 
of  the  army,  972,777  roubles,  which,  with  an  average  of 
30,000  enlisted  men,  the  number  returned,  would  cost  32^ 
rubles  per  man  ;  and  in  these  figures  are  only  included  flour 
and  groats.  The  expense  therefore  is  enormous,  but  it  is 
easily  understood  when  we  see  that  a  quarter  of  flour  costs  in 
Tashkent  from  10  to  12  rubles,  which  in  almost  any  province 
of  European  Russia  would  be  considered  a  famine  price.  The 
maintenance  of  the  cavalry  is  still  dearer.  The  number  of  horses 
belonging  to  the  Government  in  the  whole  district  is  between 
4,000  and  5,000,  and  1,000,000  rubles  is  spent  for  forage,  con- 
sequently about  200  rubles  per  horse;  yet  this  is  the  country 
where  we  are  constantly  told  that  the  harvest  is  sometimes  eighty 
to  one  hundred  fold,  and  that  twice  a  year,  while  clover  and  hay 
can  be  cut  four  times  a  year.  Although  cattle-raising  is  the  main 
occupation  of  the  Central  Asiatic  Steppes  yet  the  Government 
pays  not  less  than  2  rubles  40  kopeks  for  a  pud  (36  lb.)  of 
beef  or  mutton,  a  price  which  would  even  be  dear  where  cattle- 
breeding  was  unknown. 

There  is  one  curious  thing  in  connection  with  the  prices 
paid  for  provisions  :  grain  is  dear  because  there  is  a  tax  of  ten 
per  cent,  on  the  products  of  the  land.  The  Government  in 
1872  received  as  the  produce  of  that  tax  276,000  rubles,  and  at 
the  same  time  spent  about  2,000,000  rubles  for  flour  and  forage. 
Ten  per  cent,  on  this  is  200,000  rubles,  and  supposing  that  three- 
fourths  of  these  provisions  were  produced  in  the  country,  the 
Government  must  have  paid  itself,  in  the  province  of  Syr  Darya, 
at  least  150.000  rubles  of  this  tax  from  one  hand  into  the  other. 
The  remainder  of  the  sum  received,  therefore,  126,000  rubles, 
must  have  fallen  on  the  population,  which  in   the   province  of 


218  TURKISTAN. 

Syr  Darya  is  not  less  than  800,000,  who,  it  follows,  were  sup- 
ported on  1,260,000  rubles,  while  30,000  troops  required 
2,000,000  rubles.  It  would  seem  from  this  that  something 
must  be  wrong  with  the  commissariat  or  with  the  financial 
system.  It  is  evident  from  the  foregoing  that  Turkistan  is 
not,  and  will  not  be  for  some  time  to  come,  a  self-sustaining 
province  ;  but,  at  the  same  time,  such  a  result  could  hardly  be 
expected  in  the  ten  or  twelve  years  that  the  Russians  have 
had  possession  of  the  country. 

The  primary  objects  which  led  to  the  occupation  of  Central 
Asia  were  rather  military  than  financial ;  and  as  long  as  the 
province  is  considered  valuable  from  a  military  and  political 
point  of  view  the  financial  burden  must  be  borne.  It  seems, 
however,  difficult  to  expect  great  ultimate  profit  from  the. 
country  from  any  point  of  view ;  the  utmost  that  can  be  desired 
in  this  case  is  that  strict  economy  be  practised,  the  expenses  of 
the  country  reduced,  and  its  capacities  developed,  so  as  to 
diminish  the  burden  as  much  as  possible.  Many  wars  will 
constantly  be  made,  and  the  Russians  will  have  to  go  further 
on,  not  with  the  desire  of  conquest,  but  from  circumstances 
over  which  they  have  no  control ;  for  in  such  a  case  it  is 
always  necessary  to  maintain  the  prestige  of  the  country, 
and  not  allow  the  neighbouring  powers  to  take  advantage 
of  any  seeming  weakness  or  hesitancy. 

So  much  has  been  said  in  Russia,  of  late,  of  the  cost  of  the 
government  at  Turkistan,  that,  by  a  skilful  manipulation  of 
figures,  an  effort  has  been  made  on  the  part  of  Tashkentian 
officials  to  prove  that,  instead  of  there  being  a  deficit  of  nearly 
19,000,000  rubles  during  the  five  years,  1868  72,  there  has 
been,  on  the  contrary,  a  surplus  of  nearly  4,000,000  rubles. 
This  has  been  done  by  deducting  from  the  expenses  all  those 
which  relate  to  the  support  of  the  army,  or  indeed  to  the  mili- 
tary forces  ;  and  this  method  of  viewing  the  subject  is  advanced 
on  the  ground  that  the  cost  of  defending  the  frontier  and  of 
maintaining  intact  the  boundaries  of  the  Empire  should  not 
fall  alone  upon  the  province  where  the  troops  are  stationed,  but 
should  form  part  of  the  general  expenses  of  the  Empire,  of 
which  the  province  in  question  should  bear  its  own  proper 
proportion  only.  There  is,  indeed,  a  grain  of  truth  in  this,  but 
the  40,000  troops  now  stationed  in  Turkistan  are  not  there  for 


THE  COST   OF   TUEKISTAN.  219 

the  sole  purpose  of  protecting  the  frontier.  Their  main  raison 
d'etre  is  to  keep  down  and  govern  the  population  of  the  pro- 
vince. Besides  this,  in  estimating  the  cost  of  Turldstan  to 
Russia  it  would  be  unfair  to  leave  out  of  view  the  military 
expenses,  because,  had  the  province  not  been  occupied,  these 
military  expenses  would  not  have  existed.  With  the  exception  of 
the  few  Siberian,  Orenburg,  and  Ural  Cossacks  who  have  been  sent 
into  Turkistan,  the  troops  are  all  local,  as  may  be  seen  by  their 
being  called  Turkistan  battalions.  They  are  acknowledged  as 
an  army  for  the  purpose  of  defending  Turkistan,  and  were 
enrolled  for  that  purpose.  They  are  an  addition  to  the  mili- 
tary forces  of  the  country,  no  regiment  or  company  of  which 
has  been  abolished  to  make  room  for  those  new  battalions.  It 
may  not,  perhaps,  be  necessary  that  the  province  of  Turkistan 
should  be  able  to  pay  the  whole  expense  of  its  government,  but 
in  that  case  the  question  must  necessarily  arise  to  every 
reflecting  man,  what  are  the  advantages  resulting  from  the 
occupation  of  the  province  which  counterbalance  so  great  an 
additional  expense  ?  \ 

The  effect  of  the  methods  of  Eussian  administration  in 
Central  Asia  upon  the  troops  and  officials  themselves  is  a 
matter  of  curious  inquiry.  In  this  respect  I  can  hardly  do 
better  than  rely  upon  the  report  (written  in  1871)  of  an  officer 
who  at  that  time  held  a  high  position  in  Turkistan,  which, 
being  written  from  an  almost  exclusively  military  point  of  view, 
is  all  the  more  valuable.  According  to  this  authority  the  na- 
tives profess  profound  respect  for  the  Eussian  army,  for  it  is,  in 
their  eyes,  the  only  expression  of  Eussian  power.  '  The  military 
instruction  and  the  morale  of  our  soldiers  have  sensibly 
improved.  The  victories  which  they  have  gained  over  the 
Asiatics,  and  the  tradition  of  former  exploits,  have  raised 
their  spirit  and  rendered  them  capable  of  supporting  unheard- 
of  fatigue.  Our  troops  have  done  more  than  could  be 
desired.  They  construct  houses  for  their  own  needs  a  d 
establishments  for  the  administration.  They  clear  up  the 
old  roads  and  make  new  ones.  They  cut  wood,  assist  in  the 
colonisation  of  the  country,  and  furnish  vigorous  workmen. 
It  is  impossible  to  sa.'  that  they  execute  all  these  works 
without  prejudice    to  their  military  qualities,  although  their 


220  TURKISTAN. 

actual  state  is  very  satisfactory,  especially  for  a  country  such 
as  Central  Asia.  In  order  that  they  may  attain  the  desired 
degree  of  perfection  which  the  Eussian  army  ought  to  present 
much  time  is  necessary,  as  well  as  a  whole  series  of  reforms, 
which  would  tend  to  ameliorate  their  condition.  For  our 
troops  in  Turkistan  to  attain  the  desired  degree  of  instruc- 
tion they  should  first  of  all  be  relieved  from  the  outside 
work  that  occupies  the  greater  part  of  their  time.  Their 
moral  state  and  their  discipline  will  reach  the  desired  degree 
of  perfection  when  the  Administration  is  able  to  satisfy  their 
most  pressing  needs  and  give  them  their  arrears  of  pay  which 
are  still  due.  The  spirit  of  our  army  will  be  raised  when  it 
sees  that  the  Government  is  careful  of  its  good  maintenance, 
and  that  measures  are  taken  to  prevent  it  from  suffering 
any  delay  in  its  supplies. 

'  But  the  true  scourge  which  engenders  the  moral  unhealthi- 
ness  consists  in  the  corps  of  officers.  That  is  an  essential  point 
in  the  defective  condition  of  our  military  organisation  in 
Turkistan,  which  in  more  ways  than  one  merits  the  attention 
of  our  Government.  As  long  as  the  military  administration 
does  not  give  up  the  habit  of  getting  rid  of  its  bad  officers  by 
sending  them  to  Turkistan,  and  as  long  as  the  army  of  this 
region  does  not  cease  to  serve  as  a  refuge  for  the  scum  of 
military  society,  we  cannot  in  any  way  elevate  the  "morale  of 
the  army  or  organise  its  discipline  on  a  more  solid  basis.  In 
the  mass  of  the  army  this  category  of  officers  passes  unseen, 
especially  where  large  bodies  of  troops  are  collected  together ; 
but  in  Turkistan,  where  the  troops  are  disseminated  over  a  vast 
territory  in  small  numbers,  and  where  the  best  officers  are  kept 
at  the  principal  points,  the  bad  officers  must  necessarily  paralyse 
by  their  presence  results  which  could  be  obtained  through 
ameliorating  the  corps  of  officers  of  Turkistan,  by  sending  out 
young  officers  who  had  finished  their  courses  in  the  superior 
military  schools.  With  what  eyes,  in  truth,  can  we  regard  a 
great  part  of  the  officers  which  the  Guard  and  army  furnished 
to  the  troops  of  Turkistan  ?  Most  of  them,  pressed  by  circum- 
stances which  they  themselves  create,  by  an  irregular  life,  so 
that  they  find  themselves  incapable  of  fulfilling  the  simplest 
duties  of  their  profession,  seek  to  pass  into  the  army  of  Turkistan 
as  the  only  hope  of  regaining  their  lost  time.     The  presence  of 


OFFICERS   AND   OFFICIALS.  221 

bad  officers  in  the  ranks  of  this  army,  not  to  speak  of  the 
deplorable  influence  that  it  exercises  on  the  soldier,  creates 
serious  embarrassments  in  the  military  administration,  for  the 
reason  that  the  facibties  which  war  in  Asia  presents  to  officers 
to  distinguish  themselves  and  to  obtain  promotions  pushes  on 
individuals  with  whom  the  Government  does  not  know  what 
to  do  when  they  have  reached  the  rank  of  colonel.  They  claim 
superior  employments  when  they  have  never  fulfilled  the  duties 
of  subalterns.  Simple  good  sense  indicates  that  it  would  be 
much  more  rational  to  send  to  a  country  where  promotions  are 
obtained  with  greater  ease  than  anywhere  else  officers  capable 
and  worthy  of  exercising  superior  functions.' 

The  institution  in  Turkistan  of  a  local  military  government, 
which  has  taken  the  name  of  Civil  Military  Administration, 
constitutes  also  one  of  the  principal  causes  of  the  defective 
condition  of  the  troops.  The  best  officers,  on  account  of  their 
good  instruction,  easily  obtain  places  in  this  administration, 
which  presents  to  them  without  contradiction  more  advantages 
than  would  be  offered  to  them  by  simple  service  in  the  army. 
There  are  few  officers  who  do  not  pull  every  string  of  intrigue 
in  order  to  secure  some  place  in  the  local  administration,  which 
will  guarantee  to  them  notorious  advantages  over  the  ordinary 
service.  The  enormous  difference  that  exists  between  the  posi- 
tion of  an  officer  who  makes  part  of  the  administration  and  that 
of  a  simple  officer  of  the  army  poisons  their  mutual  relations 
and  feeds  a  continual  antagonism  between  them.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  very  organisation  of  the  local  military  administration 
has  encouraged  a  state  of  things  which  keep  up  among  officers 
of  all  ranks  relations  which  should  not  be  tolerated  in  the 
military  service.  For  example,  an  officer  in  the  army  who  should 
desire  to  pass  into  the  administration,  or  to  obtain  a  commis- 
sion, or  to  be  sent  as  courier  to  St.  Petersburg,  would  address 
himself,  not  to  his  immediate  chiefs,  but  to  the  persons  from 
whom  he  hoped  to  have  the  greatest  chance  of  success.  Thanks 
to  the  continual  tendencies  of  the  local  administration  to  over- 
pass the  sphere  of  its  action  and  of  its  authority,  it  has  known 
how  to  arrange  it  so  as  to  obtain  all  that  it  wants. 

It    is    to   its   influence,    therefore,    that   the    officers   have 
recourse  to  obtain  their  desires. 

The  decisions  of  the  administrative  authorities  with  regard 


222  '  TURKISTAN. 

to  the  steps  taken  by  aspirants  to  positions  as  members  of  the 
local  administration  are  sometimes  contrary  to  the  usual  for- 
malities. It  is  thus  that  the  nomination  of  officers  of  the  army 
to  administrative  posts  is  made  by  a  decree  of  the  Governor- 
Greneral  without  the  preliminary  authorisation  or  consent  of 
their  superior  chiefs ;  and  these  latter,  seeing  the  futility  of 
their  efforts  to  ameliorate  the  state  of  the  troops  confided 
to  them,  and  to  create  a  good  body  of  officers,  prefer  to 
quit  the  country.  It  is  difficult  to  measure  all  the  gravity 
of  the  consequences  which  can  result  from  such  a  state  of 
things,  and  the  corrupting  influence  which  it  must  exercise 
on  the  discipline  of  the  officers,  in  consequence  of  the  arbitrary 
acts  of  the  persons  entrusted  with  the  superior  administration 
of  the  country,  as  far  as  the  nomination  of  officers  of  the  army 
to  administrative  posts  is  concerned.  The  absence  of  all  regu- 
lations on  this  head,  notwithstanding  the  frequent  notifications 
that  have  been  made  by  the  Government  to  the  authorities  of 
Turkistan  inviting  them  to  conform  to  the  prescriptions  of  the 
regulations  of  military  service,  is  very  detrimental. 

The  best  officers  of  the  army  naturally  seek  in  every  possi- 
ble way  to  take  part  in  all  military  operations,  in  order 
to  obtain  rewards  which  may  recompense  them  for  all  that 
they  endure  in  ordinary  times  in  comparison  with  their 
comrades  who  exercise  administrative  functions,  and  whose 
service  is  easier,  more  lucrative,  and  more  advantageous  as 
concerns  their  career.  After  having  obtained  an  advanced 
grade  they  covet  in  their  turn  the  administrative  posts. 

It  is,  besides,  to  be  remarked  that  in  purely  military  service 
the  officers  of  the  army  meet  with  rivals  even  among  the  civil 
functionaries.  These  latter  sometimes  take  upon  themselves 
the  duties  of  aides-de-camp,  of  ordnance  officers,  or  chiefs  of 
control,  and  sometimes  of  officers  of  the  staff;  that  is  to  say, 
that  they  intervene  in  the  dispositions  and  against  orders 
without  understanding  them.  The  soldiers  ridicule  these  im- 
provised military  men,  and  the  officers  take  offence  at  them, 
for  these  intruders  enjoy  a  great  influence  over  the  superior 
officers,  to  the  prejudice  of  the  army. 

'  All  that  has  been  said  sufficiently  proves  that  the  army  cf 
Turkistan,  the  only  source  of  our  power  in  Central  Asia,  is 
considered  as  a  gate  through  which  one  ought  to  pass  in  order 


FAVOURITISM  TO   FUNCTIONARIES.  223 

to  create  for  himself  an  advantageous  position  outside  of  its 
ranks.  For  that  reason  we  ought  not  to  be  astonished  that 
this  same  army  is  worse  cared  for  in  other  respects.  Crown 
lodgings  have  been  taken  away  from  military  commanders  to 
be  given  to  the  officers  of  the  local  administration,  for  whom 
the  Grovernment  has  extended  its  kindness  so  far  as  even  to 
construct  country  houses.  The  chiefs  of  the  sections  of  the 
Chancery  of  the  Grovernor-Greneral  receive  salaries  and  presents 
far  superior  to  those  of  generals.  In  1870  the  extra  rewards 
of  each  of  them  surpassed  the  total  of  the  salary  and  per- 
quisites of  the  commandant  of  the  artillery  of  Turkistan. 
The  pecuniary  rewards  that  the  simple  copyists  of  the  same 
Chancery  received  for  having  taken  part  in  the  expeditions  of 
1870  were  greater  than  those  received  by  officers  of  merit  for 
all  the  hardships  that  they  underwent.'  The  preponderance 
exercised  by  the  administrative  element,  and  the  preferences 
granted  to  it  to  the  detriment  of  the  military  class,  explain 
with  sufficient  clearness  why  our  officers  of  merit,  who  know 
very  well  that  the  army  constitutes  at  present  the  only  source 
of  Russian  political  preponderance,  profess  hostile  feelings  to- 
wards the  functionaries  of  the  local  administration  ;  and  if  they 
are  not  devoted  to  their  profession  they  seek  by  every  possible 
means  to  leave  the  precarious  position  which  they  occupy  in  the 
ranks  of  the  army.  Under  the  influence  of  all  these  conditions 
most  of  the  officers  of  Turkistan  think  little  of  their  army  service, 
and  are  not  in  a  state  of  absolute  subordination  to  their  imme- 
diate chiefs,  who  cannot  obtain  for  them  lucrative  situations. 

'  One  of  the  essential  conditions  for  the  good  morale  of 
the  army  is  the  regular  provisioning  of  the  troops,  which  is  a 
proof  of  the  constant  solicitude  of  the  chiefs  with  regard  to 
their  subordinates ;  but,  as  respects  the  commissariat,  the 
military  region  of  Turkistan  is  far  from  being  in  such  a  situa- 
tion that  we  can  say  with  assurance  that  the  troops  receive  all 
they  need  and  remain  satisfied.  The  provisioning  of  the  troops 
is  done  in  a  slow  and  indecisive  manner.  The  service  of  the 
commissariat  is  subjected  to  a  crowd  of  minute  formalities  and 
to  the  requirements  of  the  Control  Department,  which  are  applied 
with  difficulty  under  the  conditions  which  govern  the  troops 
of  Turkistan,  and  especially  the  Cossack  troojas.  These  last 
generally    leave    Turkistan    in    exchange    for    others     without 


224  TURKISTAN. 

having  received  all  the  articles  which  ought  to  be  furnished  to 
them,  which  provokes  correspondence  without  end  between  the 
staff  of  the  Cossacks  and  the  commissariat  of  Turkistan.  This 
correspondence  takes  much  time  from  the  service  of  the  com- 
missariat, and  prevents  it  from  occupying  itself  with  current 
affairs  and  the  provisioning  of  the  army  of  Turkistan,  which 
produces  continual  discontent  in  the  army.  Complaints 
come  from  every  side,  and  remain  disregarded.  The  troops 
suffer  from  this  state  of  things, — to  which  it  is  impossible  to 
see  any  end.  The  true  cause  of  all  this  disorder  consists  in  the 
insufficient  number  of  the  employes  of  the  commissariat  de- 
partment, which  cannot  suffice  for  such  a  vast  region  as  that 
of  Turkistan.  The  absence  of  capable  and  experienced  indi- 
viduals, and  the  defects  in  well-organised  communications,  are 
also  two  of  the  principal  causes  of  this  state  of  affairs. ' 

'  The  administration  of  the  engineering  department  is  also 
one  of  the  sources  of  difficulties.  It  contains  several  good 
officers,  but  it  is  badly  directed,  for  its  chief  gives  more  import- 
ance to  his  role  of  subordinate  to  the  Commander-in-Chief  of 
the  region  than  to  his  own  functions.  The  investigation 
which  has  been  carried  on,  and  which  has  already  revealed 
many  abuses,  will  certainly  explain  the  bad  state  of  engineer- 
ing works  in  the  region  of  Turkistan,  which  are  slowly  carried 
on,  thanks  to  the  penury  of  the  administration  of  the  engineers, 
the  resources  of  which  have  been  so  restricted  as  not  even  to 
permit  winter  lodgings  to  be  constructed  for  all  the  troops  of  the 
region.  In  the  month  of  November  of  last  year  (1870),  two 
battalions  of  sharpshooters  of  Tashkent  (2nd  and  3rd),  be- 
longing to  the  best  troops  of  the  region,  were  still  encamped 
in  their  huts,  and  themselves  worked  in  making  bricks  to 
build  barracks,  which  were  not  ready  before  the  end  of  the 
month  of  December.  At  the  same  time  a  bazaar  was  built 
quite  close  to  the  barracks,  which  cost  40,000  rubles.  By 
passing  the  winter  in  a  place  which  had  just  been  built,  and 
was  consequently  very  damp,  the  soldiers  suffered  much;  and 
they  must  have  been  astonished  at  the  activity  displayed  by  the 
administration  in  the  construction  of  the  bazaar,  while  a  small 
portion  of  the  sum  which  this  edifice  cost  would  have  spared 
them  much  suffering  by  erecting  for  them  suitable  winter 
lodgings.      It  is  evident    that  such  facts    cannot    exercise  a 


EUSSIAN   CIVILISATION.  225 

salutary  influence  on  the  morals  of  the  soldiers  and  officers.  In 
other  localities  of  the  district  of  Syr  Darya  there  are  also  no 
barracks,  and  the  soldiers  are  crowded  in  hovels,  which  occa- 
sions among  them  much  disease.  The  commissariat  and  the 
administration  of  engineers  leaves,  as  we  have  seen,  much  to 
be  desired.' J  .  .  . 

'  In  the  eyes  of  the  natives  we  are  far  from  being  on  the 
moral  height  on  which  we  ought  to  have  placed  ourselves  as 
soon  as  we  arrived  in  Central  Asia.  We  have  not  been  able 
to  inspire  the  natives  with  confidence,  which  ought  to  be  the 
principal  source  of  our  moral  influence  and  of  our  political 
preponderance.  The  high  moral  qualities  which  ought  to  have 
carried  the  civilising  mission  of  Russia  to  the  natives  have  been 
wanting.  The  most  of  the  functionaries  of  our  administration 
in  Central  Asia  have  been  distinguished  by  their  bad  characters. 
They  have  wasted  the  money  of  the  crown  on  their  own  plea- 
sures ;  and,  notwithstanding  that  several  of  them  have  been 
pardoned  while  their  inferiors  have  been  condemned,  the  inves- 
tigations which  the  Government  ordered  to  discover  the  guilty 
parties  lingered  on  for  several  years,  and  remained  without 
results.  The  natives  see  all  these  regrettable  facts,  and  com- 
ment on  them  in  their  manner.  They  say,  "  How  are  the  Rus- 
sians better  for  us  than  the  Khokandians  ?  They  also  take 
away  from  us  our  daughters  and  our  wives,  and  also  love  presents 
and  waste  the  money  of  the  Tsar,  as  the  Beks  wasted  that  of 
the  Khans." 

'  The  Asiatics  have  not  found  in  us  what  they  hoped  to  see, 
and  what  we  promised  them ;  and  consequently  they  can  with- 
out the  least  scruple  point  their  fingers  at  our  social  sores,  for 
they  see  them  and  understand  them  better  than  we.  Our  ex- 
ample produces  on  the  people  that  we  have  conquered,  as  well 
as  on  their  neighbours,  an  impression  much  more  unfavourable 
than  will  at  first  be  believed.  Our  civilising  mission  has  been 
limited  up  to  this  time  only  to  the  propagation  among  this 
people  of  our  paper  money,  and  in  return  we  appropriate  all 
their  faults.  That  cannot  give  them  a  high  idea  of  our  moral 
superiority.     And  this  is  the  reason  why  for  a  long  time  since 

1  The  evils  here  complained  of  have  since  been  partly  remedied,  and  the  state 
of  the  troops  is  now  greatly  improved. 
VOL.  II.  Q 


226  TURKISTAN. 

"we   have  not  pretended   to   rule  the  Asiatics   otherwise    than 
by  the  continual  pressure  of  our  arms. 

'In  pointing  out  the  principal  causes  which  derange  all 
the  springs  of  our  moral  influence  in  Central  Asia  we  must 
consider  for  a  moment  the  question  of  the  present  organisation 
of  the  Grovernment  of  Turkistan.  The  general  administration 
of  the  country  has  no  uniformity,  and  shows  in  no  way  the 
presence  of  an  established  principle  or  a  unified  power.  The 
divergency  of  views  and  conduct  is  felt  at  all  grades  of  the 
official  ladder,  and  maintains  a  continual  antagonism  between 
the  different  organs  of  the  Government,  which  gives  rise  to 
parties  and  renders  a  settled  policy  impossible.  Each  party 
forms  the  centre  of  a  group  of  persons  eager  for  office  and 
profit.  Such  a  state  of  things  enfeebles  our  morale,  and, 
thanks  to  it,  our  civil  and  military  employe's  are  busy  for  the 
most  of  the  time,  not  in  doing  their  duty,  but  in  carrying  on 
intrigues  for  which  our  administrative  system  in  Turkistan 
offers  a  vast  field.  Everybody  thinks  only  of  making  a  quick 
career,  of  occupying  an  advantageous  post,  and  of  obtaining 
increased  rank,  and  nobody  gives  himself  the  trouble  to  take 
into  account  the  duties  imposed  upon  him  by  the  fact  of  his 
being  a  Russian,  and  by  the  civilising  mission  which  Eussia 
pursues  in  Central  Asia.  Thanks  to  the  condition  of  our 
administration  itself,  our  functionaries  arrogate  to  themselves 
the  right  of  explaining  their  duties  as  pleases  themselves.  At 
Tashkent,  which  is  the  centre  of  the  administration,  there  is 
no  public  life,  for  properly  speaking  there  is  no  society — there 
is  nothing  to  unite  men  who  are  fully  absorbed  in  their  own 
thoughts.  The  chief  evil  consists  in  the  confusion  of  the 
military  and  administrative  powers,  and  in  the  complete  absence 
of  any  distinction  between  them.  The  superior  military  and 
civil  authority  is  concentrated  in  the  person  of  the  Governor- 
General,  who  is  at  the  same  time  the  commander-in-chief  of 
the  military  forces  of  the  region ;  but  in  inferior  instances  it  is 
divided  between  the  chief  of  the  chancery  of  the  Governor- 
General  and  the  chief  of  staff  of  the  region.  According  to  the 
law  the  action  of  the  first  should  be  confined  to  purely  ad- 
ministrative affairs,  but  in  reality  he  enjoys  all  the  prerogatives 
of  a  chief  of  staff,  especially  in  all  that  concerns  the  local 
administration  of  the    country.     The   officers   who  administer 


EVILS   OF  MIXED   ADMINISTRATION.  227 

the  country  depend  much  more  upon  the  chief  of  the  chancery 
of  the  Governor-Greneral  than  upon  the  chief  of  staff.  In  the 
provinces  the  two  powers  are,  again,  united  in  the  persons  ot 
the  military  governors,  who  are  at  the  same  time  the  com- 
mandants of  the  troops  of  their  provinces.  They  unite  the 
two  distinct  powers  divided  in  the  preceding  instances,  the 
interests  of  which,  thanks  to  the  actual  regime,  constantly 
clash  and  sometimes  become  hostile.  In  the  districts  the 
military-administrative  authority  is  further  divided  between 
the  administrators  of  the  districts  and  the  chiefs  of  the  troops 
who  are  quartered  there.  These  last  are  sometimes  in  great 
perplexity,  not  knowing  to  whom  they  ought  to  turn,  whether 
to  the  military  commanders  upon  whom  they  directly  depend 
or  to  the  representatives  of  the  administrative  power,  who 
enjoy  considerable  influence,  and  consequently  in  these  cases 
they  prefer  to  obey  those  who  at  the  given  moment  have  most 
weight  with  their  superiors. 

'The  preponderance  which  the  military-administrative  ele- 
ment exercises  to  the  prejudice  of  the  army  is  hardly  an 
advantage  for  our  influence  in  Central  Asia.  In  the  eyes  of 
the  natives  the  military  uniform  does  not  enjoy  a  great  im- 
portance. In  their  conscience  they  regard  the  military  com- 
manders as  the  sole  representatives  of  power  and  force.  They 
do  not  understand  that  a  chief  can  inflict  a  punishment  or  a 
fine  without  being  able  to  make  his  orders  respected  by  the 
force  of  bayonets.  In  the  eyes  of  a  native  a  chief  by  rank  only 
who  does  not  command  soldiers  is  not  a  chief,  but  as,  at  present, 
the  influence  and  credit  enjoyed  by  the  military  chiefs  of  the 
district  depends  chiefly  upon  the  degree  of  favour  which  they 
have  been  able  to  obtain  for  themselves  with  their  superiors, 
it  very  often  happens  that  the  natives  address  themselves  in 
their  affairs  by  preference  to  commanders  of  troops,  who  cannot 
satisfy  them,  for  fear  of  encroaching  upon  the  rights  of  the 
persons  set  over  the  administration  of  the  country.  This,  of 
course,  provokes  continual  discontent  among  the  natives.  On 
the. other  hand,  the  commanders  of  the  troops  seek  by  all  means 
to  acquire  the  goodwill  of  the  administrative  authorities,  and 
for  greater  security  prefer  to  submit  to  their  orders  even  in 
purely  military  affairs.  It  is  evident  that  our  influence  cannot 
become   consolidated   so  long   as  such  a  regime  exists.     The 

Q  2 


228  TURKISTAN. 

army,  which  represents  our  force,  and  the  administration,  which 
is  the  expression  of  the  civilising  order  which  we  have  intro- 
duced into  the  countries  conquered  by  our  arms,  are  two  distinct 
elements  which  cannot  be  amalgamated  without  hindering  the 
progress  of  the  work   we   pursue  in  Central  Asia.     The  com- 
mander of  the  troops  ought  to  be  detached  from  the  adminis- 
tration of  the  country  and  to  enjoy  a  complete  independence 
in  the  sphere  of  his  activity.     But  a  purely  military  adminis- 
tration was  also  indispensable,  and  we  ought  to  have  begun  by 
declining  every  interference  of  the  civil  element  in  the  affairs 
of  the   country.     We  were  not  sufficiently  strong   morally  to 
admit  the  existence  of  a  civil  administration  independently  of 
the  support  of  the  military  element.     As   the   creation  of  a 
mixed  administration — military  and  civil — which  is  what  has 
been  introduced  into  Central  Asia,  presents  only  an  accumu- 
lation of  military  and  administrative  functions,  the  sole  result 
is  to  confuse  the  situation.     In  order  that  the  results  of  our 
conquest  may  be  consolidated  the  administrative  element  must 
be   prevented  from  interfering  in   military    affairs.     The   two 
powers  must  act   separately,  and  consequently  there  must  be 
an  entire  separation  between  the  civil  and  military  adminis- 
trations,  or  the  civil  administration  must  be  replaced  by  a 
military  element.     Since  we  feel  ourselves  too  weak  to  govern 
without  the  help  of  military  force,  we  ought  to  yield  to  a  purely 
military  organisation,   supporting    ourselves    by    the    force    of 
arms,  which  is  for  the   moment  the  only  stay  of  our  political 
role,  and  which  still  continues  to  exercise  its  prestige  on  the 
natives. in  spite  of  the  fatal  blows  that  have  been  given  to  our 
moral  influence  by  our  defective  administration  in  Turkistan. 
So  long  as  this  administration  exists  we  cannot  make  ourselves 
respected,  and  our  army  ought  to  make  unheard-of  efforts  to 
regain  the  ground  which  our  administration  has  made  us  "lose. 
The  full  powers  which  are  enjoyed  by  the  persons  who  administer 
different  localities  encourage  them  to  use  their  authority  arbi- 
trarily, without  consulting  the  real  state  of  things  or  the  true 
interests  of  our  situation.     They  sometimes  arrogate  to  them- 
selves   political    roles,    and,    strong   in    the  protection    which 
they  enjoy  near  the  superior  authorities,  they  sometimes  permit 
themselves   to  utter  threats  and  defiances  which   they  are  not 
able  to  carry   out  by  arms,  and  which  are  attended  by  the 


FALSE   ECONOMY.  229 

gravest  consequences.  Such  proceedings  can  only  degrade  us 
in  the  eyes  of  the  natives. 

'  As  long  as  the  present  regime  continues  in  fr  rce  our  ad- 
ministration in  Central  Asia  will  remain  sterile,  and  our  com- 
merce can  only  progress  under  the  patronage  of  our  bayonets. 
In  undertaking  our  civilising  mission  in  the  East  we  had  prin- 
cipally in  view  the  opening  of  new  markets  for  our  products, 
which  would  not  support  the  competition  of  Europe.  In  com- 
parison with  the  state  of  Asia,  Kussia  will  always  be  a  civilised 
power,  but  it  cannot  consolidate  its  military  and  political 
influence  so  long  as  its  administration  gives  the  example  of 
internal  confusion.  It  will  be  still  more  difficult  to  counter- 
balance the  resistance  offered  to  it  by  a  powerful  and  pre- 
eminently commercial  nation,  whose  resources  are  far  above 
those  which  are  at  present  at  the  disposa'l  of  the  actual  ad- 
ministration of  Kussia  for  advancing  its  mission  in  Central  Asia. 

'  The  demands  for  extraordinary  credits  remain  several  months 
and  sometimes  a  year  or  more  without  being  satisfied.  Con- 
sequently arrears  are  not  paid,  and  the  provisioning  and  the 
arming  of  the  troops  are  subject  to  delays  which  cannot  but 
cause  discontent.  The  army  of  Turkistan  is  placed  in 
thoroughly  exceptional  conditions,  and  cannot  be  assimilated 
in  administrative  relations  with  troops  of  other  regions  of  the 
Empire.  The  insufficiency  of  the  financial  resources  set  apart 
for  the  administration  of  Turkistan,  and  the  deductions  made 
by  the  central  Grovernment  from  the  demands  of  the  Tur- 
kistan Administration,  with  the  sole  object  of  economising, 
evidently  cannot  improve  the  course  of  events  in  Central  Asia, 
or  restrict  the  expenses,  which  are  necessitated  by  circum- 
stances. In  all  other  parts  of  the  Empire  the  financial 
administration  is  able  to  satisfy  the  demand  for  credits  with 
promptitude  and  without  the  least  embarrassment,  while  in 
Turkistan  it  allows  delays  which  cause  much  suffering.  I  have 
been  able  to  judge  to  what  point  these  delays  are  hurtful. 
They  exercise  the  worst  influence  on  the  morals  of  our  army, 
for  the  officers  and  soldiers  remain  several  months  without 
receiving  their  pay,  and  it  is  not  astonishing  that  the  former 
regard  their  position  as  precarious,  and  exert  all  their  efforts 
to  obtain  a  place  in  the  administration  of  the  country.  The 
position  of  the  soldier  is  far  from  being  as  disadvantageous  as 


230  TURKISTAN. 

that  of  an  officer,  for  in  Turkistan  the  troops  can  find  resources 
in  work.  Most  of  the  workmen  and  artisans  are  soldiers,  and 
earn  much  money.  The  native  population  does  not  furnish  good 
workmen  to  the  Russians,  and  accordingly  the  greater  part  of 
the  residents  and  the  employes  in  the  administration  are 
obliged  to  have  recourse  to  the  labour  of  soldiers.  Unhappily 
the  number  of  military  workmen  is  very  restricted,  and  cannot 
satisfy  the  always  increasing  demand  of  the  population.  It 
follows  that  the  soldiers,  feeling  themselves  masters  of  the 
situation,  only  augment  the  price  for  their  work,  but  the  true 
evil  is  that  the  artisan-soldiers  receive  orders  from  the  officers 
and  officials,  and  for  the  most  of  the  time  fulfil  them  in  a 
very  bad  way.  They  often  insist  upon  being  paid  in  advance, 
either  wholly  or  in  part,  without  fulfilling  their  orders,  and 
such  things  remain  unpunished.  The  pecuniary  relations  which 
are  thus  established  between  the  officers  and  soldiers,  who  know 
that  their  superiors  cannot  find  workmen  except  in  their  ranks, 
and  that  consequently  they  are  in  their  hands,  produces  an 
injurious  effect  on  the  morals  of  the  soldiers,  and  especially  from 
a  disciplinary  point  of  view.  It  is,  moreover,  to  be  remarked 
that  drunkenness  is  widely  spread  among  the  troops;  and 
owing  to  this  vice,  which  is  a  great  scourge,  the  conscientious 
execution  of  orders  is  very  rare. 

'  It  has  often  been  my  duty  to  bring  soldiers  before  a  court- 
martial  for  drunkenness,  but  they  almost  always  found  pro- 
tection with  their  immediate  chiefs,  who,  for  fear  of  producing 
the  discontent  of  their  subordinates,  sought  in  every  way  to 
excuse  them.  It  was  with  great  difficulty  that  I  succeeded  in 
obtaining  a  verdict  of  condemnation  against  a  soldier  of  the 
Arsenal,  who  had  his  private  lodging,  wore  a  civil  dress,  and  kept 
a  carpenters  shop  and  a  drinking-house.  This  individual  took 
part  payment  from  fully  twenty  persons  under  the  pretext  of 
guaranteeing  by  the  money  he  received  a  contract  for  wood 
which  he  had  with  the  Government,  and  deceived  them  all,  for 
he  neither  performed  nor  repaid  the  advances.  The  consumption 
of  spirits  in  the  army  takes  prodigious  dimensions.  Our 
medical  staff  has  always  condemned  the  usage  introduced 
into  Turkistan  of  regularly  furnishing  the  troops  with  liquor 
together  with  the  rations.  This  usage  has  a  pernicious  effect 
upon    the  morale  of  the  troops  in    habituating  them  to  the 


. 


THE  CONDITION  OF  THE  TROOPS.  231 

use  of  strong  drinks.  On  the  other  hand,  the  advantage  of  the 
use  of  whisky  in  exceptional  circumstances  cannot  fail  to  be  re- 
cognised when  a  certain  dose  of  cordial  can  be  of  real  service  to 
the  soldiers,  and  the  commissariat  ought  to  have  in  store  a 
supply  of  whisky  for  the  use  of  the  army  in  case  of  war.  The  con- 
tinual distribution  of  spirits  ought  to  be  abolished,  and  the  money 
that  the  commissariat  can  economise  under  this  head  ought  to 
be  applied  to  increase  the  meat  ration  received  by  the  soldiers. 
'  The  military  instruction  of  the  troops  in  Turkistan  is 
without  any  preconceived  plan.  The  military  authorities  do 
not  take  into  account  the  tactical  education  of  the  soldiers. 
Their  exercise  at  every  review  ought  to  terminate  with  a 
tactical  manoeuvre.  The  military  commanders,  after  being 
convinced  that  their  soldiers  are  accustomed  to  the  exercise  of 
arms  and  know  how  to  manoeuvre,  ought  to  set  them  to  resolve 
some  tactical  problems,  as,  for  example,  the  passage  of  a  river, 
the  occupation  of  a  strategical  position,  the  attack  on  a  height, 
&c.  Without  this  tactical  education,  to  which  the  military 
administration  at  present  attaches  very  great  importance  every- 
where except  in  Turkistan,  our  armed  forces  in  Central  Asia 
will  always  be  inferior  to  the  Eussian  troops  of  other  districts. 
It  will  perhaps  be  alleged  that  our  brave  soldiers  of  Turkistan, 
even  without  this  tactical  instruction,  know  how  to  conquer 
their  enemies.  This  allegation  is  just,  but  it  is  not  neces- 
sary to  lose  sight  of  the  fact  that  our  soldiers  have  so  far 
had  to  struggle  against  undisciplined  and  badly  armed  masses 
only  ;  consequently  they  could  easily  conquer  them  without 
possessing  the  fighting  qualities  which  are  indispensable  in  a 
war  against  regular  armies.  The  courage  and  self-denial  of  our 
troops  are  two  superior  qualities  which  make  them  triumph 
over  all  obstacles  in  a  war  with  half-savage  people.  But  our 
army  in  Central  Asia  will  have  many  other  difficulties  to 
overcome  in  Asia  itself,  and  will  have  to  confront  very  different 
enemies  as,  after  having  triumphed  over  barbarian  hordes, 
we  approach  nearer  to  India — they  will  have  to  struggle  against 
enemies  armed  in  the  English  way,  and  therefore  in  possession 
of  every  means  of  offering  an  obstinate  resistance  to  us.  The 
purely  moral  qualities,  and  the  aptitude  for  the  use  of  arms, 
cannot  guarantee  to  our  troops  in  the  future  the  same  success 
as  that  which  they   have  achieved  against  irregular  masses. 


/N 


232  TURKESTAN. 

It  is  especially  necessary  to  take  pains  with  the  military 
instruction  of  the  Cossack  troops,  and  to  make  of  them  a  true 
combative  force,  for  at  present  their  organisation  leaves  much 
to  be  desired.  The  greatest  power  of  our  armed  force  in 
Turkistan  is  represented  by  the  Cossacks,  who  have  received 
no  military  instruction,  and  can  only  fight  in  irregular  masses. 
As  regards  tactics  they  hardly  differ  from  the  nomadic  hordes 
which  we  have  to  fight.  The  short  period  of  their  service, 
which  does  not  allow  them  to  learn  the  trade  of  arms  while 
fighting  side  by  side  with  organised  troops,  and  their  being 
scattered  over  a  vast  territory,  would  oppose  great  difficulties 
to  every  effort  tending  to  transform  their  masses  into  a  well- 
organised  combative  force.  In  this  respect  it  would  be  desirable 
that  measures  should  be  taken  to  remove  the  inconveniences 
presented  by  the  Cossack  troops,  whose  presence  in  Turkistan 
has  no  other  effect  than  that  of  augmenting  the  expenses 
incurred  by  the  army  in  our  Asiatic  possessions.  The  natives 
have  no  fear  of  our  Cossacks,  considering  themselves  their  equals 
in  tactics.  It  is  absolutely  necessary  to  increase  the  term  of 
service  of  the  Cossacks  to  five  years,  to  give  them  a  special 
chief,  who  could  constantly  watch  over  their  military  education, 
and  to  unite  their  scattered  masses  in  a  single  body.  So  long 
as  there  is  no  chief  of  the  cavalry  vested  with  entire  authority, 
and  thoroughly  competent  in  his  sphere,  we  cannot  expect  any 
profit  from  the  Cossack  troops.  The  corps  of  Cossack  officers 
is.  far  from  showing  the  qualities  which  have  generally  been 
attributed  to  the  children  of  the  Don  and  the  Ural.  Those 
amongst  them  who  are  not  nominated  to  the  command  of  a 
sotnia,  which  procures  for  them  certain  profits,  are  impatient 
for  the  arrival  of  the  Cossacks  who  come  in  exchange,  thinking 
it  the  day  of  their  deliverance.  Many  of  them  try  by  every 
means  possible  to  leave  Turkistan  before  their  time,  and  neglect 
their  service.  They  sometimes  push  their  neglect  so  far  as  to 
cause  the  most  flagrant  insubordination  among  their  inferiors. 
It  is  natural  that  under  such  conditions  the  Cossack  troops 
will  become  in  time  a  real  cause  of  embarrassment  for  our 
military  organisation  in  Central  Asia.' 

Since  this  report  was  written  the  state  of  the  Eussian  troops 
in  Turkistan  has  no  doubt  greatly  improved,  although  they  are 
still  lax  in  discipline.     The  importance  of  a  sincere  opinion 


RUSSIAN  INTERCOURSE  WITH   NATIVES.  233 

from  one  thoroughly  acquainted  with  the  subject,  is  so  great 
as,  I  think,  to  justify  the  long  quotations  I  have  made. 

The  Steppe  Commission,  of  which  I  have  spoken,  which 
elaborated  the  project  of  1867,  worked  honestly  to  discover  the 
needs  of  the  country,  and  drew  up  their  report  in  the  interest 
both  of  Eussia  and  of  the  natives  and  for  the  purpose  of  giving 
to  the  region  a  fairly  good  government.  The  Eussians  have 
always  displayed  a  certain  facility  in  dealing  with  half-civilised 
peoples.  Personally  they  have  not  so  much  of  that  contemp- 
tuous feeling  towards  the  natives  which  is  so  marked  in  the 
dealings  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  race  with  people  of  lower  culture 
and  civilisation.  This  is  plainly  shown  from  the  fact  that  they 
do  not  hesitate  to  entertain  social  relations  with  them.  There 
is  not  that  feeling  of  the  vast  difference  which  separates,  or 
which  in  the  opinion  of  some  should  separate,  an  inferior  from 
a  superior  and  ruling  race,  so  that  Eussian  officers  and  officials 
are  willing  not  only  to  receive  natives  in  their  houses  but  do 
so  receive  them  and  meet  them  upon  terms  of  social  equality. 
It  is  questionable  whether  in  some  cases  this  does  not  diminish 
the  authority  of  Eussian  officials,  for  I  have  sometimes  seen 
natives  display  less  respect  towards  Eussian  officers  in  their 
dealings  with  them  than  would  have  been  permitted  to  Eus- 
sians of  similar  social  rank.  Indeed,  it  may  be  said  that  the 
natives  hold  aloof  from  the  Eussians  rather  than  the  Eussians 
from  the  natives,  a  circumstance  in  part  due  to  an  antagonism 
of  religion  rather  than  to  a  difference  of  race.  But  the  gulf 
between  the  conquerors  and  the  conquered  has  been  widened 
and  deepened  through  defects  inherent  in  methods  of  govern- 
ment subsequently  developed,  as  well  as  through  the  faults  of 
the  administrators,  of  which  I  shall  speak  later  on. 

When  the  Eussians  advanced  into  Central  Asia  they  found 
many  ready  to  welcome  them,  partly  because  they  were  discon- 
tented with  the  law  of  the  Khan  and  of  the  Amir,  with  the 
extortions  that  were  practised  and  with  the  frequent  execu- 
tions, and  because  they  desired  anything  for  the  sake  of  peace 
and  quiet.  Immediately  after  the  Eussian  occupation  there 
was  a  great  feeling  of  relief  and  of  assurance  that  every  man's 
life  was  safe  and  his  property  secure  from  arbitrary  taxation 
and  seizure.     The  Eussians,  too,  manifested  at  first  a  desire  to 


234  TTJRKISTAN. 

improve  the  condition  of  the  natives,  and  some  of  the  measmes 
which  were  taken  were  properly  appreciated ;  but  with  the 
abuses  which  crept  into  the  administration  these  measures  were 
turned  from  their  proper  destination,  and  the  administrators 
seemed  to  care  more  for  their  personal  advantage  than  the 
welfare  of  the  Government.  What  has  been  actually  accom- 
plished for  the  people,  therefore,  is  really  very  little. 

Another  officer,  writing  in  1872,  after  five  years'  service 
in  the  country,  during  part  of  which  time  he  was  a  district 
prefect,  writes :  '  We  constantly  demand  more  and  more  from 
the  population.  With  regard  to  taxes,  unfortunately,  we  are, 
always  demanding  more  and  more.  But  wmat  have  we  ourselves 
done  for  the  people  ?  We  have,  indeed,  given  them  quiet. 
We  have  protected  them  from  rapacious  neighbours,  and  we 
have  lessened  the  constant  capital  punishments.  But  that  is 
all.  To  the  economy  and  the  life  of  the  people  we  have 
brought  absolutely  nothing  except  eloquent  speeches  made  in 
Tashkent  and  in  the  sessions  of  various  commissions."  This  is 
perhaps  the  pessimistic  view  of  one  who,  as  I  well  know,  had 
devoted  himself  heart  and  soul  to  the  interests  of  the  people 
under  his  charge,  and  who  found  no  reward  for  his  work  except 
discontent,  as  he  was  constantly  overruled  by  the  higher  powers 
in  Tashkent,  and  even  in  years  of  bad  harvests  was  obliged 
to  exact  increased  taxes. 

The  Russians  have  done  something  for  the  material  interests 
of  the  country,  and  have  endeavoured  even  to  accomplish  more 
than  they  have  done,  though  their  efforts,  sometimes  from 
wrong  direction,  have  failed.  The  roads  are  being  greatly 
improved,  which  seems  a  little  strange  when  good  roads  are 
almost  unknown  in  Russia  itself.  Bridges  are  being  constructed 
over  the  chief  rivers,  and  canals  for  purposes  of  irrigation 
are  being  projected.  Russian  engineers,  however,  have  yet  to 
learn  from  the  natives  with  regard  to  irrigation,  nearly  all  the 
attempts  in  this  direction  having  proved  failures. 

I  have  already  spoken  of  the  little  which  has  been  done  for 
commerce  and  manufactures,  of  the  commercial  treaties  which 
are  practically  useless,  of  the  effort  to  establish  a  fair,  and  of  the 
failure  of  so  many  projects  for  starting  factories  for  spinning 
cotton  and  silk,  not  to  mention  others  of  less  importance.  Rus- 
sian colonists  not  being  permitted  to  settle  in  the  province  of  the 


EELIGIOUS  FREEDOM.  235 

Syr  Darya,  the  Russians  have  had  no  opportunity,  except  in  the 
immediate  vicinity  of  the  larger  cities,  of  showing  the  natives 
improved  methods  of  agriculture.  But  even  in  this  respect 
nothing  but  failure  has  resulted.  The  growth  of  cotton,  as  I 
have  before  remarked,  has  not  been  improved  ;  and  even  the  vine- 
yards and  mulberry  plantations  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Tash- 
kent, owing  to  carelessness  and  inefficiency,  have  proved  failures. 

As  far  as  religion  is  concerned  the  conduct  of  the  Kussians 
is  deserving  of  the  highest  praise.  No  restrictions  have  been 
placed  on  Mohammedan  worship  or  practice  except  that  the  Der- 
vishes have  generally  been  forbidden  to  appear  in  the  streets, 
being  considered  disturbers  of  the  public  peace.  No  efforts 
have  been  made  to  spread  Christianity ;  and  although  churches 
exist  in  Tashkent  and  in  the  various  garrisons,  and  there  is 
a  bishop  of  the  province,  General  Kaufmann  has  speedily  put 
down  all  missionary  projects.  The  consequence  of  this  is  that 
Mohammedanism,  instead  of  growing  stronger,  has  grown 
weaker,  the  natives  not  having  been  led  to  attach  themselves  more 
dutifully  to  their  religion  because  it  has  been  forbidden  by  the 
Kussians.  On  the  contrary,  the  abolition  of  native  functionaries 
to  compel  the  performance  of  regular  religious  rites  has  allowed 
much  indifference  and  carelessness  to  creep  in.1 

Sanitary  measures  in  the  cities  have  been  taken  by  the 
Russians,  hospitals  have  been  established,  and  during  the  cholera 
time  a  well-organised  method  of  visitation  attended  with  ex- 
cellent results  was  arranged  for  the  purpose  of  preventing  the 
spreading  of  the  disease.  These  things  the  natives  begin  to 
appreciate. 

As  far  as  education  is  concerned  the  Kussians  have  done 
but  little.  In  Samarkand,  owing  to  the  vigorous  efforts  of 
the  prefect — himself  a  Mussulman — a  small  school  was  opened 
for  the  instruction  of  Mussulman  children  in  Russian ;  but  at 
the  time  of  my  visit  no  schools  for  natives  under  Russian 
auspices  existed  either  in  Tashkent  or  in  any  other  town  in  the 
province  of  Syr  Darya,  except  the  small  Kirghiz  schools  in 
Perovsky  and  Kazala.  It  has  several  times  been  proposed  to 
introduce  the  teaching  of  Russian  and  modern  sciences  into 
some  of  the  Mussulman  high  schools,  and  this  project  was 
upon  the  whole  viewed  with  favour  by  the  authorities  ;  but 
owing  to  the  lack  of  initiative  the  matter  was  neglected.     In 

1  See  vol.  i.  pp.  161,  162. 


236  TUEKISTAN 

1875  General  Kaufmann  had  a  plan  for  the  regular  establish 
ment  of  a  scholastic  district  in  Turkistan,  subordinate  to  the 
Ministry  of  Public  Instruction,  and  inspectors  have  already 
been  appointed.  This,  however,  chiefly  refers  to  the  education 
of  Eussian  children.  For  the  instruction  of  Mussulman  chil- 
dren, it  is  necessary  to  begin  at  the  beginning,  and  this  will 
more  easily  be  done  by  a  private  initiative  assisted  by  the 
Government,  than  by  a  plan  of  schools  under  the  direct  manage- 
ment of  the  central  government.  But  in  Eussia  it  seems 
impossible  to  do  anything  unless  a  regular  system  be  provided, 
with  all  the  grades  of  directors  and  inspectors,  visitors  and 
teachers,  with  all  the  usual  bureaucratic  apparatus,  and  with  a 
constant  interchange  of  reports  and  documents. 

One  of  the  Eussian  institutions  which  has  been  introduced, 
although  without  that  profit  which  the  Eussians  perhaps  ex- 
pected, is  that  of  passports.  In  the  independent  countries  of 
Central  Asia  passports  have  never  existed,  except  in  the  form  of 
protections  issued  by  the  Khan,  or  Bek,  to  persons  who  specially 
demand  them.  For  that  reason  the  rule  which  was  made,  that 
every  native  travelling  from  Eussian  Turkistan  into  the  other 
countries  should  be  provided  with  a  passport,  has  not  favourably 
impressed  the  natives,  being  considered  a  financial  measure 
adopted  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  the  fees  which  are  to  be 
paid  when  the  passport  is  given  ;  for  in  the  native  countries, 
of  course,  the  passport  is  never  looked  at.  These  passports 
are  in  Turki  on  a  printed  form,  which  for  some  reason  bears  a 
Persian  heading,  the  meaning  of  which  was  intended  to  be 
'  open  leaf,'  the  term  by  which  a  certain  class  of  passport  is 
known  in  Eussia.  In  Turki  the  words  for  '  open  '  and  for 
'  bitter '  are  very  similar,  so  that  the  translator  in  asking  the 
appropriate  Persian  word  obtained  the  word  for  'bitter.'  The 
passports,  therefore,  are  headed  talkh  nameh,  or  '  bitter  paper,' 
a  name  which  the  natives  find  singularly  appropriate. 

One  great  defect  of  the  Eussian  administration  has  been 
the  introduction  of  institutions  which  were  not  in  consonance 
with  the  feelings  and  the  usages  of  the  natives.  Such  has 
been  the  introduction  of  elective  institutions,  the  Mekkeme,1  or 

1  The  Mekkeme  of  Tashkent  was  a  sort  of  City  council  with  the  functions  of  a 
court  of  justice,  founded  by  General  Eomanofsky.  Its  members  were  partly  Sarts 
and  partly  Kirghiz,  elected  by  a  popular  vote.  It  was  never  useful,  circumstances 
soon  compelled  a  change  in  its  constitution,  and  it  is  now  practically  abolished. 


THE  ELECTIVE  SYSTEM.  237 

City  Council  of  Tashkent,  the  Aksakals  and  Regencies  chosen 
by  the  settled  and  nomad  population,  and  the  elective  judges. 
What  was  intended  to  be  a  real  advantage  to  the  natives,  in 
allowing  them  to  have  a  certain  voice  in  the  management  of 
their  affairs  and  in  enabling  them  to  express  to  the  Russians 
the  wishes  of  the  population,  and  to  explain  their  own  customs 
and  traditionary  observances,  degenerated  into  a  mere  farce. 
If  the  population  chose  as  their  representatives  men  of  great 
popularity,  and  who  previously  had  exercised  considerable  in- 
fluence in  the  country,  these  elections  were  viewed  with 
distrust,  as  showing  the  fanatical  spirit  of  the  people,  and  were 
frequently  set  aside.  It  was  always  easy  for  the  Russian 
authorities  to  insist  upon  the  election  of  any  one  they  wished. 
The  result  has  been  that  many  persons  refuse  to  allow  them- 
selves to  be  elected,  and  even  abstain  from  voting,  so  that  the 
members  of  the  Provincial  Regencies  are,  in  fact,  named  by  the 
Russian  officials,  and  serve  merely  as  their  tools. 

"With  regard  to  the  judges,  the  power  of  the  Russian  Grovern- 
ment  to  appoint  Kazis  is  admitted  even  by  Mussulman  law. 
Under  the  Mussulman  rule  the  Kazis  had  always  been  ap- 
pointed by  the  chief  of  the  state,  and  their  appointment  by 
the  Russian  authorities  would  only  have  been  the  carrying  out 
of  an  old  custom.  In  practice  either  bad  and  weak  men  are 
chosen,  because  they  are  able  to  secure  Russian  influence,  and 
perhaps  enjoy  a  certain  popularity  amongst  the  natives,  or  men 
are  chosen  who  were  Kazis  under  the  Mussulman  rule,  and 
are  able  to  get  into  their  hands  an  amount  of  power  and  in- 
fluence which  render  them  objects  of  suspicion  to  the  Russian 
authorities.  The  first  case  is  equally  bad,  for  the  decisions  of 
inefficient  and  corrupt  judges  in  the  end  necessarily  caused 
distrust  and  complaint,  and  the  Russians  are  obliged  to  inter- 
fere either  to  quash  the  decisions  or  to  insist  upon  their  being 
carried  out,  which  excites  discontent  under  the  Russian  rule. 
The  interference  of  the  Russians  in  these  affairs  has  sometimes 
been  very  injudicious.  For  instance,  lately,  Azim  Kazi,  of  the 
Bishagatch  ward  of  Tashkent,  who  had  a  very  bad  reputation 
amongst  the  natives,  was  not  re-elected,  in  spite  of  the  sup- 
port given  to  him  by  the  Russian  authorities.  But,  as  the 
successful  candidate  was  accused  of  being  a  fanatic,  his  elec- 
tion was  quashed,  and  the  choice  of  Azim  was  rendered  obli- 
gatory,— the  people  were  simply  ordered  to  elect  him. 


238  TUEKISTAK 

The  elected  members  of  the  Regencies  and  of  the  councils 
have  no  voice  in  the  management  of  affairs,  and  are  never  con- 
sulted. All  the  resolutions  are  drawn  up  by  the  district  or 
local  commanders,  and  the  natives  are  ordered  to  set  their  sea] 
to  them.  Sometimes  these  decrees  are  explained  to  them,  some- 
times not.  It  is  seldom  that  they  are  written  out  in  Turki,  so 
that  the  natives  have  no  method  of  ascertaining  for  what  they 
have  voted,  except  through  the  explanations  of  the  interpreter. 
An  official  report  says  :  '  No  member  of  the  economical  Regency 
knows  either  the  rules  or  the  duties  of  the  Regency,  a  fact 
which  I  ascertained  by  personal  conversations  with  them.  The 
estimates  are  made  up  not  only  under  the  influence  but  directly 
by  the  orders  of  the  district  prefect.  The  expenses  are  in- 
creased by  no  reason  emanating  from  the  Regencies,  but  by 
the  will  of  the  prefect,  the  members  of  the  Regency  naively 
assuring  me  that  the  taxes  for  the  general  purposes  of  the  dis- 
trict had  been  augmented  by  the  will  of  the  White  Tsar — that 
so  the  hakim,  or  prefect,  had  stated  to  them.' 

One  of  the  consequences  of  this  system  is  that  in  almost 
every  district  there  is  some  shrewd  native,  who  has  learned  to 
speak  Russian,  who  has  succeeded  in  ingratiating  himself  with 
the  officials,  and  who  is  used  by  them  and  uses  them  for  the 
purpose  of  oppressing  the  natives  and  making  the  fortunes  of 
individuals.  Sometimes  these  natives  bear  an  official  character 
— usually  that  of  a  native  assistant  to  the  prefect.  Sometimes 
they  are  simply  private  friends  of  the  officials.  The  latter 
position  was  enjoyed  by  Said  Azim  in  Tashkent,  of  whom  I 
have  already  spoken,  while  an  example  of  the  oppression  worked 
by  a  native  official  may  be  seen  in  the  case  of  Omar,  in  the 
district  of  Kurama. 

Another  difficulty  arising  out  of  the  ignorance  of  the 
Russians  of  the  country  and  its  institutions,  as  well  as  of  the 
temporary  character  of  the  regulations,  is  the  constant  change 
in  the  laws  and  decrees.  Both  governors  and  prefects  are 
constantly  making  new  regulations  and  changing  in  some 
slight  respect  either  the  duties  of  the  inhabitants  or  the  ways 
in  which  they  should  be  performed.  These  changes  are  es- 
pecially observable  in  all  that  concerns  taxes,  and  it  is  here 
that  they  are  most  deeply  felt  by  the  natives.  Many  years 
ago  a  prominent    inhabitant  in  Tashkent  said  to  a  Russian 


NATIVE   FEELING.  239 

general,  '  We  could  understand  if  the  Eussians  tormented  us  to 
get  money  out  of  us  as  the  Khokandians  did,  but  we  cannot 
understand  the  reasons  which  induce  the  Russians  to  spend 
their  own  money  for  the  purpose  of  tormenting  us  without 
getting  any  advantage  for  themselves.  What  he  meant  by 
'  tormenting '  was  the  constant  efforts  of  the  local  administra- 
tion for  what  they  imagined  to  be  the  welfare  and  advantage 
of  the  natives  in  ways  which  they  could  not  understand.  I 
fear  that  such  a  remark  would  hardly  be  uttered  now,  as  it 
begins  to  dawn  on  the  native  mind  that  the  Eussians  are  as 
eager  for  money  as  were  the  Khokandians.  On  this  subject  I 
will  quote  from  a  paper  written  by  the  Prefect  of  Ura-tepe,  in 
1872,  to  explain  the  cause  of  the  riot  at  Hodjent  in  the  spring 
of  that  year.1 

1  This  mob,  discontented  with  the  orders  of  the  Government, 
is  an  expression  of  the  dissatisfaction  of  the  whole  population 
with  the  entire  series  of  quickly  succeeding  supplements,  ex- 
planations, additions,  and  institutions,  which  were  foreign  to  all 
the  ideas  of  Central  Asiatics.  That  the  confidence  of  the  popu- 
lation in  the  sincerity  of  the  Eussian  rule  has  been  rudely 
shaken  by  such  constant  changes  I  am  deeply  convinced.  It 
has  been  shaken,  and  cannot  help  being  so.  On  every  new  re- 
gulation the  natives  look  distrustfully.  It  cannot  be  otherwise. 
I  explain  this  by  facts  of  which  I  was  in  part  an  eyewitness 
and  in  part  an  agent,  for  more  than  once  I  have  been  obliged 
to  declare  one  thing  and  afterwards  to  do  another. 

'On  the  organisation  of  the  districts  in  1868  we  collected 
thousands  of  people  and  talked  to  them  of  the  elections,  saying 

1  This  Prefect — Captain  Antipin — who  "was  a  remarkable  exception  to  the 
general  rule  of  officials  in  Tashkent,  and  who  during  the  years  he  was  at  Ura- 
tepe  thoroughly  devoted  himself  to  the  welfare  of  the  people  under  his  charge — 
was  so  indignant  on  hearing  that  the  riot  at  Hodjent  was  attributed  to  vacci- 
nation only,  that  he  considered  it  his  duty  to  write  a  paper  showing  the  true 
cause  of  the  mob  to  be  the  general  discontent  with  the  Russian  rule,  and  ex- 
plaining the  cause  of  that  discontent.  This  paper,  to  which  he  signed  his  name, 
was  intended  for  publication,  but  was  previously  submitted  to  a  high  military 
official  at  St.  Petersbiirg,  who,  in  turn,  showed  it  to  General  Kaufmann,  who  then 
happened  to  be  at  the  capital.  The  General  forbade  the  publication  and  re- 
quested the  destruction  of  the  manuscript.  The  Prefect  was  at  once  removed 
from  office,  and  was  sent  away  from  Central  Asia,  as  being  '  politically  worth- 
less. Fortunately  a  copy  of  the  document  had  been  kept,  and  was  afterwards 
published  in  the  '  Eussian  World.' 


240  TURKESTAN. 

directly  to  them  :  "  Choose  from  your  masses  really  good  men 
who  mean  well  towards  you,  men  who  are  capable  and  honest, 
and   can   understand    and   appreciate    your    wishes,    and  who 
will  always  have  in   view  the  advantage  and  welfare  of  the 
people    and    the    increase    of  their    prosperity.       Choose  men 
who  will  be    really  mediators  between   you   and    us,  for    the 
Government   cannot    listen  to    requests  proffered  by    a  whole 
crowd.      Mediators  are  necessary  to  tell  us  of  your  real  needs, 
and  we  shall  always  be  ready  to  listen  to  them   and  find  a  just 
reply."     This  was,  so   to  speak,  the  introductory  speech  with 
which  each   of  us  engaged  in  the  work  of  organisation  turned 
towards  the  people,  and  I  believe  called  out  the  warmest  sym- 
pathy from  the  native   population,  and  caused  them  to  look  on 
their  delegate  as  a  man  in   whom  they  reposed  a  special  trust. 
The  rich  and  ambitious  men  even  intrigued  and  contended  with 
each  other  to  be  elected  aksakals  or  members  of  the  Adminis- 
trative Regency.     But  a  year  passed,  another  passed,  and  these 
delegates,  in    consequence  of  the  imperative  requests  for  one 
thing  or  another,  turned  out  to  be  merely  agents  of  the  higher 
power  without  any  real  share  in  the  administration.     No  one 
consulted    with   them    or    listened  to    them   about    the  wants 
of  the  people,  and  they  themselves  dared  not  speak,  for  orders 
were  given  to  them  which  they   were  obliged  to  obey.     At  last 
these  delegates  were  not  received  further  than   the  anteroom 
of  the  district  prefects,  and  sometimes  they  were  even  turned 
out  of  the  doors  of  the  Government  offices  by  the  mere  scribes. 
When  there  was  such   a  contempt  on  the  part  of  the  Russian 
authorities  for  the   representatives  of  the  population,  it  is  not 
astonishing  that  the   importance  of  the  native  representatives 
fell ;  and  now,  instead  of  trying  to  secure  these  offices,  many 
delegates   refuse   the  honour.      Such  a  position   of  the  native 
delegates  is  not  in   consequence    of    the    arbitrariness   of  the 
authorities  nearest  to  them,  although  in  one  way   these  last 
are  partly  to  blame.     Instead  of  turning  the  attention  of  the 
superior    authorities  in  Tashkent  to    the    injurious    effects   of 
certain  proposed  measures,  they,  as  a  rule,  limit  themselves  to 
the  literal  fulfilment  of  the  orders  emanating  from  Tashkent, 
not  entering  into  the  position  of  the  inhabitants  or  the  condi- 
tion if  the  country.     On  the  other  hand,  the  civil  administra- 
tion seems  to  forget  that  we  are  in  Central  Asia,  where  much 


INCREASE   OF  TAXES.  241 

is  unsuitable  that  is  possible  in  Eussia.  It  leaves  without  due 
attention  the  character  and  needs  of  the  people,  and  it  seems 
to  desire  to  show  that  everything  is  possible  for  us,  that  every- 
thing- can  be  done,  and  that  it  is  only  necessary  to  order, 
exactly  as  would  be  the  case  in  the  province  of  Yaraslav. 

'  On  the  organisation  of  the  districts  the  following  taxes 
were  declared  to  the  whole  population  collected  in  the  bazaars  : 
1.  The  haradj,  or  one-tenth  of  the  harvest,  instead  of  the  one- 
fifth  which  had  up  to  that  time  been  collected.  2.  The  tanap 
tax  in  its  former  quantity,  though  not  from  a  tanap  of  140 
feet  wide  and  long,  as  before,  but  from  one  of  175  feet  square, 
according  to  the  abundance  of  the  harvest,  and  according  to 
the  prices  fixed  for  each  kind  of  produce.  3.  A  tax  for  the 
salaries  of  the  aksakals  and  their  officials  according  to  a  decree 
of  the  community,  in  the  proportion  which  it  should  think  need- 
ful and  proper.  4.  Instead  of  a  bazaar  tax  from  shops  and 
country  people  who  brought  their  productions  to  the  bazaar,  it 
was  decided  to  take  one-fortieth  part  of  the  capital  of  the  shop- 
keepers who  had  on  hand  wares  of  the  value  of  not  less  than 
40  tillas  (150  rubles).  As  concerns  the  nomad  population  the 
zekat  on  cattle  "was  retained  and  a  Jcibitka  tax  of  2r.  75k.  was 
established  on  each  Jcibitka.  At  the  same  time  a  proclamation 
was  made  to  the  people  that  besides  these  taxes  nobody  should 
pay  anything  more  to  anyone,  that  this  law  was  made  once  for 
all  for  increasing  the  prosperity  of  the  people,  and  that  an  end 
had  been  put  to  all  arbitrary  acts  and  unlawful  taxes  and  con- 
tributions which  had  existed  under  the  rule  of  the  Beks  and 
the  Khans.     Let  us  see  how  these  promises  were  kept. 

'  1.  The  haradj  had  been  declared  to  be  one-tenth  part  of 
the  harvest.  Not  a  tenth  alone,  however,  is  taken,  but  as  much 
as  is  ordered  by  the  authorities  at  Tashkent,  who  two  years 
ago  turned  the  haradj  into  a  fixed  land-tax  which  might  be  a 
tenth,  a  twentieth,  or  perhaps  a  half  of  the  harvest,  even  during 
the  two  years  in  succession  of  bad  harvests — in  1870-71  in  the 
district  of  Hodjent.  We  must  suppose  that  the  haradj,  which, 
in  direct  opposition  to  our  original  promise,  had  been  turned 
into  a  land-tax,  did  not  aid  in  increasing  the  welfare  of  the 
taxpayers  and  consequently  that  of  the  whole  mass  of  the  people. 

'  2.  The  tanap  tax  has  met  with  the  same  fate.  It  also,  from 
being  a  tax  dependent  upon  the  quantity  of  the  harvests  and  the 

VOL.    II.  K 


242  TUKKISTAN. 

prices  of  produce,  has  been  turned  into  a  fixed  tax,  which  has 
been  increased  every  year,  notwithstanding  the  bad  harvests 
of  1870-71.  The  amount  taken  from  the  tanap  lands  in  ac- 
cordance with  superior  orders  was  not  higher  than  in  preceding 
years.  The  Administrative  Regency  of  the  district  in  these  two 
years  proposed  to  diminish  the  tax  or  to  defer  collecting  it, 
as  there  had  been  no  harvest,  and  pointed  to  the  fact  that, 
according  to  the  ancient  customs  of  the  country,  the  rulers  had 
always  entered  into  their  situation,  and  when  assured  of  its 
reality  had  diminished  or  had  entirely  given  up  the  tax  ;  but  the 
requests  could  not  be  taken  into  consideration  by  the  District 
Prefect,  because  he  had  already  received  his  orders  that  a  fixed  sum 
of  taxes  must  be  raised  ;  although  in  order  to  explain  his  refusal 
in  some  way  he  felt  himself  obliged  to  say  that  the  declaration 
of  the  Eegency  was  false  and  improper. 

*  3.  The  tax  for  the  salaries  of  (he  aksakals  and  other  officials. 
On  the  organisation  of  the  district  it  had  been  stated  to  the  people 
that  besides  the  Government  taxes  the  population  should  take 
upon  itself  the  support  of  the  aksakals  and  of  the  elders  of  the 
aids,  paying  them  a  certain  salary  according  to  the  judgment  of 
the  community,  but  under  this  head  there  were  afterwards  in- 
vented by  the  administration  many  other  taxes  under  different 
names,  which  altogether  are  now  united  under  the  general  head  of 
"  taxes  for  the  economical  needs  of  the  community."  It  is  easily 
intelligible  that  the  mass  of  the  community  cannot  sympathise 
with  these  taxes,  which,  in  opposition  to  what  had  been  stated 
on  the  organisation  of  the  district,  have  been  increased  to  almost 
double  what  they  were.  This  increase  of  taxation  has  of  course 
corresponded  to  the  gradually  increasing  needs  of  the  people  ; 
but  still,  to  the  majority  of  the  population,  this  tax  seems  only 
a  means  of  getting  money  out  of  them  for  some  purpose  they 
do  not  understand.  I  will  give  an  example.  In  the  begin- 
ning of  the  year  1870  there  was  at  Ura-tepe  a  session  of  native 
officials  from  all  the  villages  for  passing  the  budget  proposed 
by  the  District  Prefect  for  the  general  needs  of  the  community. 
In  this  budget  were  certain  expenses,  besides  the  salaries  of 
the  ahsakals,  with  new  names ;  and  the  amount  to  be  raised 
was  considerably  greater  than  in  former  years.  At  this  session 
there  were  more  than  300  persons.  Each  item  of  the  pro- 
posed budget  was  fully  explained  to  them,  but  still  the  dele- 


BROKEN   PROMISES.  243 

gates  did  not  admit  the  necessity  of  the  new  expenses.  Some 
of  the  rich  and  respectable  people,  who  were  not  delegates, 
asked  my  permission  in  the  name  of  the  whole  community 
to  give  their  opinion  about  these  taxes.  I  allowed  them 
to  do  so,  and  here  are  their  exact  words :  "  The  tax  for  the 
communal  expenses  and  the  salaries  of  the  aksakals  accord- 
ing to  the  decision  of  the  community  is  in  our  opinion  un- 
necessary. The  persons  elected  can  very  well  serve  for  three 
years,  receiving  as  much  from  the  Government  as  their  ser- 
vices deserve,  but  increase  of  taxes  is  by  no  means  necessary. 
If  this  increase  be  made  through  the  wish  of  the  Grovernor- 
General,  then  let  him  say  so  and  order  it,  and  it  will  be  col- 
lected, for  we  consider  his  wish  as  law.  If  this  tax  be  made 
by  the  order  of  the  White  Tsar,  and  be  necessary  for  the  sup- 
port of  the  Eussian  soldiers  who  have  given  peace  and  protec- 
tion to  the  country,  to-morrow  even  we  will  give  twice  as  much 
as  this  sum  and  all  that  the  Grovernment  will  consider  necessary 
and  possible  for  the  district  of  Ura-tepe." 

'  4.  From  the  nomad  population  it  was  declared  that  there 
would  only  be  taken  a  kibitka  tax  of  2r.  75k.  from  a  kibitka, 
and  that  the  zekat  on  cattle  should  be  in  proportion,  but  that 
there  should  be  a  small  additional  tax  for  the  salaries  of 
aksakals  and  of  aul  elders  to  be  fixed  by  the  community.  All 
this  was  declared  in  1868,  but  since  then  a  new  tax — a  road-tax 
of  75k.  on  a  house  or  kibitka — has  been  imposed,  both  on  the 
nomad  and  on  the  settled  population.  There  was  afterwards  an  ad- 
dition to  the  taxes  for  the  economical  expenses  of  the  community, 
so  that  at  last  the  payment  for  each  kibitka  was  brought  to  five 
rubles  and  even  more.  This  road-tax  and  the  tax  for  the  general 
expenses  excited  at  the  time  much  criticism,  and  not  criticism 
alone.  It  is  perfectly  well  known  that  in  order  not  to  excite 
the  discontent  of  the  people  on  account  of  the  imposition  of 
new  taxes  in  1869  and  1870,  these  taxes  were  paid  by  the  Ad- 
ministrative Kegency  out  of  the  proceeds  of  the  haraclj  and 
tanap  taxes. 

'  The  reasons  for  this  were  that  at  the  organisation  of  the 
district  there  had  been  no  mention  of  the  road-tax ;  and  as  the 
sum  raised  for  the  payment  of  the  salaries  of  the  aksakals  had 
already  been  made  into  a  fixed  tax,  the  Administrative  Regenc}', 
understanding    that  the  declaration   of  the   new   taxes    would 

E   2 


244  TUEKISTAN. 

bring  upon  themselves  suspicion  that  the  tax  had  been  imposed 
by  their  sanction,  as  the  people  formerly  believed  that  the 
Government  had  once  declared  that  the  tax  would  never  be 
increased,  thought  it  better  for  the  first  years  of  this  new  tax 
to  take  the  sum  ordered  by  the  Government  from  the  tanap 
and  the  haradj,  increasing  these  taxes  in  a  proportionate  measure. 

'  Although  this  action  of  the  Regency — the  illegality  of 
which  is  apparent — was  known  to  the  superior  authorities,  it 
was  thought  best  to  say  nothing  about  it.  In  this  way,  notwith- 
standing the  promises  to  the  people  to  impose  on  them  no  taxes 
except  those  declared  on  the  organisation  of  the  districts,  yet- 
during  a  period  of  nearly  three  years  a  whole  series  of  new  taxes 
had  been  inflicted  upon  the  poor  population,  which  even  without 
that  had  been  impoverished  by  the  preceding  wars  and  dis- 
turbances. These  taxes,  which  brought  us  no  actual  profit, 
necessarily  had  a  very  injurious  influence  on  the  material  pros- 
perity of  the  inhabitants,  who  at  the  same  time  see  no  necessity 
for  them.  Therefore,  when  these  supplementary  and  new  taxes 
little  by  little  became  known  to  the  people,  when  the  haradj  of 
the  tenth,  and  the  tanap  according  to  the  harvest  and  the  fixed 
prices  for  produce,  were  turned  into  a  fixed  tax ;  and  further, 
when  the  zekat  on  cattle  driven  to  the  bazaar,  which  had  been 
abolished  on  the  organisation  of  the  districts  and  replaced  by 
the  kibitka  tax  (to  which  were  subsequently  added  a  road-tax 
and  a  tax  for  the  general  needs  of  the  community,)  was  still 
collected  in  spite  of  the  formal  promises  of  the  Administra- 
tion ;  and  finally,  when  the  bazaar-tax,  which  had  been  abolished, 
was  replaced  in  the  form  of  a  tax  upon  weights  and  measures, 
it  became  evident  to  the  people  that  the  promises  for  diminu- 
tion of  taxes  which  had  been  made  on  the  organisation  of  the 
district  were  only  empty  words,  and  they  became  convinced  that 
the  demands  of  the  Russian  Administration  were  gradually  be- 
coming worse  and  worse  under  the  new  taxes  and  imposts  which 
had  been  passed  upon  the  people  for  the  last  three  years. 
They  then  proposed  to  pay  the  haradj  and  tanap,  not  as  one- 
tenth,  but  as  one-fourth  of  the  harvest,  and  they  asked  to  be 
freed  in  that  case  from  all  other  taxes  and  imposts  of  any  kind, 
which  ruined  the  poor  and  were  burdensome  even  to  the  rich. 

'  It  is  clear,  then,  that  since  the  occupation  of  the  country  by 
the  Russians  the  condition  of  the  population,  in  spite  of  all  her 


LEGAL   AND   ADMINISTRATIVE  METHODS.  245 

promises,  has  not  only  not  grown  better,  but,  on  the  contrary,  ia 
every  day  getting  worse  and  worse.  How  far  this  constant 
increase  of  taxes  and  imposts  can  go,  the  population  of  course 
cannot  understand.  It  is  therefore  not  sfrange  that  the  fiighf- 
ened  imagination  of  the  Asiatics  saw  in  the  late  collection  of 
statistical  information  the  desire  of  the  Administration  to  get 
hold  of  their  whole  property.  An  instance  of  this  belief  is  the 
fact  that  after  the  registration  of  property  made  for  the  purposes 
of  statistical  information  several  natives  went  to  Eussian  acquain- 
tances and  asked  them  if  a  fowl  could  be  taken  to  the  bazaar 
for  sale,  or  did  it  already  belong  to  the  Government  ?  With 
such  a  state  of  the  popular  mind  it  is  evident  that  only  a 
spark  is  necessary  to  inflame  it.' 

But  no  matter  what  institutions  the  Russians  may  introduce 
into  Central  Asia,  it  would  seem  hopeless  to  expect  anything 
.  like  good  government  until  either  the  character  of  the  officials 
is  changed  or  they  are  submitted  to  a  stricter  discipline  and 
inspection.  It  seems  almost  impossible  for  a  Russian  adminis- 
trator to  conceive  of  such  a  thing  as  legality.  They  are  strict 
in  observing  the  forms  of  law  so  long  as  they  relate  merely  to 
modes  of  procedure  and  to  the  filing  and  signature  of  papers, 
but  overstep  it  at  once  the  moment  it  seems  easier  or  more 
convenient  for  them  to  do  so.  I  am  not  now  referring  only  to 
officials  in  Turkistan;  how  to  confine  the  administration  within 
the  strict  limits  of  legality  is  a  subject  which  has  exercised 
many  statesmen  and  political  students  in  European  Russia. 
It  seems  to  be  a  principle  firmly  implanted  in  their  official 
breasts  that  law  and  respect  for  law  are  very  good  things  for 
ordinary  everyday  life,  but  that  the  moment  a  circumstance  arises, 
which  in  the  opinion  of  the  official  most  nearly  concerned  is  ex- 
ceptional, law  is  no  longer  practicable,  but  that  what  he  calls 
administrative  methods  must  be  employed.  To  those  who  have 
been  brought  up  to  respect  the  law  this  constant  overstepping 
and  transgression  of  legality  seems  scarcely  conceivable  On 
the  Central  Asiatic,  who  of  course  has  no  idea  of  what  Russian 
law  is  or  in  what  way  it  is  transgressed,  the  arbitrary  action  of 
the  officials  produces  a  similar  and  yet  different  effect.  This 
arbitrary  action  and  these  administrative- methods  are  seldom 
alike  in  two  adjoining  districts,  and  a  native  can  hardly  help 
regarding  the  whole  system  as  an  irresponsible  tyranny  of  the 


246  TURKISTAN. 

worst  sort.  Under  Mussulman  rule  his  Khans  and  his  Beks 
were  tyrannical,  but  still  they  were  Mussulmans,  men  of  his  own 
race  and  of  his  own  belief,  with  similar  character  and  holding 
to  the  same  customs  and  traditions.  Cruel  and  tyrannical  as 
they  were  in  many  respects,  there  were  certain  bounds  which 
custom  forbade  them  to  overstep,  and  were  these  bounds  too 
greatly  or  too  frequently  passed  the  popular  discontent  was 
such  as  to  drive  them  from  power.  But  for  the  Eussians  there 
seem  to  be  no  limits.  They  are  of  an  alien  faith,  they  seem  to 
know  little  and  care  less  about  the  old  customs  and  traditions 
of  the  country,  and  to  a  man  of  Tashkent  or  Hodjent,  who 
knows  nothing  of  the  intricacies  of  Russian  law  or  of  the 
methods  of  Eussian  administrative  life,  honour  and  prosperity 
seem  to  be  at  the  mercy  or  the  whim  of  the  Eussian  official.1 

1  Mr.  N.  Pet-rofsky,  in  a  remarkable  article  on  Khokand  in  the  '  Messenger  of 
Europe,'  October  1875,  says  :  '  As  concerns  the  Mussulman  despotism  destroyed 
by  Eussian  institutions,  it  would  be  difficult  for  us  to  guarantee  that  these  institu- 
tions seem  less  arbitrary  and  despotic  to  the  natives  than  did  their  former  Mussul- 
man ones.  Under  Mussulman  sway  tyranny  and  arbitrary  rule  indeed  existed, 
but  this  tyranny  was  far  from  being  without  limits,  and  was  as  much  a  product 
of  the  country  as  were  all  its  other  institutions,  morals,  and  customs.  It  was 
native  there  and  it  was  understood  there.  Although  the  Mussulman  ruler  and 
his  officials  educated  in  the  same  milieu  and  with  the  same  ideas  as  his  subjects 
acted  arbitrarily,  they  nevertheless  knew  well  where  their  tyranny  could  begin 
and  where  it  ended,  knew  its  extent  and  its  limits.  In  consequence  of  their  ex- 
clusively religious  education  of  the  same  character  as  that  of  the  whole  mass  of 
the  population,  and  of  the  common  character  of  their  life,  of  their  customs,  and  of 
their  habits,  the  Mussulman  rulers  confined  their  tyranny  within  certain  well 
known  and  fixed  limits,  and  their  arbitrariness  was  considered  as  a  necessary  attri- 
bute of  their  power,  without  which  the  very  existence  of  their  rule  would  be  in- 
conceivable. On  the  other  side,  the  people  too  looked  on  this  arbitrariness  with 
the  eyes  of  their  ruler,  seeing  in  him  not  a  tyrant  and  a  persecuting  despot,  but  a 
lucky  favourite  of  fortune,  who  had  received  the  right  to  arbitrary  and  uncon- 
trolled power.  Brought  up  with  such  ideas  the  native  of  Central  Asia  well 
knew  all  the  ramifications  of  this  tyranny,  from  the  Bek  to  the  lowest  Aksakal 
inclusively,  for  the  ground  on  which  and  the  limits  within  which  the  arbitrary 
power  was  exercised,  were  as  well  known  to  the  first  as  to  the  last.  In  a  word,  the 
native  was. at  home  with  Mussulman  tyranny.  He  had  ages  ago  been  accustomed 
to  its  existence,  and  knew  howr  to  live  under  it.  From  a  European  point  of  view 
such  an  arbitrary  rule  as  we  see  in  Mussulman  states,  may  of  course  appear 
horrible,  but  from  a  Mussulman  point  of  view  it  is  perfectly  natural  and  legal. 
The  rebellion  against  Khudayar  Khan  is  no  proof  to  the  contrary,  but  rather 
strengthens  my  position.  Khudayar  Khan  lost  his  Khanate  because  his  tyranny 
ceased  to  be  Mussulman  and  became  a  mere  mad  exercise  of  power  unlimited  by 
any  traditions.  If  this  despot,  instead  of  the  unconcealed  and,  so  to  say,  open 
pillage  of  his  subjects,  had  covered  it  up  by  fictions  of  law,  or  by  the  rules  of  the 
Shariat  (as  the  Bukharan  Amir  does)  and  had  continued  it,  he  would  have  re- 


CORRUPTION.  247 

It  is  not  only  the  fact  that  cases  of  glaring  corruption  and 
venality  have  occurred,  but  that  these  cases  when  brought  to  the 
notice  of  the  Governor-General  have  frequently  been  condoned, 
and  the  guilty  officials  allowed  to  go  unpunished,  which  has 
exerted  a  very  bad  influence  on  the  minds  of  the  natives.  The 
superior  officials  have  their  favourites,  and  are  disposed  to 
uphold  them  in  spite  of  charges  of  maladministration.  The 
natives  have  been  hindered  in  every  possible  way  from  making 
complaints.  They  have  even  been  turned  away  from  the  house 
of  the  Governor  when  they  had  assembled  there  to  present 
a  petition. 

A  very  striking  illustration  of  this  was  shown  in  the 
management  of  the  Kurama  district,  one  of  the  most  fertile 
and  thickly  settled  of  all  the  provinces,  surrounding,  but  not 
including,  the  city  of  Tashkent.  The  prefect  of  this  district 
is  said  to  have  levied  90,000  rubles  of  illegal  taxes,  all  of 
which  he  spent  for  his  own  use,  besides  Government  money,  and 
yet  he  resided  within  five  miles  of  the  palace  of  the  Governor- 
General,  and  was  known  to  be  living  in  a  style,  with  frequent 
dinners,  suppers,  and  gambling  parties,  entirely  impossible  upon 
his  small  salary.  Among  other  charges  against'  him  was  one 
with   regard  to  a  misappropriation    of  savings   funds.     These 

mained  on  the  throne,  and  would  probably  never  have  been  compelled  to  journey 
to  Orenburg  from  "  unavoidable  circumstances." '  After  describing  the  various 
projects  for  the  government  of  Turkistan,  and  the  changes  introduced  into  the 
laws,  the  author  continues:  'It  is  necessary  to  remark  that  neither  the  first  regu- 
lations nor  the  project  which  was  subsequently  applied,  were  ever  translated  into 
the  native  language.  The  natives  were  expected  of  themselves  to  understand  the 
— for  them — complicated  organisation  of  the  Russian  government,  and  to  guess 
at  the  relations  of  the  various  branches  of  the  administration  which  were  quite 
new  to  them,  and  not  easily  intelligible.  If  we  add  to  this  that  Turkistan  has  but 
few  men  who  know  the  native  languages,  and  has  great  need  of  good  interpreters, 
it  will  be  understood  with  what  eyes  the  natives  look  upon  our  institutions,  even 
■were  they  the  best  and  most  perfect  in  the  world.  Naturally  these  institutions 
appear  to  the  natives  to  be  far  more  arbitrary  and  far  more  tyrannical  than  those 
under  which  they  formerly  lived  under  Mussulman  rulers,  not  because  they  are 
really  arbitrary  and  tyrannical,  but  because,  seeing  their  frequent  change,  the 
native  is  not  able  to  understand  and  explain  to  himself  either  the  meaning  of  the 
frequent  changes,  or  the  existence  of  these  institutions.  All  this — I  say  it  without 
finding  fault — creates  among  the  natives  a  general  discontent  with  the  Russians, 
which  is  not  diminishing,  but  on  the  contrary  is  increasing,  and  is  being  propa- 
gated in  the  neighbouring  Khanates,  excising  vain  hopes  for  the  return  of  what 
they  have  lost,  and  encouraging  them  to  such  acts  as  the  constant  demands  for 
the  return  of  Samarkand,  and  even  to  the  invasion  of  our  territories.' 


248  TURKISTAN. 

funds  had  been  instituted  for  the  benefit  of  the  population,  but 
by  a  subsequent  regulation,  approved  by  the  Grovernor-Greneral, 
permission  was  given  to  spend  them  on  the  administration  needs 
of  the  district.  This  money,  about  22,000  rubles,  entirely  dis- 
appeared, and  no  accounts  of  expenditure  were  given,  although 
it  was  said  that  part  had  been  given  to  the  horse-breeding 
establishment,  and  that  part  had  been  used  in  fitting  up  the 
house  of  the  prefect.  This  affair  was  creating  a  great  im- 
pression when  I  was  in  Tashkent,  in  1873,  and  finally  a  series 
of  inquiries  ensued  as  to  the  disposition  of  the  money — in- 
quiries which  for  a  long  time  remained  without  answer.  The 
natives  complained  also  that  money  had  been  taken  from  them 
at  different  times,  on  all  sorts  of  pretences,  and  in  an  entirely 
illegal  way.  A  decree  had  been  issued  forbidding  all  peisons 
to  cross  the  Syr  Darya  at  any  other  point  than  the  places  speci- 
fied in  the  order,  threatening  persons  who  did  so  with  being 
sent  to  Siberia.  The  points  specified  were  places  belonging 
to  the  friends  of  the  prefect.  At  last  matters  became  so 
scandalous  that  the  Governor-General  was  obliged  to  take 
some  notice  of  it.  He  therefore  removed  the  prefect  from  the 
district,  and  sold  his  property  for  the  benefit  of  the  Crown, 
not  realising,  however,  one-twentieth  part  of  the  sums  which 
had  been  misappropriated.  But,  instead  of  punishing  this 
man,  he  merely  removed  him  to  another  locality,  stating  that 
he  considered  him  a  most  useful  official. 

A  letter  from  Tokmak,  dated  May  3,  1873,  published  in  the 
'  Golos,'  No.  172  of  that  year,  stated  a  similar  occurrence  with 
regard  to  the  savings  funds  in  the  district  of  Tokmak.  Since 
1865  a  tax  of  twenty  kopeks  on  each  kibitka  had  been  col- 
lected from  the  nomads  of  Semiretch,  to  be  devoted  to  the 
general  needs  and  to  the  demands  of  the  local  Kirghiz,  espe- 
cially for  making  loans  to  them.  This  fund,  with  the  interest, 
amounted  in  1871  to  more  than  23,000  rubles.  Up  to  1873 
not  a  single  Kirghiz  had  received  any  of  this  money  on  loan  or 
as  a  grant,  and  out  of  this  Kirghiz  capital  more  than  18,000 
rubles  had  been  applied  for  other  purposes — 10,000  for  loans, 
5,000  of  which  were  not  to  be  repaid.  In  this  sum  were  in- 
cluded the  journeys  of  different  officials  and  their  extraordinary 
expenses,  searches  for  coal-mines,  the  expenses  of  completing 
and  repairing  the  house  of  a  former  assistant-prefect,  and  loans 


TOKTURE.  249 

were  even  to  be  made  to  Eussian  merchants,  one  for  8,000  rubles, 
for  completing  a  distillery.  The  conduct  of  the  Prefect  of  the 
district  of  Perovsky  was  investigated,  and  he  was  removed  for 
extortion  and  bribery.  Instead  of  being  punished  he  was 
appointed  to  the  district  of  Aulie-ata,  where  his  conduct  again 
called  for  investigation,  and  he  was  removed  for  exacting  an 
illegal  contribution  from  the  natives  on  the  occasion  of  a 
demand  for  camels  for  the  Khivan  expedition.  Other  persons 
have  in  like  way  been  removed  from  one  post  for  maladminis- 
tration, and  have  immediately  received  another.  An  employ^ 
in  the  Construction  Department,  in  addition  to  advances  for 
work  subsequently  not  performed  succeeded  by  forged  orders 
in  obtaining  from  the  treasurer  at  various  times  an  amount 
stated  to  be  about  15,000  rubles.  When  this  was  first  dis- 
covered, his  friends,  including  the  acting  Governor,  whose  duty 
it  was  to  arrest  him,  endeavoured  to  make  up  the  amount, 
or  to  so  arrange  the  accounts  us  to  cover  up  the  defalcation ; 
but  the  deficit  finally  proved  too  great,  and  it  became  necessary 
to  take  official  notice  of  the  isuct.  He  was  allowed  to  escape  ; 
but  meanwhile  the  matter  had  become  so  well  known  that  he 
was  again  arrested,  and  will  probably  at  last  be  brought  to  trial. 

On  the  other  hand,  any  persons  who  endeavoured  to  en- 
lighten the  public  as  to  the  state  of  affairs  were  immediately 
punished.  Correspondence  with  newspapers  was  strictly  for- 
bidden, and  the  commandant  of  the  district  of  Ura-tepe  was 
removed  and  sent  out  of  the  province,  for  a  paper  on  the  riot  at 
Hodjent,  of  which  I  have  already  spoken. 

In  some  cases  acts,  not  only  wrong  in  themselves,  but 
bringing  with  them  very  important  consequences,  have  been 
committed,  not  from  a  desire  of  personal  gain  but  from  a  wish 
to  appear  zealous  in  the  performance  of  duties,  or  from  motives 
of  intrigue.  A  case  which  happened  in  1873  is  especially 
noticeable.  An  officer  named  Eman,  in  possession  of  a  con- 
siderable amount  of  Government  funds,  gave  information  that 
he  had  been  robbed  by  the  Kirghiz.  The  chief  Kirghiz  living 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  alleged  occurrence  were  arrested, 
and  after  a  long  examination  twelve  of  them  acknowledged 
their  guilt,  though  the  money  cuuld  not  be  found.  While  their 
trial  was  going  on  Eman  committed  suicide,  leaving  a  letter 
in  which  he  stated  that  he  was  not  the  honest  man  that  had 


250  TURKISTAN. 

been  supposed,  as  lie  had  himself  spent  the  money  and  made 
the  excuse  to  clear  himself.  The  Kirghiz  were  then,  of  course, 
released ;  but  the  question  arose,  why  had  they  confessed  ?  and 
on  an  investigation  it  was  found  that  the  judicial  officer,  Baron 

Of of  Vierny,  had  extorted  confession  from  them  by  means 

of  torture,  a  practice  wholly  at  variance  with  Russian  law 
and   certainly  very  disastrous    for    Russian   influence    amongst 

the  Kirghiz.     As  the  result  of  this  investigation,  Baron  Of ■ 

was  transferred  in  the  same  capacity  to  the  district  of  Perovsky. 
There  was  another  case  in  the  same  neighbourhood,  at 
Kopal,  where  a  district  prefect  had  been  robbed,  beaten,  and 
severely  wounded.  As  he  was  most  deservedly  unpopular  for 
the  extortions  he  practised  upon  the  natives  this  was  not  to 
be  wondered  at.  Over  sixty  Kirghiz  were  accused  of  partici- 
pating in  this  act,  the  chief  of  them  being  the  Sultan  Tezak, 
holding  the  rank  of  a  major  in  the  Russian  service,  the  most 
aristocratic  and  respected  of  all  the  Kirghiz  chiefs,  and  a  well- 
known  and  lifelong  friend  to  Russia.  The  chief  evidence 
against  him  was  that  some  of  the  property  stolen  from  the 
prefect  was  found  in  his  tent.  One  investigation  succeeded 
another,  until  a  Cossack  finally  confessed  that  he  had  placed 
these  articles  in  the  tent  of  Tezak  at  the  instigation  of  the 
judge  himself.  It  is  said  that  this  was  done  because  the  judge 
wished  to  please  the  clique  of  officials  at  Tashkent  by  con- 
victing of  robbery  and  sedition  a  man  very  much  favoured  by 
Gfeneral  Kolpakofsky,  of  whom  they  were  jealous.  Among  the 
papers  of  the  investigating  commission  is  a  letter  from  the 
prefect  to  the  judge  with  regard  to  the  means  of  obtaining 
this  evidence.  For  various  reasons  it  was  long  impossible  to 
finish  the  investigation,  for  as  soon  as  a  commission  showed  a 
leaning  to  the  side  of  the  authorities  of  Semiretch,  it  was  im- 
mediately dissolved  by  Gfeneral  Kaufmann, — but  it  was  thought 
necessary  to  remove  the  judge  and  bestow  upon  him  a  similar 
post  in  the  city  of  Hodjent,  where  his  methods  of  administer- 
ing justice  also  gave  rise  to  loud  complaints.1  The  effect  of 
such  a  proceeding  was,  of  course,  to  make  the  natives 
thoroughly  displeased  with  the  workings  of  the  Russian  courts. 
A  decision  was  finally  rendered  in  1875  by  the  Senate  at  St. 
Petersburg,  by  which  Sultan  Tezak  was  acquitted.     This  was 

•   See  vol.  i.  p.  Ill 3. 


A  BE  VISION.  251 

regarded  as  a  great  triumph  for  the  authorities  of  Semiretcb 
over  those  of  Tashkent. 

Another  case  of  the  ill-advised  action  of  the  authorities, 
regardless  of  the  effect  produced  upon  the  natives,  was  the 
forced  contribution  of  camels  during  the  Khivan  campaign,  in 
spite  of  promises  of  payment.  Of  this  I  shall  speak  more  fully 
in  another  chapter. 

There  had  been  so  much  said  at  St.  Petersburg,  not  only  in 
Government  circles  but  in  the  papers,  with  regard  to  the  dis- 
orders of  the  Eussian  administration  in  Central  Asia,  that  when 
General  Kaufmann  returned  to  Tashkent,  in  1875,  he  felt  it 
necessary  to  take  some  measures  to  bring  about  a  better  order 
of  things,  or,  at  least,  to  ascertain  where  and  to  what  degree 
the  disorders  existed.  He  therefore  commissioned  officials  under 
his  immediate  orders  to  make  what  is  called  in  Eussia  a  '  re- 
vision' of  several  of  the  districts  in  which  official  corruption  and 
disorder  had  been  said  to  exist  to  a  great  extent.  The  powers 
granted  to  these  inspectors  were  very  limited ;  they  were  not 
to  go  below  the  surface  of  things,  and  were  to  abstain  as  far  as 
possible  from  questioning  the  natives  about  abuses  alleged  to 
exist,  and  were  chiefly  to  confine  themselves  to  the  mere  inspec- 
tion of  the  books  and  the  accounts  of  the  different  adminis- 
trations. In  spite  of  the  limitations  imposed  upon  them,  the 
inspectors  of  the  districts  of  Kurama  and  Hodjent,  and  of  the 
city  of  Tashkent,  brought  to  light  a  very  remarkable  state  of 
things.  They  found  that  in  many  cases  no  accounts  whatever 
had  been  kept,  that  expenses  from  the  communal  sums  had  fre- 
quently been  authorised  by  the  prefects  and  the  military  gover- 
nors without  votes  of  the  Eegencies,  and  that  money  had  been 
paid  out  in  large  sums  for  alleged  expenses  without  receipts, 
while  the  papers  which  did  exist  gave  evidence  of  the  extra- 
vagance and  mismanagement  of  the  officials.  In  Tashkent,  for 
instance,  the  zemsky  tax  for  the  communal  needs  increased  from 
16,000  rubles  in  1868  to  over  86,000  rubles  in  1874,  and  it  was 
found  that,  although  the  accounts  were  properly  arranged  under 
different  headings,  money  had  often  been  paid  from  one  account 
for  expenses  incurred  in  others,  and  even  for  purposes  that  did 
not  properly  come  under  any  title.  Some  of  the  heaviest  items 
were  large  yearly  sums  for  the  repairs  and  refurnishing  of  the 
residences  of  the  Prefect  and  his  officials.     In  Hodjent  matters 


252  TUHKISTAN". 

were  fully  as  bad.  The  zemsky  tax  for  comtrmnal  needs  in- 
creased from  over  16,000  rubles  in  1869  to  nearly  64,000 
rubles  in  1874.  In  addition  to  this,  in  1874,  18,000  rubles 
were  collected  as  city  taxes  in  Hodjent  and  Ura-tepe,  over  9,000 
rubles  as  a  tax  on  weights,  and  6,000  rubles  as  the  bazaar-tax. 
In  1873  the  taxes  were  even  greater.  The  total  taxes,  exclusive 
of  the  land-tax  and  the  tax  on  trade,  which  came  to  tbe  general 
Grovernment — those  only  which  were  intended  for  the  support 
of  the  native  administration  and  the  economical  necessities  of 
the  district,  had  increased  from  17,000  rubles  in  1869  to 
107,000  rubles  in  1873,  and  96,000  in  1874,  while  the  receipts 
for  1875  up  to  August  amounted  to  78,000  rubles,  which  would 
make  134,000  rubles  for  the  completed  year.  The  land  and 
other  taxes  belonging  to  the  Central  Government  between  1869 
and  1875  increased  by  52^  per  cent.,  while  the  highest  estimate 
of  increased  population  was  not  more  than  1 9  per  cent. 

In  speaking  of  the  expenses  at  Hodjent  in  IS 73  the  official 
report  says: — 'The  expenses  as  compared  with  1872  have 
increased  five  times,  and  have  increased  in  an  entirely  unpro- 
ductive and  arbitrary  way,  as  they  have  not  been  called  out 
by  the  actual  needs  of  the  population.  Notwithstanding  the 
enormous  increase  of  the  estimates,  expenses  have  been  allowed 
which  were  not  included  in  them,  and  which  were  not  even 
ratified  by  the  vote  of  the  Eegency,  although  not  the  highest 
significance  should  be  given  to  the  votes  of  the  native  officials.' 
In  confirmation  of  the  justice  of  this  conclusion  I  may  quote 
the  vote  for  the  purchase  of  a  carriage  for  the  use  of  the 
Eegency  of  Hodjent.  No  member  of  the  Regency  ever  once 
used  this  carriage,  although  it  was  a  very  expensive  one. 
We  must  be  astonished  at  the  relative  moderation  of  the 
prefect  who  could  have  ordered  a  still  more  original  decree  to 
be  made  than  this  one  about  the  carriage.  I  am  compelled  to 
believe  that  such  freedom  in  the  dispensation  of  the  communal 
funds  necessarily  leads  to  evil  results,  demoralises  the  officials 
who  have  charge  of  them,  exhausts  the  means  of  the  population, 
wastes  them  in  an  unproductive  manner  for  the  natives,  and 
leads  not  only  to  present  but  to  future  evil,  by  destroying  the 
confidence  of  the  natives  in  the  Russian  administration,  which 
takes  charge  over  them  and  gives  them  nothing. 

*  Special  attention  should  be  turned  to  the  expenses  for  the 


• 


ADMINISTRATION   OF  HODJENT.  253 

repairs  of  roads,  building's,  and  bridges,  which  demanded  more 
than  5,000  rubles.  What  called  out  such  a  great  expense, 
whether  it  was  absolutely  necessary  at  the  given  time,  whether 
the  repairs  were  properly  conducted,  whether  the  prices  for  the 
work  and  material  are  regular,  are  questions  which  are  not  to 
be  answered  by  any  entries  in  the  books  or  papers  of  the 
Kegency.  Nothing  in  the  accounts  show  us  that  this  and 
similar  great  expenses  were  called  out  by  any  necessity.  The 
formation  of  an  army  of  jigits  which  existed  only  on  paper ; 
the  construction  of  a  hospital  of  four  beds  for  a  population  of 
150,000  men,  and  the  yearly  expense  of  2,000  rubles  for  the 
repairs  of  this  one  room  ;  the  construction  of  a  house  for  the 
district  prefect  on  a  large  scale,  and  with  luxurious  furniture, 
which  cost  over  28,000  rubles;  the  heating  of  the  Government 
buildings,  which  cost  nearly  4,000  rubles,  although  in  1872  but 
1,000  had  been  necessary;  the  appointment  of  an  inspector  of 
public  buildings,  with  a  salary  of  600  rubles,  who  in  the  leisure 
time  allowed  from  his  official  duties  fulfilled  the  functions  of 
cook  for  the  district  prefect ;  the  wages  of  gardeners  and  of 
watchmen,  the  allowance  made  without  guarantee  to  the  district 
prefect,  to  the  judge,  and  to  other  persons  ;  special  grants  of 
money  to  assistants  of  the  district  prefect  and  district  physician 
— all  these  were  expenses  which  were  not  called  out  by  the 
communal  needs,  and  are  not  to  be  justified  by  economical 
considerations,  and  certainly  bring  no  advantage  to  the  local 
population.  We  can  only  wonder  that  the  military  governor 
confirmed  the  tax  estimates  which  had  increased  in  this  re- 
markable way.  Notwithstanding  the  uncontrolled  calculation 
and  formation  of  the  estimates,  the  expenses  are  constantly 
greater  than  the  sums  assigned  to  meet  them.' 

In  explanation  of  one  item  given  above  the  report  in 
another  passage  states  that  a  whole  band  of  jigits,  or  mounted 
messengers,  was  formed,  the  cost  of  maintenance  of  whom  for 
one  year  was  estimated  in  1872  at  over  12,000  rubles,  being 
double  the  expense  for  the  communal  needs  in  1870.  Nothing 
in  the  accounts  shows  the  actual  number  of  jigits  or  the  salary 
paid  to  them,  but  the  report  states  that  this  is  really  very 
small,  the  remaining  money  going  into  the  pockets  of  the 
officials.  From  other  sources  I  learn  that  the  wages  of  the 
jigits  are  seldom   more    than  twelve  rubles  a   month,  and  a 


254  TUEKISTAN. 

prefect  seldom  has  more  than  five  jigits  in  actual  service  at 
the  same  time. 

The  inspection  of  the  Kurama  district  brought  out  even 
worse  results,  but  I  have  not  yet  been  informed  of  the  details. 
A  high  official,  however,  remarked  that  what  was  now  going  on 
in  the  district  of  Kurama  made  the  occurrences  in  that  district 
of  which  I  have  already  spoken  seem  mere  child's  play. 

The  Russian  maladministration  naturally  could  have  but 
one  result — that  of  causing  discontent  among  the  natives. 
Before  the  war  with  Khokand  this  dissatisfaction  was  not  be- 
lieved in  by  the  higher  authorities,  until  circumstances  occurred 
which  rendered  it  very  plain  that  in  certain  districts  the 
population  was  disaffected  to  the  Russian  rule.  Ordinary  inter- 
course among  the  natives,  even  without  making  special  in- 
quiries, was  sufficient  to  bring  to  light  the  same  state  of  feeling. 

The  occurrences  to  which  I  refer  were  these: — In  1871  an 
attack  was  made  on  the  station  of  Kara-su,  on  the  high  road 
between  Tashkent  and  Hodjent.  One  officer  was  killed,  and 
the  station  was  destroyed.  Although  this  was  at  first  supposed 
to  be  merely  an  act  of  marauders,  it  was  afterwards  found  to 
be  the  work  of  a  political  conspiracy,  in  which  the  Tashkent 
people  had  been  asked  to  take  part.  The  leader  was  the 
Ishan  Ish  Mohammed  Kul,  a  well-known  fanatic,  a  disciple  of 
a  Khokandian  Wahabi  preacher,  Sufi  Badal,  and  his  expedition 
of  some  twenty  men  went  out  quietly  from  Tashkent  by  a 
roundabout  way  and  then  fell  upon  the  post-station,  with  the 
aim  of  breaking  the  communication,  exciting  the  country  which 
lay  beyond,  and  inviting  the  Khokandians  to  an  invasion. 
The  Government  was  warned  of  this  movement  several  days  in 
advance,  and  might  easily  have  prevented  it,  but  they  refused 
to  act,  believing  there  was  nothing  serious  on  foot 

In  1872  there  was  a  great  disturbance  in  Hodjent,  to  which 
I  have  already  called  attention.  This  disturbance  necessitated 
the  action  of  the  troops,  and  the  mob  was  put  down  and  its 
ringleaders  were  executed.  It  had  been  stated  at  the  time 
that  this  riot  had  occurred  in  consequence  of  the  order  for 
general  vaccination,  which  the  natives  thought  to  be  a  process 
for  branding  them,  for  the  purpose  of  employing  them  as 
recruits  for  the  army.  The  real  cause,  as  has  been  shown,  was 
discontent    with   the   increased    taxation.      During   the   early 


DISCONTENT.  255 

spring-  of  1873,  in  consequence  of  disturbances  in  the  district 
of  Tchimkent,  most  of  the  Kirghiz  inhabiting  that  region  left 
the  country,  preferring  the  sands  of  the  Kyzyl-Kum  desert  to 
being  under  Kussian  rule.  Their  movement,  however,  was 
made  in  vain,  for,  after  the  Khivan  expedition,  the  whole  of 
Kyzyl-Kum  was  formally  annexed. 

The  circumstances  attending  the  war  with  Khokand  are,  I 
think,  quite  sufficient  to  show  the  feeling  of  the  population. 
Before  the  siege  of  Hodjent  the  Khokandians  had  put  them- 
selves in  communication  with  the  aksakale  and  other  native 
officials  of  the  neighbouring  districts,  and  the  Bek  of  Makhram 
had  even  spent  two  days  in  the  city  of  Hodjent.  His  presence 
there,  although  known  to  many  of  the  inhabitants,  was  concealed 
from  the  Eussians.  As  soon  as  the  Khokandians  approached,  the 
natives  of  the  districts  through  which  they  passed  immediately 
joined  them,  taking  part  in  the  attacks  upon  the  Kussian  post- 
stations  and  in  the  murders  of  officers,  alcsakals,  and  tra- 
vellers, while  the  city  population  remained  quiet,  waiting  to  see 
which  side  gained  the  preponderance. 

Government  officers  began  to  open  their  eyes,  and  the 
consequence  was  that  arms  were  distributed  to  all  the  Kussian 
inhabitants,  and  no  one  was  allowed  to  go  through  the  streets 
unless  armed.  In  some  of  the  bureaux  the  clerks  even  sat  at 
work  with  their  muskets  at  their  side.  I  have  every  reason  to 
believe,  from  many  circumstances  which  have  come  to  my 
knowledge,  that  the  chief  reason  of  the  Khokandians  maintain- 
ing such  a  desperate  resistance  against  the  Kussians  was  from 
fear  of  being  brought  under  Kussian  rule,  and  the  assistance  on 
which  they  confidently  counted,  in  case  of  success,  from  all 
their  fellow-believers  within  the  Kussian  boundaries.  In  a 
communication  which  I  received  from  an  influential  Kash- 
garian  official,  it  was  stated  that  Yakub  Khan  was  con- 
stantly receiving  petitions  from  the  inhabitants  of  Tashkent 
and  other  Russian  towns  urging  him  to  invade  the  country 
and  relieve  them  from  the  Russian  yoke. 

In  this  connection  it  is  interesting  to  refer  to  some   articles 

which  were  published  in  the  newspaper  *  Moskva,'  in  1867  '  by 

Professor   Grrigorief,  in  which  he  sketched   the  policy  which  in 

his  opinion  should  be  pursued  in  Central  Asia.     This  was  -oon 

»  Nos.  23,  24,  32,  53,  and  54. 


256  TUEKISTAN. 

after  the  conquest  of  Tashkent,  and  it  is  curious  to  see  how  ex- 
actly some  of  the  prognostications  of  the  writer  have  been  realised. 
'If  we  sit  still  in  Tashkent  for  a  year  or  two  the  people  in 
Khokand  will  begin  to  think  that  this  proceeds  from  nothing 
else  but  our  weakness,  and  from  the  impossibility  of  further 
conquest,  and  will  again  try  to  measure  their  strength  with  ours. 
Asiatics  are  wonderfully  forgetful,  and  quickly  as  they  give 
themselves  up  to  fear,  are  none  the  slower  in  recovering  their 
self-confidence.  The  Khokandians  can  also  be  incited  to  take 
up  arms  against  us  by  the  discontent  of  the  local  population 
with  our  rule  in  Tashkent.  If  this  arise  from  any  mistakes  of 
the  Russian  administration ,  the  Khokandians  will  hardly  fail 
to  profit  by  such  a  favourable  occurrence.  We  cannot  count 
on  the  permanency  of  the  good  disposition  towards  us  of  the 
inhabitants  of  the  districts  of  Turkistan  and  Tashkent,  especially 
because  these  people  are  accustomed  to  internal  disorders,  to 
political  revolutions,  and  to  the  change  of  rulers, — habits  which 
are  not  easily  lost ;  and  besides  this,  they  will  be  excited  by  the 
leligious  influence  and  secret  intrigues  of  Bukhara.  One  of  the 
English  statesmen  best  acquainted  with  the  East  says,  "  I 
don't  know  a  single  case  where  the  close  relation  of  a  civilised 
people  with  an  uncivilised  one,  have  not  turned  to  mutual 
hatred  in  the  course  of  three  years." '  Professor  Grigorief  's  idea 
was  that  the  number  of  troops  should  be  the  smallest  number 
for  keeping  internal  order  and  protecting  the  country  from 
invasions,  every  effort  being  made  to  proportion  the  cost  of 
governing  the  country  to  its  resources ;  and  he  thought  that  it 
would  be  better  to  collect  the  troops  at  different  points,  from 
which  they  could  easily  be  moved,  rather  than  dispose  them  in 
small  bodies  throughout  the  country.  '  Great  care,'  he  said, 
'  should  also  be  taken  that  the  relations  between  the  soldiers  and 
the  native  women  do  not  produce  disorder.  The  murders  of 
Grigboyedof  at  Teheran  and  of  Burnes  at  Kabul  were  due  to 
intrigues  with  women.  Next  in  importance  to  the  trouble 
caused  by  the  intrigues  of  the  soldiers  and  the  native  women, 
nothing  in  Asia  so  excites  the  discontent  of  the  natives  against 
these  troops,  and  consequently  against  the  Government  which 
these  troops  serve,  as  the  dearness  of  the  prime  necessities  of 
life,  aid  especially  of  provisions,  which  is  the  inevitable  con- 
sequence of  the  acquisition  of  a  larger  number  of  consumers. 


TEUE  PEOGNOSTICATIONS.  257 

Should  10,000  Eussian  troops  come  into  the  country  of  Tashkent 
there  is  no  doubt  that  from  the  time  of  their  arrival  the  prices 
of  our  provisions  would  be  raised  in  Tashkent,  and  in  the  other 
places  where  the  troops  were  stationed  they  would  be  much 
higher  than  they  were  before.  The  cause  of  this  is  the  poverty 
and  small  productiveness  of  the  country.  Asia  is  rich  only  in 
the  imaginations  of  those  unacquainted  with  it.  To  agriculturists 
and  land-owners  the  raising  of  the  prices  for  the  productions  of 
the  soil  cannot  fail  to  be  pleasing,  but  afterwards,  when  the 
dearness  spreads  to  other  articles  of  consumption,  in  consequence 
of  which  the  profits  of  the  country  people  turn  out  to  be  fictitious, 
this  class  becomes  discontented.  As  concerns  merchants  and 
artisans,  the  dearness  growing  up  from  the  new  order  of  things 
will  certainly  not  dispose  them  to  the  new  rule.  How  this 
cause  of  discontent  can  be  removed,  I  do  not  know.  The  ad- 
ministration of  the  conquered  country  will  cause  the  greatest 
difficulty.  There  should  be  no  attempt  to  impose  foreign  ideas. 
There  should  be  as  little  bureaucracy  as  possible,  and  in  general 
the  government  should  be  carried  on  by  the  natives  as  far  as 
may  be.' 

The  dearness  of  provisions  of  which  Mr.  Grigorief  speaks, 
was  speedily  brought  about,1  and  the  period  of  discontent  is 
now  coming  on.  The  relations  between  the  Russians  and  the 
native  women,  which  have  been  in  a  measure  approved  by  the 
authorities  as  means  of  extending  Eussian  influence,  are  fre- 
quently productive  of  difficulties,  several  instances  of  which 
came  under  my  knowledge.  A  sentence  in  Professor  Grrigorief's 
account  of  the  expulsion  of  the  English  from  Afghanistan  is 
singularly  applicable  here.2  '  Many  husbands  and  brothers  for 
the  love  of  gain  sold  their  wives  and  sisters  to  the  foreigners, 
but  they  were  the  first  to  raise  cries  against  the  insults  thus  given 
to  religion, — cries  which  were  at  once  taken  up  by  the  Mullahs, 
who  carried  these  complaints  into  all  the  by-ways.' 

1  See  vol.  i.  p.  285. 

2  The  whole  of  this  passage  on  Afghanistan  is  a  very  true  description  of  the 
state  of  things  in  Turkistan.  '  Kabulistan  and  Kafiristan  '  (Eussian  translation  of 
Eitter's  '  Erdkunde'),  p.  895. 


VOL.  II. 


2C8  TURKISTAN. 


CHAPTER  XIV 

THE    RUSSIAN    FOREIGN    POLICY    IN    ASIA. 

Alleged  will  of  Peter  the  Great — Former  Russian  policy — It  cannot  be 
inferred  from  the  fact  of  conquest — There  is  really  no  policy — Prince 
Gortchakof's  circular — Difficulties  arising  from  the  constitution  of  the 
Government — Fear  of  English  remonstrances  -Views  against  India — 
Paul's  proposed  expedition — The  neutral  zone  and  the  Afghan  frontier — 
The  full  powers  of  General  Kaufmann — Consequent  awkwardness — 
General  Kaufmann's  policy-^-The  Diplomatic  employe — Embassies — Pre- 
sents— Relations  with  Khokand — The  commercial  treaty — Karategin — - 
Unquiet  state  of  the  country — Rebellion  of  1875 — The  war  with  Russia 
— Violent  struggle — Annexation  of  the  Khanate — Bukhara — Disagreeable 
relations — The  Samarkand  campaign  -  Commercial  treaty — Subsequent 
relations—  Slave-trade — New  treaty  of  1873 — Afghanistan — Kashgar — 
Difficulties  attending  friendly  intercourse — Mission  of  Baron  Kaulbars — 
Treaty —Subsequent  relations — Chinese  frontier  questions. 

The  fictitious  character  of  the  so-called  testament  of  Peter  the 
Grreat l  is  now  so  well  established  that  it  would  be  absurd  to 
discuss  the  principles  there  laid  down  for  the  conquest  of  Europe 
and  of  Asia,  or  to  investigate  the  reasons  dictating  such  a 
policy. 

Professor  Grrigorief,  who,  from  his  profound  and  intimate 
knowledge  of  the  history  and  literature  of  the  country,  and 
from  his  practical  experience  at  Orenburg,  as  Governor  of  the 

1  The  forgery  of  the  will  of  Peter  the  Great  was  due  to  the  desire  of  Napoleon 
to  frighten  Europe,  and  thus  to  give  him  excuses  and  pretexts  for  entering  upon 
his  Moscow  campaign.  It  first  appeared  in  the  book  called  '  Des  progres  de  la 
puissance  russe  depuis  son  origine  jusqu'au  commencement  du  XIX"  siecle,'  pub- 
lished at  Paris  in  1812,  by  Lesur,  pn  attache  of  the  Department  of  Foreign 
Affairs,  without  doubt  on  the  express  command  of  Napoleon  I.  Many  copies  of 
this  book  were  taken  by  the  Duke  de  Bassano  with  the  army.  Lesur  does  not 
say  that  he  had  ever  seen  this  will,  and  gives  no  proofs  of  its  existence,  but 
merely  says  in  his  introduction  :  '  On  assure  qu'il  existe  dans  les  archives  par- 
ticulieres  des  Empereurs  de  Russie  des  Memoires  secrets  ecrits  de  la  main  de 
Pierre  le  Grand,  ou  sont  exposes  sans  detours  les  projets  que  ce  prince  av.iit  con 
511s,  qu'il  recommaude  a  1' attention  de  ses  successeurs  et  que  plusieurs  d'entre  euv 


WILL  OF  PETEB  THE  GREAT.  259 

Lesser  Horde  of  Kirghiz,  is  certainly  the  greatest  Eussian 
authority  on  Central  Asia,  has  plainly  shown  the  vacillation, 
the  ignorance,  and  the  want  of  good  sense  which  marked  the 
policy  of  Kussia  towards  Asia  from  the  reign  of  Peter  the 
Great  to  that  of  Alexander  II.  in  an  article  which  I  have  trans- 
lated in  Appendix  IV.  at  the  end  of  this  volume.     The  circum- 

ont,  en  effet,  suivis  avec  une  persistance  pour  ainsi  dire  religieuse.'  When  in 
1836  the  Polish  question  had  been  for  the  moment  finished,  and  the  Eastern 
question  seemed  menacing,  and  it  became  again  necessary  to  show  Russia's  desire 
of  world-conquest,  the  will  reappears,  but  this  time  re-written  in  more  diplomatic 
and  preciso  language,  in  the  form  of  an  actual  testament  in  'Les  Memoires  du 
Chevalier  d'Eon,'  by  Gaillardet,  one  of  the  celebrated  collaborators  with  A. 
Dumas  of  the  melodrama  'La  Tour  dp  Nesle.'  It  is  here  introduced  as  follows: 
'  En  meme  temps  que  l'acte  d'adhesion  d'Elisabeth  au  traits  de  Versailles,  le 
Chevalier  d'Eon  avait  apport6  un  document  precieux  dont  il  dut  la  decouverte 
a  son  intimity  sans  bornes  et  a,  ses  investigations  sans  controle  dans  les  archives 
les  plus  secrets  des  tzars.  Ce  document,  dont  tout  le  monde  a  pari 6  depuis 
1812,  dont  1'existence  etait  connue,  mais  que  nul  ne  possedait  et  n'a  pu  repro- 
duce, fut  remis  confidentiellement  par  le  Chevalier  d'Eon,  avec  un  travail  special 
sur  la  Russie,  entre  les  mains  de  l'abbe  de  Bernis,  ministre  des  affaires  £trangeres, 
et  entre  celles  du  roi  Louis  XV  lui-meme,  en  1757.  C'est  une  copie  litterale 
et  fidele  du  testament  laisse  par  Pierre  le  Grand  a,  ses  descendants  et  a  ses 
successeurs  au  trone  moscovite.'  Neither  the  famous — or  infamous — Chevalier 
d'Eon,  nor  M.  Gaillardet,  can  be  considered  as  authorities  on  an  historical  ques- 
tion. In  1839  a  Polish  writer,  Leonard  Chodzko,  in  his  '  La  Pologne  illustree,' 
brought  up  again  the  will,  with  still  greater  details.  He 'says  :  '  Ce  fut  en  1709 
apres  la  bataille  de  Pultawa,  que  Pierre  I  traca  le  plan  de  son  testament  qu'il 
retoucha  en  1724.  Par  un  hasard  dont  les  incidents  romanesques  seraient  supeiflus 
ici,  l'ambassadeur  de  France  pres  la  cour  de  la  czarine  Elisabeth,  en  1757,  trouva 
moyen  de  prendre  copLe  de  cette  piece  etrange,  et  aussitot  il  lYnvoya  a  Versailles, 
avec  toutes  les  reflexions  que  merite  un  pareil  document.' 

Finally,  during  the  Crimean  war,  in  1854,  M.  J.  Correard  published  a  map  of 
the  successive  enlargements  of  Russia  since  the  time  of  Peter  the  Great,  and 
added  in  the  margin  a  copy  of  the  supposed  will,  with  a  still  more  exact  account : 
'  Ce  testament  politique  fut  esquisse  par  Pierre  I"  en  1710  apres  la  batai  le  de 
Pultawa,  retouche  par  lui  en  1722,  apres  la  paix  de  Nystadt,  et  formule  definitive- 
ment  par  le  chancelier  Ostermann.  II  fut  connu  de  Louis  XV  et  de  ses  ministres 
des  l'annee  1757.'     In  this  state  has  the  legend  come  to  us. 

See 'Les  Auteiirs  du  Testament  de  Pierre  le  Grand,  page  d'Histoire.'  Paris: 
E.  Dentu,  Libraire-Editeur,  Palais-Royal,  17-19  Galerie  d'Orleans,  1872. 

It  is  almost  unnecessary  to  remark  that  the  language  and  the  expressions  as 
well  as  the  ideas  in  this  alleged  will,  are  such  as  never  could  have  been  used  by 
Peter  the  Great  or  in  his  time.  The  statu  archives  of  Russia  are  liberally  open 
to  all  historical  students,  but  no  one  has  ever  yet  been  able  to  find  there  this 
famous  will,  nor,  in  spite  of  the  allegations  of  M.  Gaillardet  and  M.  Chodzko,  has 
anyone  succeeded  in  discovering  the  copy  of  the  document  in  the  French  archives. 

There  are  strong  reasons  for  believing  that  the  only  will  left  by  Peter  the 
Great — that  naming  his  wife  as  his  successor — was  forged  by  Catherine  and 
Menshikof  immediately  after  his  death. 

s  2 


i , 


260  TUKKLSTAN. 

stances  of  his  present  official  position  will  explain  the  reason 
why  he  did  not  touch  upon  the  policy  which  has  been  pursued 
during  the  present  reign ;  but  what  his  opinions  are  on  that 
subject  are  to  be  found  in  the  letters  in  the  'Moskva.' 

The  policy  of  Kussia  cannot  be  concluded  merely  from  the 
conquests  and  extensions  of  territory,  without  taking  into 
account  the  causes  of  these  movements.  Yet  this  is  what  is 
usually  done  ;  and  the  fact  that  since  the  Crimean  war  Kussia  has 
annexed  considerable  portions  of  the  three  khanates  of  Bukhara, 
Khokand,  and  Khiva  is  put  forward  as  a  proof  of  a  scheming 
policy  and  of  a  plot  to  dominate  the  whole  of  Asia.  With  much 
greater  force  might  it  be  said  that  the  extension  of  British  rule 
in  Asia  is  the  result  of  a  long-matured  and  traditional  policy  of 
Asiatic  conquest ;  yet  no  one  who  knows  how  the  spread  of 
British  rule  in  India  and  in  the  adjacent  countries  has  been 
brought  about  would  think  of  accusing  the  English  Govern- 
ment of  such  a  design.  Why,  then,  should  such  accusations  be 
brought  against  Kussia?  Simply  because  there  is  a  widely 
spread  belief  in  Western  Europe — and  irrational  ideas  of  this 
kind  are  often  hardest  to  eradicate — that  as  Kussia  is  governed 
(so  it  is  thought)  by  a  single  will,  and  as  the  political  steps 
of  Kussia  are  taken  without  the  publicity  which  attends  such 
measures  in  constitutional  countries,  Kussian  statesmen  are 
almost  preternaturally  wise  and  skilful,  and  that  there  exists  a 
traditional  and  hereditary  policy.  Such  a  policy  would  be 
difficult  enough  anywhere,  and  it  does  not  and  has  not  existed 
in  Kussia ;  in  fact  not  only  in  Asiatic  but  in  other  Eastern  as 
well  as  in  European  affairs  Kussia  is  guided  by  no  policy 
whatever,  except  so  far  as  yearly  and  almost  daily  changing 
circumstances  may  dictate.  Were  it  to  be  generally  admitted, 
— I  will  not  say  as  true,  but  even  as  possible, — that  Russia  had 
no  foreign  policy  except  that  of  carrying  out  such  views  as 
might  for  the  moment  seem  advantageous,  the  present  situ- 
ation of  affairs  both  in  Europe  and  Asia  might  be  more  easily 
understood  and  difficulties  might  be  better  avoided. 

It  seems,  therefore,  exceedingly  unfair  towards  Kussia  to 
bring  up  the  Circular  issued  by  Prince  Gortchakof  after  the 
capture  of  Tchimkent  as  a  proof  of  the  bad  feeling  of  the  Russian 
Government  in  its  dealings  with  Central  Asia.  Under  ordinary 
circumstances  such  a  step  as  that  taken  by  Russia  in  1864  for 


PRINCE   GORTCHAKOF'S   CIRCULAR.  261 

rounding  off  her  frontier  and  filling  up  the  gaps  between  the 
lines  of  the  Syr  Darya  and  of  Siberia  would  have  excited  no  re- 
mark and  would  have  needed  no  explanation.  But  England  had 
always  been  jealous  of  the  independence  of  the  Central  Asiatic 
Khanates  ;  and  the  English  press,- — with  a  feeling  which  would 
seem  to  imply  that  it  believed  the  English  hold  on  India  to  be 
weaker  than  it  really  is, — immediately  raised  a  cry  of  alarm,  as  if 
this  were  an  advance  made  towards  wresting  that  great  empire 
from  English  hands.  Prince  Grortchakof,  therefore,  thought  it 
best  to  explain  the  object  of  the  movement  in  a  circular  which 
he  issued  to  the  different  Eussian  embassies  and  legations.  In 
that  circular  the  Prince  set  forth  what  were  undoubtedly  the 
true  reasons  for  the  Eussian  advance.  He  also  stated  that 
there  was  no  intention  of  advancing  further,  for  this  campaign 
had  been  undertaken  purely  to  prevent  the  necessity  of  sub- 
sequent campaigns.  '  We  find  ourselves,'  he  said,  '  in  face  of 
a  more  solid,  more  compact,  less  unsettled,  and  better  organised 
society ;  and  this  marks  with  geographical  precision  the  limits 
to  which  interest  and  reason  prescribe  us  to  advance,  and  at 
which  we  must  halt,  because,  on  the  one  hand,  any  further 
extension  of  our  rule  meeting  henceforth,  not  with  unstable 
communities,  like  independent  nomad  tribes,  but  with  more 
regularly  constituted  states,  would  exact  considerable  efforts  and 
would  draw  us  on  from  annexation  to  annexation  into  infinite 
complications ;  while,  on  the  other  hand,  having  henceforth  for 
neighbours  such  states,  notwithstanding  their  backward  con- 
dition and  the  instability  of  their  political  action,  we  can 
nevertheless  be  assured  that  to  the  common  advantage  regular 
relations  will  one  day  be  substituted  for  the  disorders  which 
have  hitherto  paralysed  the  progress  of  these  countries.' 

There  would  seem  to  be  no  ground  for  charging  Eussia 
with  duplicity  in  this  Circular,  for  there  is  nothing  in  it  which 
was  not  at  the  time  generally  believed.  Its  great  fault  was 
in  believing  that  the  home  authorities,  with  the  peculiar  system 
of  government  which  prevails  in  Eussia,  would  be  able  to 
control  the  movements  of  the  generals  in  command,  and  in 
thinking  that  the  Khanates  of  Central  Asia  were  well-organised 
states,  that  political  relations  might  be  had  with  them,  and  that 
they  would  be  amenable  to  reason  or  would  respect  the  obliga- 
tions of  treaties.     Prince    Grortchakof  could    not    then   know 


// 


26;?  TURKISTAX. 

that  General  Tchernaief,  in  violation  of  orders,  would  the  next 
summer  attack  and  capture  Tashkent.  He  was  misinformed 
also  as  to  the  value  of  the  country  annexed.  One  thing,  how- 
ever, he  saw  clearly, — although  the  efforts  necessary  were  much 
less  considerable  than  he  had  supposed, — that  a  further  exten- 
sion of  rule  over  the  Khanates  would  lead  from  annexation  to 
annexation  and  to  infinite  complications.  How  some  of  these 
annexations  were  brought  about  and  why  some  of  these  attacks 
took  place  I  shall  endeavour  to  explain. 

I  referred  above  to  the  peculiar  constitution  of  the  Russian 
Government.  This  has  a  more  important  bearing  on  the 
Asiatic  policy  of  the  Empire  than  has  been  generally  supposed. 
Each  minister  being  independent  and  responsible  only  to  the 
Emperor,  there  is  no  Cabinet,  properly  so  called,  and  can  be  no 
united  policy.  The  councils  of  ministers  do  not  so  much 
discuss  questions  of  policy  as  questions  of  detail^the  solution 
of  which  depends  upon  two  or  three  ministers  jointly.  Some- 
times a  subject  is  deemed  so  important  that  a  special  com- 
mission is  appointed  to  study  it  and  to  come  to  a  conclusion, 
which  may  or  may  not  be  ratified  by  the  Emperor.  Still,  even 
in  this  case,  as  each  minister  has  the  right  of  a  personal 
audience  with  the  Emperor,  when  he  can  explain  in  detail  all 
his  arguments  for  the  proposed  measure,  the  decision  of  the 
commission  may  be  set  aside  almost  as  soon  as  it  is  made. 
A  striking  instance  of  this  occurred  in  the  formation  of  the 
Trans-Caspian  military  district  The  plan  for  the  establish- 
ment of  this  district  was  opposed  both  by  Prince  Gortchakof 
and  by  the  Minister  of  Finance,  the  one  on  political  and  the 
other  on  financial  grounds,  and  it  was  rejected  by  a  lar0e 
majority  in  the  commission  specially  appointed  to  consider  it. 
Yet  the  united  influence  of  the  Grand-Duke  Michael  and  of  the 
Minister  of  War  was  so  strong  as  to  obtain  the  Imperial  sanc- 
tion to  the  scheme  but  a  few  days  after. 

It  will  be  seen  from  this  one  example  that  it  is  possible  for  a 
measure  to  be  put  into  operation  although  it  may  be  contrary  to 
the  ideas  and  desires  of  the  Foreign  Office.  But  this  is  not  an 
isolated  case ;  such  things  are  of  constant  occurrence.  The 
difficulty  in  such  cases  is  that  in  the  end  no  one  is  respon- 
sible, not  even  the  0  n  ernment,  for  it  is  guided  by  no  settled 
policy.     As  matters  now  stand  there  are   five   distinct   ruleis 


TOO   MANY   HEADS.  2G3 

over  large  provinces  in  Asia,  all  of  whom  have  differing 
interests,  and  some  of  whom  are  in  constant  rivalry,  if  not  in 
actual  bad  relations  with  each  other.  All  are  nominally  de- 
pendent in  military  matters  upon  the  Minister  of  War  ;  all  are 
practically  independent  of  the  Foreign  Office ;  all  have  the  right 
of  reporting  personally  and  viva,  voce  to  the  Emperor,  and  really 
acknowledge  no  other  authority.  These  are  the  Grand  Duke 
Michael,  the  brother  of  the  Emperor,  and  the  Lieutenant  of  the 
Caucasus,  and  the  Governors-General  of  Orenburg,  of  Turkistan, 
of  Eastern  and  of  Western  Siberia.  The  Governors-General  of 
Turkistan,  of  Eastern  and  of  Western  Siberia,  on  account  of 
the  affairs  of  Kuldja,  have  to  do  with  Chinese  officials,  and  in 
spite  of  telegraphs  and  post-roads  each  of  them  pursues  a 
policy  which  at  times  differs  from  that  of  each  of  the  others,  as 
well  as  from  that  of  the  Russian  Minister  at  Pekin,  who  acts 
under  the  direct  instructions  of  the  Foreign  Office.  The 
Governors-General  of  Western  Siberia,  of  Turkistan,  and  of 
Orenburg  have  different  methods  for  the  government  of  the 
Kirghiz,  who  are  nearly  equally  divided  between  the  three 
provinces.  General  Kryzhanofsky  and  General  Kaufmann,  as  is 
well  known,  look  at  the  affairs  of  the  Steppe  and  of  the  Central 
Asiatic  Khanates  from  entirely  different  and  almost  irrecon- 
cilable points  of  view.  The  Grand  Duke  Michael,  to  whom 
the  Trans-Caspian  district  has  lately  been  subjected,  has  still 
different  ideas,  and  in  his  anxiety  to  find  some  occupation 
for  the  large  army  placed  under  his  orders  frequently  makes 
propositions  to  the  Ministry  of  War,  which,  on  account 
of  foreign  complications  that  would  arise,  are  as  often  re- 
jected by  the  Emperor  on  the  advice  of  Prince  Gortchakof; 
and  yet  almost  without  exception  they  are  merely  adjourned 
and  not  utterly  forbidden,  for  we  see  that  the  Grand  Duke  is 
sometimes  allowed  to  carry  out  his  plans  on  a  smaller  scale 
than  he  at  first  intended,  as  well  as  to  take  steps  for  larger 
projects,  and  we  know  the  great  influence  which  both  the 
Grand  Duke  and  the  Minister  of  War  have  with  the  Emperor. 

The  fears  of  English  remonstrances  and  of  diplomatic 
complications  have  had  great  influence  on  the  Russian  policy 
in  Asia.  The  Foreign  Office  has  been  exceedingly  annoyed 
by  the  persistent  manner  in  which,  on  each  movement 
of  troops,   questions    have  been  asked  in   Parliament,  or   the 


264  TUKKISTAN 

British  Ambassador  has  hinted  or  stated  to  Prince  Gortchakof 
his  desire  to  know  the  reasons  for  such  a  step ;  and  not  un- 
frequently  movements  quite  insignificant  in  themselves  have 
been  forbidden  for  fear  of  English  remonstrances.  This  has 
not  been  unnoticed  in  the  Eussian  press.  A  recent  book  on 
Central  Asia  l  says  :  '  This  has  caused  us  to  explain  to  England 
every  one  of  our  movements,  to  quiet  her  with  regard  to  our 
intentions  and  to  define  our  policy.  This  cannot  but  have  its 
effect  on  our  actions,  which  receive  a  tinge  of  indecision  and 
display  a  possible  fear  of  awakening  vain  apprehensions  on  the 
part  of  our  rival.  The  wish  to  quiet  the  English  disbelief  in 
us  and  to  give  no  cause  for  English  protests  has  made  us  look 
through  our  fingers  at  many  greater  or  less  breaches  of  inter- 
national law  on  the  part  of  Khiva,  Bukhara,  and  Kashgar. 
England  would  never  have  permitted  half  of  these  wrongs 
and  insults.  Our  moderation,  however,  has  been  vain.  In 
the  eyes  of  Englishmen  we  have  won  nothing,  and  if  England 
for  a  time  appears  to  believe  in  us  and  to  be  friendly,  the 
feeling  is  not  sincere.' 

It  is  impossible  to  believe  that  there  is  any  settled  inten- 
tion on  the  part  of  the  Eussian  Government  of  making  an 
attack  on  India,  or  even  of  preparing  the  way  for  it,  nor  is 
there  any  desire  for  the  possession  of  India.  Young  men  in 
the  army  of  Turkistan,  whose  only  thought  is  for  advancement 
and  decorations,  may,  indeed,  talk  loudly ;  but  the  men  who 
control  the  policy  have  no  such  thought.  What  might  happen 
in  case  of  a  war  between  Eussia  and  England  on  other  ques- 
tions is,  indeed,  hard  to  say.     If  Eussia  could  then — easily  for 

1  '  Russia  and  England  in  Central  Asia,'  by  M.  A.  Terentief,  p.  252.  St. 
Petersburg,  1875-  "While  not  sharing  all  the  opinions  or  approving  the  tone  of 
Mr.  Terentief,  who  is  very  chauviniste  and  needlessly  hostile  to  England,  I  fre- 
quently refer  to  his  book  in  this  chapter,  because  when  serving  in  Central  Asia 
he  had  access  to  the  papers  contained  in  the  chancery  of  General  Kaufmann,  and 
may,  therefore,  when  he  quotes  documents,  be  considered  as  an  authority.  Many 
of  the  facts  which  he  mentions  in  the  book  referred  to,  I  already  knew  from 
other  sources.  During  the  later  years  of  Mr.  Terentief 's  stay  in  Tashkent,  he  was 
a  violent  opponent  of  General  Kaufmann,  and  was  seeking  information  of  every 
description  to  convict  him  of  maladministration  and  incompetence.  After  the 
administration  of  Turkistan  had  been  attacked  in  the  Russian  press  senrch  wag 
made  for  a  writer  with  a  ready  pen,  and  the  officials  of  General  Kaufmann's  staff 
succeeded  in  presenting  to  Mr.  Terentief  '  convincing  arguments  '  for  defending 
rather  than  attacking  the  General's  administration.  This  may  in  some  measure 
account  for  the  two  different  lines  of  thought  which  run  through  his  book. 


DESIGNS   ON  INDIA.  265 

herself — make  a  diversion  on  India  she  would  certainly  be 
justified  in  doing  so,  but  the  position  of  Eussian  affairs  in 
Turkistan  is  hardly  such  as  to  allow  her  to  do  so  for  many 
years  to  come,  to  say  nothing  of  the  distance  of  Turkistan 
from  European  Eussia,  the  bad  communications,  and  the  inter- 
vening deserts  and  mountains  between  Turkistan  and  India, 
which  would  render  such  a  movement  exceedingly  difficult,  if 
not  impossible.  The  only  danger  to  India  from  Eussia  lies 
through  Persia.  Experience  has  proved  that  all  invasions  of 
India  have  come  through  Afghanistan,  and  Afghanistan  can 
only  be  approached  by  Eussia  through  Persia. 

The  Emperor  Paul,  from  his  hatred  of  the  English  and  his 
sympathy  with  Napoleon,  did,  indeed,  propose  an  expedition  to 
India,  but  his  plan  was  so  wild  that  even  Napoleon  laughed  at 
it.  His  idea  was  that  Eussia  should  concentrate  in  Astrakhan 
25,000  regular  troops  and  2,000  Cossacks.  France  was  also  to 
send  a  body  of  35,000  men  up  the  Danube  to  the  Black  Sea, 
when  they  were  to  be  conveyed  in  ships  to  Taganrog,  and  were 
then  to  march  to  the  Volga  and  sail  to  Astrakhan.  From 
there  both  armies  were  to  go  to  Astrabad,  and  it  was  expected 
that  the  troops  could  march  from  Astrakhan  to  the  Indus  in 
forty-five  days.  Napoleon  having  refused  to  consent  to  this 
expedition,  Paul  resolved  on  undertaking  it  with  his  own 
means  ;  and  in  order  not  to  make  the  conquest  too  much  of 
a  burden  upon  the  Government,  he  intended  to  effect  it  by 
means  of  the  Don  Cossacks  alone,  to  whom  he  presented  India 
in  a  letter  of  January  12  (^24)  to  General  Orlof,  the  Ataman 
of  the  Don  Cossacks,  in  which  he  said  :  '  All  the  wealth  of 
India  will  be  your  reward  for  this  expedition.'  The  Cossacks 
were  to  march  from  Orenburg  to  Khiva  and  Bukhara,  and 
thence  to  the  Indus.  Several  other  letters  with  new  orders 
succeeded,  and  Orlof  promised  to  undertake  the  expedition  and 
carry  it  out  successfully.  The  Cossacks  prepared  for  their 
march,  which  was  fixed  for  the  beginning  of  May,  when  on 
the  night  of  March  23  the  Emperor  Paul  suddenly  died,  and 
the  change  of  Government  put  a  stop  to  the  whole  plan. 

In  the  early  part  of  the  Crimean  war  another  project  for 
the  invasion  of  India  was  presented  to  the  Emperor  Nicholas 
by  General  Duhamel,  but  Eussia's  attention  was  too  much 
taken  up  with  what  was  passing   on  the  Danube  and  in  the 


266  TURKISTAN. 

Crimea  to  pay  much  attention  to  it.  The  success  of  such  an 
expedition  would,  of  course,  depend  upon  which  country  had 
the  preponderance  in  Persia,  for  it  is  only  with  the  consent  if 
not  the  active  co-operation  of  Persia  that  such  a  plan  would 
stand  the  slightest  chance  of  fulfilment. 

Apprehensions  for  the  safety  of  her  Indian  possessions  led 
England  to  engage  in  the  only  negotiations  on  the  subject  of 
Central  Asia  which  have  yet  taken  place.  They  were  begun  in 
the  early  part  of  1869  by  Lord  Clarendon,  who  in  a  conference 
with  Baron  Brunnow,  the  Kussian  Ambassador,  said  that  while 
Her  Majesty's  Grovernment  had  not  the  slightest  cause  for  alarm 
in  the  rapid  progress  of  Eussia  in  Central  Asia,  yet  something 
must  be  done  to  allay  the  excitement  and  the  suspicions  of  the 
British  public  and  the  British  press.  He  therefore  proposed 
what  became  known  as  the  '  neutral  zone,'  -  that  there  should 
be  a  strip  of  territory  between  Russia  and  the  Indian  possessions 
the  neutrality  of  which  should  be  guaranteed  by  both  parties. 
Prince  Gortchakof  received  this  suggestion  in  very  good  part, 
and  proposed  that  Afghanistan  be  selected  as  that  zone.  This, 
however,  did  not  suit  the  views  of  the  Indian  Grovernment,  which 
was  by  no  means  desirous  of  having  Afghanistan  remain  neutral, 
—  so  far  at  least  as  England  was  concerned.  Subsequently  Lord 
Clarendon  had  an  interview  at  Heidelburg  with  Prince  Grort- 
chakof  on  this  subject,  and  still  later  in  the  autumn  of  the 
same  year  Mr.  Forsyth,  as  the  representative  of  the  Indian 
Government,  visited  St.  Petersburg,  and  held  several  conferences 
with  Prince  Grortchakof,  and  other  Eussian  ministers.  It  was 
found  that  a  neutral  zone  in  its  strict  sense  was  impossible. 
The  idea  of  the  Indian  G-overnment  then  was  to  establish  on 
the  frontier  of  each  country  a  girdle  of  semi-independent  states, 
those  nearest  India — Afghanistan,  Khelat,  and  Yarkand  ( Kash- 
gar)  -  to  be  subject  to  British  influence,  and  those  on  the  other 
side  of  the  Oxus,  including  Bukhara  and  Khokand,  to  be 
subject  to  that  of  Russia.  As  the  plan  of  independent  or  semi- 
independent  states  was  found  an  impossible  one,  it  was  barely 
proposed  to  Eussia,  and  after  several  conferences  it  was  sub- 
stantially agreed,  that  '  Afghanistan  should  be  completely 
outside  the  sphere  within  which  Eussia  should  be  called  upon 
to  exercise  her  influence,'  while  it  was  understood  that  all  the 
countries  to  the  north  of  that  should  be  considered  to  be  under 


THE   AFGHAN   FRONTIER  267 

Russian  influence,  and  that  no  interference  should  be  made 
there  by  England.  The  only  question  to  decide  was  as  to  the 
actual  boundaries  of  Afghanistan,  it  being  agreed  that  all  the 
countries  in  the  effective  possession  of  Shir  Ali  Khan,  and  which 
had  formerly  recognised  the  sovereignty  of  Dost  Mohammed, 
should  be  considered  as  Afghanistan,  and  it  was  arranged  that 
the  memoranda  and  papers  on  this  subject  should  be  submitted 
to  General  Kaufmann,  as  the  person  nearest  the  spot  capable  of 
judging  the  question,  in  order  that  he  might  report  to  the 
Russian  Government  what  the  actual  boundaries  of  the  country 
were.  The  matter  drifted  on,  for  no  reports  were  received  from 
General  Kaufmann,  who  seemed  to  find  it  exceedingly  difficult 
to  ascertain  the  real  boundaries  of  Afghanistan,  in  spite  of  the 
pressing  reminder  of  Sir  Andrew  Buchannan  in  the  autumn  uf 
1871.  Finally,  on  October  17,  1872,  Lord  Granville  wrote  a 
dispatch  to  Lord  Augustus  Loftus,  for  communication  to  the 
Russian  Government,  in  which  it  was  stated  that  the  English 
Government  not  having  received  any  information  from  Russia, 
had  been  obliged  to  make  up  their  minds  from  the  best  infor- 
mation they  could  receive,  and  had  concluded  to  consider  as 
fully  belonging  to  the  Amir  of  Kabul : — 1.  Badakshan,  with  its 
dependent  district  of  Vakhan,  from  the  Sarikul  (Woods'  Lake) 
on  the  east,  to  the  junetion  of  the  Koktcha  River,  with  the  Oxus 
(or  Penja),  forming  the  northern  boundary  of  this  Afghan 
province  throughout  its  entire  extent.  2.  Afghan  Turkistan, 
comprising  the  districts  of  Kunduz,  Khulm,  and  Balkh,  the 
northern  boundary  of  which  would  be  the  line  of  the  Oxus  from 
the  junction  of  the  Koktcha  River  to  the  post  of  Khoja  Saleh 
inclusive,  on  the  high  road  from  Bukhara  to  Balkh.  Nothing 
to  be  claimed  by  the  Afghan  Amir  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Oxus 
below  Khoja  Saleh.  3.  The  internal  districts  of  Aksha,  Seripul, 
Maimena,  Shibberjan,  and  Andkhoi,  the  latter  of  which  would 
be  the  extreme  Afghan  frontier  possession  to  the  north  west, 
the  desert  beyond  belonging  to  independent  tribes  of  Turkomans. 
4,  The  Western  Afghan  frontier,  between  the  dependencies  of 
Herat  and  those  of  the  Persian  province  of  Khorassan,  is  well 
known,  and  need  not  here  be  defined.' l 

1  Sir  Henry  Rawlinson  (in  his  '  England  and  Russia  in  the  East,'  London, 
1875,  p.  310),  seems  to  claim  on  one  point  a  still  greater  extent  of  territory.  He 
states  that  in  paragraph  1  the  words  '  on  the  west ;  the  stream  of  the  Oxus '  were 


268  TURKISTAN. 

This  despatch  brought  out  a  reply  from  Prince  Gortchakof, 
conveying  the  report  of  General  Kaufmann,  and  a  memorandum 
by  Mr.  Struve,  who  claimed  that  Badakshan  and  Vakhan  were 
not  subject  to  the  rule  of  Shir  Ali  Khan.  Prince  Gortchakof 
therefore,  objected  to  having  them  included  within  the  limits 
of  Afghanistan  under  his  objection.  He,  however,  subsequently 
withdrew  his  objection,  as  he  said,  to  please  the  English 
cabinet.  He  added,  '  We  are  more  inclined  to  this  act  of 
courtesy,  as  the  English  Government  engages  to  use  all  its 
influence  with  Shir  Ali,  in  order  to  induce  him  to  maintain  a 
peaceful  attitude,  as  well  as  to  insist  on  his  giving  up  all 
measures  of  aggression  or  further  conquest.  This  influence  is 
indispensable.  It  is  based  not  only  on  the  material  and  moral 
ascendancy  of  England,  but  also  on  the  subsidies  for  -which  Shir 
Ali  is  indebted  to  her.  Such  being  the  case,  we  see  in  this 
assurance  a  real  guarantee  for  the  maintenance  of  peace.'  When 
this  correspondence  came  to  be  published,  some  alarm  was  felt 
as  to  the  obligation  of  England,  implied  in  the  last  paragraph 
of  Prince  Gortchakof 's  note,  to  maintain  Shir  Ali's  peaceful  at- 
titude and  to  restrain  him  from  all  measures  of  aggression  or 
further  conquest.  It  was  said  that  this  committed  England  to 
an  armed  intervention  for  the  preservation  of  peace.  Mr.  Glad- 
stone, in  a  speech  in  Parliament  (April  23,  1873),  repudiated 
this  responsibility,  saying  that  the  influence  of  England  was 
only  to  be  exercised  by  means  of  friendly  advice.  The  Russians 
looked  upon  this  as  a  formal  repudiation  of  the  whole  trans- 
action on  the  part  of  the  English  Government,  for  it  was  evident 
that  Russia  would  not  guarantee  the  inviolability  of  Afghanistan 
territory,  if  the  English  did  not  agree  that  they  would  compel 
the  Amir  to  respect  the  territory  on  the  other  side  of  the  Oxus, 
■ — territory  which  is  now  Bukharan,  but  what  will  probably 
some  day  be  Russian.     The  *  Official  Gazette,'  remarking  on  Mr. 

accidentally  omitted  after  the  words  'the  Oxus  of  Penja,'  and  he  maintains  there- 
fore on  the  basis  of  subsequent  explorations  that  the  main  stream  of  the  Oxus  is 
not  to  be  taken,  as  that  rising  in  Woods'  Lake,  but  a  branch  to  the  north  rising  in 
the  little  Pamir  Lake,  which,  under  the  name  of  Murghabi,  flows  down  the  Shugnan 
valley.  He  has  accordingly  thus  marked  the  boundary  on  his  map.  The  official 
documents,  however,  published  both  by  the  English  and  the  Russian  Governments 
expressly  mention  the  branch  rising  in  Wood's  Lake.  It  certainly  was  not  the 
intention  of  the  Russians  to  include  in  Afghanistan  the  principality  of  Shugnan 
which  is  now  well  known  to  belong  to  Bukhara. 


ENGLAND   AND   RUSSIA.  269 

Gladstone's  explanation,  said :  '  If  England  has  preserved  her 
freedom  of  action  Eussia  has  also  preserved  hers,  and  con- 
sequently the  two  Governments  have  not  in  reality  pledged 
themselves  to  any  inconvenient  obligations  which  might  have  the 
effect  of  placing  them  in  false  relations.'  In  reality,  therefore, 
the  matter  remains  exactly  where  it  was  before  the  negotiations 
of  1869  and  1872  were  begun,  except  that  an  agreement  has 
been  brought  about  as  to  what  are  the  boundaries  of  Afghanistan. 
Unless  some  new  arrangement  should  be  made,  Russia  has  a 
perfect  right,  in  case  of  troubles  on  the  Oxus,  to  cross  it  and 
inflict  punishment  upon  the  troops  and  provinces  of  Shir  Ali. 

The  attitude  of  England  toward  Russia  with  regard  to 
Central  Asia,  can  hardly  be  called  a  dignified  one.  There  are 
constant  questions,  protests,  demands  for  explanations,  and  even 
threats — at  least  in  the  newspapers  and  in  Parliament — but 
nothing  ever  is  done.  Outcries  were  made  about  the  expedition 
to  Khiva,  but  when  the  occupation  had  once  become  a  fait 
accompli,  the  same  men  and  the  same  journals  said  that  no 
harm  was  done.  Again  there  were  outcries  and  questions  about 
the  possibility  of  a  Russian  movement  on  Kashgar.  Now,  after 
Khokand  is  occupied,  the  conquest  of  Kashgar  is  looked  upon  as 
not  so  alarming  after  all.  At  present  there  is  a  similar  uneasi- 
ness about  Merv,  and  the  Russophobist  party  are  using  all  their 
efforts  to  show,  either  that  the  Russians  must  not  be  allowed  to 
take  Merv,  or  if  they  do  take  it,  that  Herat  must  be  occupied. 
In  all  probability  Merv  will  be  occupied  by  the  Russians,  and 
in  all  probability  the  English  Government  will  do  nothing  at 
all.  It  would  seem  wiser  and  more  dignified,  instead  of  subject- 
ing the  Russian  Foreign  Office  to  constant  petty  annoyances,  to 
allow  the  Russians  plainly  to  understand  what  limits  they  could 
not  pass  in  their  onward  movement.  A  state  of  mutual  sus- 
picion bodes  no  good  to  the  relations  of  any  Governments. 

One  of  the  great  causes  of  the  Russian  advance  in  Central 
Asia,  and  one  of  the  greatest  difficulties  with  which  the 
Foreign  Office  has  had  to  deal,  has  been  the  full  powers 
granted  to  General  Kaufmann  to  carry  on  diplomatic  relations 
with  the  neighbouring  states.  Whatever  reason  might  have 
existed  for  this  at  first,  now  that  the  post-roads  are  in  better 
order,  and  that  the  telegraph  is  completed  to  Tashkent  and 
Hodjent,  the  policy  of  Turkistan  should  certainly  be  entirely 


270  TUEKISTAN. 

governed  by  tnat  of  the  Government  at  St.  Petersburg. 
These  powers,  however,  General  Kaufmann  has  regarded  as 
the  apple  of  his  eye.  There  are  the  best  reasons  to  believe  that 
full  details  of  the  actual  state  of  the  relations  between  the 
Khanates  and  Tashkent  have  not  always  been  communicated  to 
the  Home  Government,  and  that  at  times  formal  permission 
has  been  asked  and  explanations  have  been  given  only  after 
military  expeditions  have  actually  started.  The  policy  which 
has  prevailed  at  Tashkent,  so  far  as  it  can  be  distinct  from  the 
policy  at  St.  Petersburg,  has  been  a  purely  personal  one.  The 
great  desire  of  the  Governor-General  has  been  to  play  the  part 
of  pacificator  of  Central  Asia.  With  this  view  treaties  were 
made  with  various  states — which  were  far  from  being  kept — by 
which,  in  the  opinion  of  many-  not  only  at  St.  Petersburg  but 
even  in  Tashkent,  to  say  nothing  of  those  abroad  who  followed 
the  movements, — the  surrounding  Khanates  were  reduced  to 
vassalage.  How  far  this  is  true  may  be  seen  from  the  late  war 
with  Khokand.  It  being  supposed  that  both  Khokand  and 
Bukhara  were  perfectly  subdued,  and  were  ready  to  carry  out  all 
the  wishes  of  the  Government,  the  campaign  against  Khiva  was 
undertaken  without  great  necessity,  but  to  round  off  the  whole 
with  a  successful  military  expedition,  which  would  put  down  the 
last  elements  of  disorder  in  Central  Asia. 

One  consequence  of  this  full  power  has  been  to  keep  up 
diplomatic  relations  where  properly  no  diplomatic  relations 
should  have  existed.  When  the  Khanates  had  been  once  awed 
by  force  of  arms,  the  Russians  might  well  have  taken  a  leaf 
from  the  English  policy  in  India,  and  have  appointed  residents 
near  each  of  the  Khans,  whose  position  would  indeed  have  been 
a  semi-diplomatic  one,  but  whose  duties  would  have  consisted, 
with  the  help  of  a  guard  of  native  Cossacks,  in  enforcing  the 
orders  of  the  Governor-General. 

No  attempt,  however,  has  been  made  at  anything  like  this. 
The  Russians  have  never  maintained  in  any  of  the  Khanates  an 
official  or  secret  agent  who  could  give  them  information.  They 
have  trusted  to  the  reports  of  prefects  and  commanders  on  the 
borders,  and  to  the  effect  of  occasional  missions.  The  nominal 
conduct  of  diplomatic  affairs  was,  up  to  the  end  of  1873,  in  the 
hands  of  Mr.  Struve,  the  son  of  the  well-known  astronomer, 
and  now  the  Russian  minister  in  Japan.     Since  that  time  they 


PRESENTS.  271 

have  been  conducted  by  Mr.  Weinberg,  a  dependent  of  the 
Foreign  Office.  Diplomatic  relations  have  been  kept  up  by 
occasionally  sending  special  missions — frequently  without  any 
special  object  except  the  interchange  of  compliments — to  Kho- 
kand,  Bukhara,  and  even  Kashgar.  These  missions  are  fre- 
quently, but  not  always  accompanied  by  the  diplomatic  employe. 
In  addition  to  this,  the  Khokandian  Government  up  to  its 
fall  maintained  in  Tashkent  a  resident  envoy,  one  Mirza 
Hakim,  a  man  of  little  repute  in  his  own  country,  but  a 
favourite  of  the  Khan. 

The  Eussians  complain  that  their  Government  shows  no 
firmness  in  its  diplomatic  relations,  and  does  not  assert  the 
influence  to  which  it  has  a  right  from  its  actual  power,  and 
accuse  the  diplomatic  employe  and  other  envoys  of  yielding  too 
much  to  what  is  called  Asiatic  usage.  One  of  these  usages  is 
that  of  giving  and  receiving  presents.  When  Eussia  first 
opened  relations  with  the  Khanates,  and  when  it  was  itself  in 
outward  character  an  Asiatic  power,  it  is  but  natural  that  the 
system  of  presents  should  have  been  maintained.  It  was,  how- 
ever, found  exceedingly  burdensome.  The  Khans  approved  of 
it  in  order  to  obtain  rich  presents  from  the  Tsars,  as  well  as  to 
reward  their  favourites  at  Eussian  expense  by  sending  them  on 
missions.  In  consequence  of  this,  it  became  necessary  to  issue 
an  order  that  Asiatic  envoys  could  not  be  received  more  than 
once  in  three  years,  and  then  only  under  special  circumstances, 
and  that  the  direct  relations  between  the  countries  should  be 
carried  on  by  the  governors  of  the  nearest  provinces. 

When  the  Eussians,  by  the  occupation  of  Tashkent,  came 
into  close  relations  with  Bukhara  and  Khokand,  it  would  have 
been  far  wiser  if  they  had  asserted  their  own  customs,  and 
refused  either  to  give  or  receive  presents.  Having  at  that  time 
inspired  the  neighbouring  Khanates  with  awe,  it  would  have 
been  easy  to  have  maintained  their  ground.  For  presents  and 
expenses  of  ambassadors,  a  very  large  sum  is  required.  '  The 
Governor-General  for  Turkistan  receives  for  these  purposes 
35,000  rubles  yearly ;  but  this  sum  is  quite  insufficient  to  cover 
the  actual  outlay  for  the  reception  of  ambassadors  and  the  pur- 
chase of  articles  for  presents.  In  consequence  of  this,  the 
Governor-General  is  obliged  to  give  to  one  presents  received 
from  another,  or  else  to  sell  those  presents,  in  order  with  the 


272  TURKESTAN. 

money  thus  obtained  to  purchase  others  to  be  given  in 
return.  The  second  method  is,  perhaps,  to  be  preferred  to  the 
first,  so  as  to  prevent  the  absurd  incidents  which  it  is  said 
sometimes  formerly  happened.  The  Bukharan  Amir,  for  ex- 
ample, in  the  horses  sent  him  from  Khokand,  recognised  the 
same  animals  which  he  had  previously  given  to  the  Bek  of 
Tashkent.  These  horses,  with  their  gorgeous  trappings,  had 
succeeded  in  making  several  visits,  and  had  returned  to  their 
own  stable.  But  even  now  it  sometimes  happens  that  the  robes 
sent  from  all  quarters  to  Tashkent  get  mixed,  and  instead  of 
Khokandian  robes,  Bukharan  robes  are  sent  to  Bukhara,  so  that 
people  believe  there  that  the  present  has  not  been  accepted, 
but  has  been  returned.  Every  right  thinking  man  must  admit 
that  this  system  of  presents  is  a  very  bad  one.  A  certain  sum 
is  assigned  to  the  higher  officials  for  presents,  which  is  all  spent, 
in  addition  to  certain  varying  amounts  realised  by  the  sale  of 
presents  received  in  exchange.  The  remainder  of  these  presents, 
however,  does  not  constitute  the  property  of  the  Treasury, 
but  of  the  officials ;  so  that  a  lover  of  such  things  without 
spending  a  penny  can  form  an  excellent  collection  at  the  cost 
of  the  Grovernment.  Every  agent  who  is  sent  to  the  Khanates 
is  in  the  same  way  allowed  by  the  Gfovernor-Gfeneral  money  for 
presents.  The  agent  repeats  the  procedure,  and  if  he  be  an 
adept  he  never  returns  with  empty  hands.  Of  course  the  mis- 
sions to  the  Khanates  generally  fall  to  the  diplomatic  employe. 
This  is  his  monopoly.  In  his  case  the  presents  bear  no  propor- 
tion to  those  given  to  other  people ;  .  .  .  .  for  instance,  the 
Khan  of  Khokand  created  Mr.  Struve  a  taksaba — field- 
marshal  of  the  Khokandian  army  ....  and  gave  him  a  velvet 
uniform  with  gold  braids,  ornamented  with  pearls  and  precious 
stones.  They  even  say  the  taksaba  receives  money  in  the  shape 
of  the  rents  of  vaqf  lands.1  .  .  .  .' 

With  this  system  the  dignity  and  importance  of  the  Eussian 
Grovernment  are  lessened.  Another  usage  to  which  the  Eussians 
have  unthinkingly  conformed,  is  to  appear  before  the  native 
Khans  and  Amirs  dressed  in  native  robes,  a  conformity  to 
custom  which  the  natives  have  never  appreciated  at  its  real 
value,  but  have  regarded  as  a  proof  of  the  Eussians'  weakness, 
and  of  their  desire  to  keep  up  good  relations  even  by  acts  which 
lower  the  national  dignity. 

1  '  Russia  and  England  in  Central  Asia,'  by  M.  A.  Terentief.  pp.  331,  332. 


RUSSIAN  ENVOYS   OF   OLDEN   TIME.  273 

In  one  case  even  a  member  of  a  mission  to  Bukhara  was  so 
desirous  of  doing-  everything  that  politeness  required,  that  to 
all  appearances  at  least  he  kissed  the  hand  of  the  Amir  at  the 
farewell  interview,  a  circumstance  which  did  not  increase  the 
respect  of  the  Bukharans  for  the  mission.1 

In  former  times  Russian  envoys  did  not  allow  themselves  to 
perform  acts  so  derogatory  to  the  dignity  of  the  Russian  names, 
as  witness  the  instances  given  in  the  paper  of  Professor  Gri- 
gorief,  Appendix  IV.,  at  the  end  of  this  volume,  and  especially 
the  demeanour  of  Khokhlof,  the  Russian  envoy  to  Bukhara  in 
1620,  of  the  Brothers  Pasukhin  in  1669,  and  of  Nikiforof,  envoy 
at  Khiva,  in  1841.2 

1  '  Russia  and  England  in  Central  Asia,'  by  M.  A.  Terentief,  p.  337. 

2  In  1620  Ivan-Khokhlof  was  sent  on  a  mission  to  the  Bukhar.m  Khan,  Imam 
Kuli.  In  his  instructions  it  was  said  that  if  any  duiies  or  payment  should  be 
demanded  in  order  to  admit  him  to  the  Khan,  he  should  not  pay  them,  but  should 
return  ;  and  that  if  the  Khan  invited  him  to  his  table  he  was  not  to  accept  the 
invitation  except  on  condition  that  no  other  foreign  envoy  should  be  there,  or  if 
any  should  be  there,  that  they  should  sit  below  him.  Khokhlof  penetrated  to 
Samarkand,  and  was  there  received  by  the  Khan.  On  going  into  the  palace  one  of 
the  officials  desired  to  take  the  Tsar's  letter  from  Khokhlof's  hand,  who  refused  to 
give  it  up.  On  presenting  to  the  Khan  the  compliments  of  the  Russian  Tsar,  and 
seeing  that  he  did  not  stand  up  at  the  mention  of  the  Tsar's  name,  "he  remarked  to 
him  that  in  similar  cases  out  of  respect  to  the  name  of  the  Tsar  all  kings  were 
accustomed  to  rise.  The  Khan  immediately  complied,  excusing  himself  on  the 
ground  that  it  was  so  long  since  he  had  received  a  Russian  envoy  and  had  heard 
the  words  of  the  Tsar,  that  he  had  forgotten,  and  assuring  him  at  the  same  time 
that  the  omission  was  unintentional,  and  that  there  was  no  unfriendliness  or  real 
want  of  respect. 

In  1669  the  brothers  Pasukhin  were  sent  to  Bukhara  by  the  Tsar  Alexis.  The 
day  before  their  reception  by  the  Khan  the  envoys  demanded  that  in  the  first  place 
there  should  be  no  other  envoy  received  at  the  same  time,  and  secondly,  that  horses 
should  be  sent  for  them.  On  being  answered  that  this  was  not  customary  in 
Bukhara,  Pasukhin  replied  that  horses  from  the  Tsar's  stable  were  given  to  the 
Pukharan  envoys  in  Moscow,  and  that  therefore  they  must  be  similarly  treated. 
Not  only  was  this  request  complied  with,  but  every  other  made  during  the  mission 
—  which  was  very  successful. 

Captain  Nikiforof  was  sent  on  a  mission  to  Khiva  in  1841,  immediately  after 
the  unlucky  expedition  of  Perovsky.  Although  he  was  accompanied  by  only  a 
small  escort  of  twelve  Cossacks,  instead  of  cringing  an  I  yielding  to  all  the  demands 
of  Khivan  etiquette,  he  did  exactly  the  opposite,  and  by  his  bold  demeanour  and 
his  rude  and  almost  brutal  treatment  of  the  Khan's  officials,  he  succeeded  in 
inspiring  great  respect.  Seeing  the  great  delays  in  the  negotiations,  he  roughly 
stated  to  the  Khivans  what  the  Russian  Government  would  henceforth  consider  as 
the  boundary,  and  threatened  every  Kbivan  with  death  who  should  be  found  on 
the  other  side  of  it.  This  was  shortly  after  the  murder  of  two  pliant  English 
envoys  in  Bukhara. 

VOL.    II.  T 


274  TURKISTAN. 

In  forming  a  judgment  on  the  methods  and  the  results  of  the 
Russian  policy  in  Asia,  it  may  be  of  use  to  consider  the  relations 
of  Russia  with  each  country  separately. 

FIKST — KHOKAND. 

By  the  campaign  of  Tchernaief  in  1864-5,  and  the  subse- 
quent capture  of  Hodjent  in  1866,  the  Khan  of  Khokand  was 
restricted  to  a  very  small  portion  of  his  former  territory, — which 
had  at  one  time  extended  west  to  the  mouth  of  the  Syr  Darya, 
and  north  almost  to  Vierny, — and  was  left  to  govern  a  small 
fertile  territory  completely  surrounded  by  mountains,  except  on 
the  western  side  near  Hodjent.  At  that  time  the  Russians  pro- 
posed to  occupy  also  the  province  of  Namangan,  thus  limiting 
the  Khokandian  rule  to  the  south  of  the  rivers  Syr  Darya  and 
Naryn,  and  General  Romanofsky  himself  was  desirous  of  rectify- 
ing his  then  irregular  frontier  by  occupying  the  city  of  Kho- 
kand and  by  the  conquest  of  the  whole  country.  But  thf  shrewd 
advice  of  Ata  Bek  caused  the  Khan  to  send  envoys  to  con- 
gratulate the  Russians  on  the  capture  of  Hodjent  from  the 
Bukharans ;  and  as  there  had  been  no  actual  cause  for  war 
except  the, feeling  supposed  to  prevail  in  Khokand,  General 
Romanofsky  was  reluctantly  compelled  to  abandon  the  project. 
He  was  soon  afterwards  removed,  and  as  the  policy  indicated  by 
the  Government  at  St.  Petersburg  was  always  against  fresh 
conquests,  and  as  nothing  occurred  on  the  side  of  Khokand  of  such 
great  importance  as  to  render  a  war  absolutely  necessary,  the 
country  remained  unattached  until  the  rebellion  of  1875  made 
Russian  interference  imperative. 

On  his  arrival  at  Tashkent  late  in  the  autumn  of  1 867, 
General  Kaufmann  informed  Khudayar  Khan  of  his  accession  to 
power,  and  requested  him  to  send  an  envoy  to  conclude  a  treaty 
of  commerce.  Subsequently,  on  account  of  the  movements  of 
troops  in  Khokand  and  fears  of  a  change  in  Russian  policy,  he 
was  obliged  to  write  the  Khan  an  assuring  letter.  To  this  the 
Khan  replied  with  an  autograph  letter  and  an  envoy,  who 
assured  General  Kaufmann  that  the  movements  of  troops  were 
only  the  usual  autumn  manoeuvres  caused  by  the  distribution  of 
winter  clothing.  General  Kaufmann  informed  the  envoy  in  plain 
terms  of  the  demands  which  he  had  to  make  with  regard  to  the 
rights  of  Russian  traders,  and  the  diminution  of  the  duties,  and 


COMMERCIAL  TREATY  WITH  KHOKAND.  275 

sent  by  him  a  copy  of  the  treaty  which  he  proposed.  A  small 
Eussian  mission  went  to  Khokand  at  the  same  time  for  the 
purpose  of  investigating  to  some  extent  the  resources  of  the 
country.  To  the  conditions  of  the  treaty  the  Khan  would  not 
at  first  consent,  maintaining  that  he  could  not  allow  Eussian 
merchants  to  travel  freely  over  the  country,  as  he  could  not 
guarantee  them  against  attacks  from  the  more  fanatical  of  his 
subjects.  In  addition  to  this  he  desired  to  send  an  embassy  to 
St.  Petersburg,  and,  if  this  could  not  be  allowed,  at  all  events 
to  obtain  a  letter  directly  from  the  Emperor,  assuring  him  of 
peace  and  friendship,  which  would  be  a  guarantee  of  good  rela- 
tions independently  of  the  change  of  the  Eussian  governors,  for, 
with  all  the  respect  he  had  for  them,  he  could  not  but  notice 
that  in  the  course  of  three  years  there  had  been  four  Eussian 
commanders,  each  of  whom  had  proposed  his  own  conditions  for 
peace. 

General  Kaufmann  replied  to  the  Khan  formally  and  deci- 
sively in  a  letter  of  January  29  (February  10),  1868.  'The 
great  Eussian  Tsar  never  allows  any  dissension  between  the 
Khans  and  the  people  in  the  countries  neighbouring  to  us. 
Your  Highness  writes  that  you  cannot  answer  for  the  crimes  of 
some  of  your  subjects  with  regard  to  Eussian  traders.  To  this 
I  reply,  either  they  must  obey  your  commands  or  they  do  not 
acknowledge  your  authority  ov.  r  them.  A  nation  must  have  a 
head.  Those  of  your  people  who,  in  spite  of  your  commands, 
do  harm  to  Eussian  merchants,  must  then  obey  my  orders.  I 
cannot  allow  unruly  and  independent  people  in  the  neighbour- 
hood. The  general  quiet  demands  that  they  shall  submit  either 
to  you  or  to  me.'  To  Mirza  Hakim,  one  of  the  envoys, 
General  Kaufmann  spoke  in  strong  terms  of  the  indecision  of  the 
Khan,  and  said  that  if  he  had  wished  to  occupy  the  Khanate  he 
would  not  have  wasted  time  and  words,  but  would  before  that  have 
moved  his  troops  and  ended  the  whole  matter.  At  last  the  Khan 
withdrew  from  his  pretensions  of  carrying  on  direct  relations 
with  St.  Petersburg,  and  agreed  not  only  to  accept  the  Treaty 
of  General  Kaufmann  as  the  representative  of  the  Emperor,  but  to 
sign  it  as  well.  The  main  privileges  secured  by  the  treaty  were 
five  :  1.  The  right  of  Eussian  merchants  to  visit  all  the  towns 
in  the  Khanate  ;  2.  That  of  establishing  caravanserais  and  depots 
for  goods  where  they  wished  ;  3.  That  of  having  caravaii-bashis 

t2 


276  TURKISTAN. 

or  commercial  agents  in  all  the  towns  of  the  Khanate ;  4.  The 
reduction  of  the  customs  duties  to  1\  per  cent.,  and  the 
rendering  them  equal  both  for  Christians  and  Mussulmans, 
and,  5.  The  free  passage  through  Khokand  of  Eussian  caravans 
desiring  to  go  into  the  neighbouring  countries.  The  treaty 
was  finally  signed,  arid  was  approved  by  the  Emperor  in 
November  1868. 

This  treaty  was  never  carefully  observed.  Additional  duties 
on  cotton  and  silk  were  imposed,  as  I  have  mentioned  on  p.  1 7, 
vol.  ii.,  and  difficulties  were  placed  in  the  way  of  freely  travel- 
ling in  the  country.  The  Eussian  merchants  resident  in 
Khokand  were  kept  under  the  severest  restrictions,  and  one 
was  even  attacked  and  nearly  killed,  an  offence  which  was  con- 
doned by  a  small  compensation  paid  by  the  Khan. 

In  the  Eussian  campaign  against  Samarkand,  the  attitude 
of  the  Khan  was  anything  but  favourable  to  the  Eussians,  and 
his  troops  were  kept  ready  while  he  was  on  the  watch  for  an  occa 
sion  to  attack  the  Eussians  in  the  rear.  The  speedy  capture  of 
Samarkand,  and  the  reports  from  the  Eussian  camp  of  his  envoy 
Mirza  Hakim,  who  was  greatly  under  Eussian  influence, 
kept  him  for  the  moment  quiet.  The  Eussians  seemed  so 
satisfied  with  the  results  that  finally,  as  a  mark  of  satisfaction, 
General  Kaufman  n  allowed  Mirza  Hakim  to  go  to  St.  Petersburg, 
where  he  was  received  by  the  Emperor.  After  his  return 
Khudayar  Khan  was  invested  with  the  order  of  the  first  class  of 
St.  Stanislas,  and  a  slight  difference  was  made  in  the  title  by 
which  the  Eussians  addressed  him.  A  year  later,  in  December 
1869,  Khudayar  made  a  complaint  to  the  Governor-General 
against  the  Amir  of  Bukhara,  saying  that  in  subduing  the  Beks  of 
Hissar  and  Kulab,  he  had  fallen  upon  a  vassal  of  Khokand — Shir 
Ali,  the  Bek  of  Karategin — who  had  consequently  been  obliged 
to  take  refuge  in  Khokand.  Negotiations  were  therefore  entered 
into  on  this  subject  with  the  Amir,  and  he  sent  to  Tashkent  as 
his  excuse  a  letter  of  Shir  Ali,  which  showed  his  participation 
in  the  disturbances  in  the  Bekship  of  Hissar.  Khudayar 
declared  this  letter  to  be  forged,  and  sent  for  comparison  a 
genuine  letter  of  Shir  Ali.  The  seal  did  indeed  seem  to  be  a 
counterfeit  one,  and  the  Governor-General  proposed  to  the  Amir 
to  return  Karategin  to  its  lawful  ruler.  In  the  meantime  Shir 
Ali  Khan  raised   some  troops   and  marched  into   Karategin,  but 


KAEATEGIN.  277 

was  defeated  by  the  united  forces  of  the  Beks  of  Kulab  and 
Hissar  and  was  taken  prisoner. 

Wishing  to  avoid  any  contest  between  the  rulers  of  Buk- 
hara and  Khokand,  because  the  success  of  the  former  would 
lessen  the  moral  value  of  the  Eussian  protection  received  by  the 
latter,  General  Kaufmann  proposed  to  Khudayar  Khan  to  restore 
Karategin  to  its  former  ruler,  Mozaffar  Shah,  who  was  kept  a 
prisoner  in  Khokand,  and  asked  the  Amir  in  return  to  free  Shir  Ali. 
The  compromise  was  accepted  by  both  sides  and  was  immediately 
put  into  execution.1  In  this  way  Karategin  was  formed  into  a 
practically  independent  state  lying  between  Khokand  and 
Bukhara,  and  the  Eussians  succeeded  in  attaining  a  sort  of  moral 
weight  and  influence  in  the  concerns  of  that  locality.  Although 
the  Khokandians  claimed  a  nominal  sovereignty  over  Karategin, 
it  was  never  enforced,  and  certainly,  of  late  years  especially, 
since  the  Kirghiz  insurrection,  the  rulers  of  Karategin  have 
paid  no  tribute  to  the  Khan,  nor  recognised  in  any  way  his  au- 
thority over  the  country. 

After  the  capture  of  Shahrisabs  in  July  1870  Jura  Bek  and 
Baba  Bek  fled  to  Khokand,  but  owing  to  his  previous  enmity 
combined  with  the  threatening  demands  of  the  Eussians,  the 
Khan  consented  to  infringe  the  laws  of  hospitality  and  de- 
livered the  fugitives  at  Tashkent.  Mr.  Strove  was  then  sent 
on  a  mission  to  Khokand  to  thank  the  Khan  for  his  action  and 
to  discuss  certain  questions  which  had  never  been  satisfactorily 
settled.  Among  these  were  the  regulation  of  the  boundaries, 
the  settlement  of  the  claims  of  Eussian  merchants,  the  explan- 
ation of  the  circumstances  which  had  delayed  the  return  of  Mo- 
zaffar Shah  to  Karategin,  the  appointment  of  a  permanent  agent 
in  Khokand,  and  indemnity  for  the  attack  made  by  the  moun- 
taineers on  the  Cossacks  of  Colonel  Dennet  during  the  expedition 
in  the  Upper  Zarafshan.  This  last  claim  the  Khan  for  some 
time  resisted,  but  finally,  through  the  advice  of  the  more  sensihle 
of  his  councillors,  he  yielded,  and  paid  the  sum  of  5,000  rubles, 
part  of  which  went  to  those  wounded  and  to  the  families  of  the 
killed,  and  the  rest  to  the  fund  for  regimental  churches.  To 
the  request  for  permission  to  appoint  a  permanent  agent  the 
Khan  gave  his  consent,  as  indeed  he  had  done  on  one  or  two 
previous  occasions.  But  curiously  enough,  as  soon  as  the  consent 
1  Terentief,  id.  pp.  43,  71. 


278  TTJRKISTAN. 

was  obtained  the  Eussian  authorities  thought  no  more  about  it 
and  no  permanent  agent  was  ever  appointed. 

A  contrary  course  would  have  been  much  more  beneficial  to 
Eussian  interests,  for  a  resident  agent,  if  a  man  of  ability  and 
well  supported,  could  have  succeeded  in  obtaining  a  strong  moral 
influence  over  the  Khan,  and  the  Eussians  would  have  been 
sufficiently  well  informed  of  the  state  of  the  country  to  have 
foreseen  and  prevented  the  explosion  which  resulted  in  the  war 
of  1875.  It  seemed,  however,  at  that  time  to  General  Kaufmann 
as  well  as  to  Mr.  Struve,  that  the  Khan  was  even  then  thoroughly 
a  vassal  of  Eussia,  and  opportunity  was  taken  to  propose  to  him- 
the  conquest  of  Kashgar.  Yakub  Khan  had  not  at  that  time 
been  recognised  by  the  Eussian  Government,  which  was  consider- 
ably disquieted  by  the  attitude  he  had  taken,  and  it  was  thought 
to  be  a  very  shrewd  plan  to  get  rid  of  him  in  this  way,  and 
instead  of  two  neighbours  to  have  but  one.  Khudayar  Khan 
could  not,  however,  sum  up  resolution  enough  to  agree  to  the 
proposal,  and  did  nothing  more  than  declare  his  readiness  to  act 
as  mediator  between  Yakub  Bek  and  the  Eussians. 

In  1872  the  Khan's  eldest  son,  Nasreddin,  Bek  of  Andijan, 
was  allowed  to  visit  Tashkent,  where  he  remained  for  about 
three  weeks.  Although  he  engaged  there  in  secret  intrigues 
against  the  Eussians,  this  visit  was  thought  greatly  to  strengthen 
Eussian  influence  in  Khokand.1 

Khudayar  Khan,  who  had  never  been  a  popular  ruler,  and  who 
had  twice  been  driven  from  the  throne  on  account  of  his  cruelty 
and  rapacity,  continually  excited  discontent  among  his  subjects, 
and  more  especially  among  the  nomad  tribes  of  Kiptchaks  and 
Kirghiz  who  lived  in  the  mountainous  regions  of  the  north-east 
and  south-east.  Eebellions  therefore  were  frequent,  and  a  revolt 
broke  out  in  1873  which,  though  quelled  for  the  time,  was  re- 
newed in  1874,  and  finally,  in  1875,  terminated  in  the  war  which 
led  to  the  occupation  and  annexation  of  the  Khanate  by  Eussia. 

The  policy  of  the  Eussian  administrators  during  these  insur- 
rections seems  to  have  been  a  mistaken  one.  They  endeavoured 
to  remain  neutral,  but  they  were  so  insufficiently  informed  of 
the  position  of  affairs  and  of  the  actual  state  of  feeling  in  Kho- 
kand, that  they  did  not  seem  to  understand  that  they  were  looked 
upon  as  the  protectors  and  supporters  of  the  Khan ;   and  indeed 

1  See  also  pp.  40,  142. 


DISCONTENT  IN  KHOKAND.  279 

tLe  Khan  would  have  been  dethroned  long  before  had  it  not  been 
for  the  fear  of  the  inhabitants  that  the  Russians  would  imme- 
diately march  into  the  country  and  restore  him.  The  officials  at 
Tashkent  did  not  seem  to  have  sufficient  foresight  to  see  that  the 
absorption  of  the  Khanate  by  Russia  was  inevitable  sooner  or 
later,  and  that  their  best  plan  therefore  was  gradually  to  prepare 
the  way  for  this  by  gentle  means,  so  that  the  end  might  come 
without  a  shock.  They  further  believed  that  the  Khan  was  an 
obedient  vassal,  and  they  lulled  themselves  into  a  false  security ; 
if  they  thought  at  all  about  annexation,  they  thought  that  the 
fear  inspired  by  their  arms  throughout  Central  Asia  was  such  as 
to  render  conquest  a  work  of  the  greatest  ease.  This  would  have 
been  true  a  few  years  ago,  but  of  late  the  Russians  had  lost  their 
moral  weight  in  the  country,  and  the  natives  of  the  Russian  pro- 
vinces had  become  discontented.  They  had  begun  to  look  upon 
their  new  rulers  as  no  better  than  their  old.  They  had  published 
their  discontent  in  letters  and  petitions  to  the  neighbouring 
countries,  and  the  people  in  Khokand  had  not  only  resolved  to 
attempt  all  rather  than  come  under  Russian  rule,  but  had  begun 
to  believe  that  the  Russians  were  weaker  than  they  had  previously 
supposed. 

At  the  outbreak  of  the  rebellion  in  1873  both  Kirghiz  and 
Kiptchaks  so  hated  the  Khan  that  they  were  inclined  to  be 
favourably  disposed  towards  the  Russians.1  Many  of  them 
migrated  across  the  boundary  and  asked  the  Russians  to  inter- 
vene and  dethrone  the  Khan,  and  afford  them  protection.  Nor 
was  this  movement  confined  to  the  nomads.  Similar  petitions 
were  received  from  the  inhabitants  of  towns.  Had  the  Russians 
in  the  summer  of  1873  chosen  to  occupy  Khokand  they  could 
have  done  so  without  striking  a  blow,  for  both  nomads  and  Sarts 
would  have  joined  them,  and  the  Khan  would  have  been  driven 
into  exile  at  the  first  news  of  their  advance.  General  Kolpakof- 
sky  saw  this,  and  telegraphed  to  St.  Petersburg  for  permission  to 
intervene,  but  the  diplomatic  storm  with  regard  to  the  occupa- 
tion of  Khiva  was  then  in  full  blast  and  permission  was  refused. 

When  the  Russians  declined  to  interfere  on  the  side  of  the 

nomads  it  was  believed  that  they  maintained  the  side  of  the 

Khan,  and  as  the  feeling  grew  more  and  more  bitter  against 

Khudayar  Khan  it  increased  proportionately  against  the  Rus- 

1  See  Appendix  I.,  Vol.  I. 


280  TURKISTAN. 

sians.  Finally,  in  1875,  a  step  was  taken  which  without  a 
doubt  increased  the  hostile  feelings  against  the  Eussians  and 
possibly  precipitated  the  conflict. 

It  was  resolved  to  prepare  for  an  expedition  against  Kash- 
gar.1  In  order  to  accomplish  that  end  more  speedily,  it  was 
desirable  to  send  a  part  of  the  troops  through  Khokand,  and 
Mr.  Weinberg,  the  diplomatic  official,  was  despatched  on  a 
mission  to  Khokand  to  secure  the  consent  of  the  Khan  to  the 
passage  of  troops.  Colonel  Scobelef  accompanied  him,  charged 
to  explore  the  pass  of  Terek  Davan  leadiug  to  Kashgar.  The 
mission  took  as  a  propitiatory  offering  to  Khudayar  Khan  a  boy  of 
seventeen,  named  Abdul  Keriin  Bek,  who  had  been  put  forward 
by  the  Kirghiz  as  a  pretender  to  the  throne.  Abdul  Keriin 
had  lived  in  Hodjent  all  his  life,  knowing  nothing  of  his  ex- 
traction until  the  year  before,  when  he  was  approached  by  the 
Kirghiz,  and  when  he  was  removed  to  Tashkent  on  the  com- 
plaint of  the  Khan,  while  his  chief  adviser,  Abdul  Kaum,  was 
sent  to  Tchimkent.  His  surrender  had  never  been  asked  for, 
and  was  entirely  gratuitous  on  the  part  of  General  Kaufmann. 
This,  like  the  surrender  of  Tokhtamysh  Bek  of  Shahrisabs  to 
the  Amir  of  Bukhara,  being  contrary  to  the  rules  of  asylum  and 
hospitality  wdiich  even  Central  Asiatics  recognise,  was  not  only 
a  shameful  act  on  the  part  of  the  Russian  authorities  but  it 
turned  out  contrary  to  their  expectations;  it  lowered  rather 
than  increased  their  influence  with  the  natives.  In  surrender- 
ing Abdul  Kerim,  General  Kaufmann,  it  is  true,  requested  the 
Khan  to  be  gracious  and  pardon  him,  which,  indeed,  he  pro- 
mised to  do.  The  boy,  who  was  confided  to  the  care  of  Ata 
Bek,  was  lost  sight  of  in  the  ensuing  rebellion. 

The  Russian  mission,  with  a  guard  of  twenty-two  Cossacks 
and  jigits,  accompanied  by  Mirza  Hakim,  the  Khokandian  envoy, 
arrived  at  Khokand  on  July  25,  1875. 

When  permission  was  asked  for  Colonel  Scobelef  to  make 
his  investigations  of  the  mountain  passes,  the  Khan  consented, 
but  said  that  part  of  the  country  was  unsafe  owing  to  disorders 

1  It  has  been  said  that  this  expedition  was  in  consequence  of  an  arrangement 
made  between  General  Kaufmann  and  Colonel  Scobelef,  by  which  to  secure  the 
good-will  and  family  and  court  influence  of  the  latter,  who  had  been  formerly  opposed 
to  General  Kaufmann.  For  this  purpose  he  was  to  be  allowed  to  head  a  mili- 
tary expedition,  and  to  receive  the  honours  and  advantages  which  accrued  from  it 


THE  RUSSIAN   MISSION  IN  DIFFICULTIES.  281 

which  had  broken  out  among  the  nomads,  although  he  had  sent 
4,000  men  against  them  under  the  command  of  Abdurrahman 
Aftobatcha,  and  hoped  that  quiet  would  soon  be  restored.  The 
Khan,  however,  seemed  troubled  by  the  course  events  were 
taking,  and  was  disposed  to  listen  with  calmness  to  the  advice 
given  him  by  Mr.  Weinberg  on  the  part  of  General  Kaufmann 
with  regard  to  the  treatment  of  his  people,  who  urged  upon 
him  more  moderation  and  justice. 

A  few  days  later,  on  July  31,  a  report  reached  the  capital 
that  Nasreddin,  the  Khan's  eldest  son,  had  gone  over  to  the 
rebels,  and  that  the  cities  of  Ush,  Namangan,  Andijan,  and 
Assake  were  occupied  by  them.  It  became  known  at  the  same 
time  that  the  real  head  of  the  insurrection  was  Abdurrahman 
Aftobatcha,  who  had  been  sent  to  quell  it.  The  next  day 
information  was  brought  that  the  Khan's  brother,  Sultan  Murad, 
Bek  of  Marghilan,  had  joined  the  insurgents.  They  had  that 
day  occupied  Marghilan  and  were  already  within  thirty  or  forty 
miles  of  Khokand.  Khudayar  Khan  then  resolved  to  put  him- 
self at  the  head  of  the  troops  which  remained  favourable  to 
him  and  to  march  against  the  insurgents.  The  Russian  envoys 
unwisely  decided  to  accompany  him,  thus  giving  him  the  ap- 
pearance of  having  Russian  support.  The  march  was  fixed  for 
August  3.  but  during  the  preceding  night  the  greater  part  of 
the  Khan's  army,  together  with  his  second  son,  Madamin  Bek, 
abandoned  him  to  join  the  insurgents.  Resistance  was  no 
longer  to.be  thought  of,  and  Khudayar  Khan  decided  to  place 
himself  under  the  protection  of  the  Russian  envoys  and  to  seek 
a  refuge  in  Tashkent.  The  Russian  merchants  in  Khokand, 
with  their  clerks  and  assistants,  also  joined  the  mission. 

The  exit  from  the  city  through  the  excited  and  angry  mob 
was  attended  with  considerable  difficulty,  but  after  a  ride  of 
two  days  under  constant  attack  the  party  reached  Hodjent  in 
safety.  The  Russians  had  two  jigits  killed,  while  one  dis- 
appeared. The  retreat  was  a  perilous  one,  for  the  party  fell 
at  one  time  into  an  ambuscade,  and  the  soldiers  who  started 
w7ith  the  Khan  abandoned  him  from  time  to  time,  and  always 
fired  at  the  Russians  as  they  were  leaving.  Some  of  the 
messengers  sent  to  Hodjent  for  assistance  were  killed,  but  one 
finally  arrived  in  safety,  and  a  force  of  troops  was  immediately 
iespatched  to  the  boundary.     The  Khan  was  accompanied  by 


282  TURKISTAN. 

his  younger  son,  Urman,  Ata  Bek,  the  Atalyk,  Mullah  Maaruf, 
Bek  of  Sokh  and  nephew  of  Khuclayar,  and  a  suite  of  643 
people,  many  of  whom  were  women.  He  had  also  a  large 
train  of  carts,  on  which  he  succeeded  in  bringing  part  of  his 
treasure,  to  the  amount  of  over  a  million  pounds  sterling.  For 
the  bravery  shown  during  this  march  each  of  the  Cossacks  was 
subsequently  recompensed  with  the  Cross  of  St.  George,  and 
a  grant  of  14,000  rubles  was  made  by  General  Kaufmann  to 
cover  the  loss  of  baggage  and  equipments,  each  Cossack  receiv- 
ing 500  rubles  as  his  indemnity. 

Mr.  Weinberg  insists  that  a  hazavat  or  religious  war 
against  the  Eussians  was  proclaimed  at  the  opening  of  the 
insurrection.  This,  however,  was  not  believed  at  the  time, 
and  the  subsequent  friendly  overtures  to  the  Eussians  made 
it  in  their  opinion  improbable.  The  arrival,  however,  of 
the  Eussian  mission,  which,  by  accident,  coincided  with  the 
opening  of  the  insurrection,  the  surrender  of  Abdul  Kerim, 
and  the  protection  afforded  to  the  Khan,  his  family,  and  his 
treasure,  all,  doubtless,  had  their  weight  in  inspiring  the  in- 
surgents with  the  belief  that  the  Eussians  were  taking  the  part 
of  the  Khan  and  would  endeavour  to  restore  him  to  the  throne. 
It  was,  therefore,  but  natural  that  they  should  attempt  to  gain 
time  in  order  to  be  themselves  the  first  in  the  field. 

When  Colonel  Scobelef  and  Mr.  Weinberg  returned  from 
Khokand,  General  Kaufmann  was  at  Vierny  on  a  tour  of  in- 
spection, but  hastening  his  departure  he  arrived  in  Tashkent 
on  August  12,  with  the  intention  of  taking  such  measures 
as  would  be  necessary  for  the  protection  of  the  frontier.  A 
few  hours  before  his  arrival  a  Khokandian  envoy  appeared 
bearing  a  letter  from  Nasreddin,  who  had  been  elected  Khan 
after  the  flight  of  his  father,  as  well  as  letters  from  the  three 
chiefs  of  the  insurrection,  Abdurrahman  Aftobatcha,  Mullah 
Issa  Aulie,  and  Halyk  Nazar  Parmanatchi.  In  these  papers  the 
causes  of  the  insurrection  were  stated  to  be  the  crimes  which 
Khudayar  Khan  had  committed  against  the  Shariat  and  his 
oppression  of  the  people,  facts  which,  it  was  stated,  were 
necessarily  well  known  to  the  Governor-General.  A  desire  was 
expressed  to  live  in  peace  with  the  Eussians,  and  a  hope  was 
indulged  in  that  there  would  be  no  change  in  the  relations 
between  the  two  countries.  General  Kaufmann  answered  the  new 


RELIGIOUS   WAR  PROCLAIMED.  283 

Khan,  with  a  promise  to  recognise  him  as  such  if  he  would  bind 
himself  to  carry  out  all  the  treaties  and  engagements  entered 
into  by  his  father,  and  would  recompense  Eussian  subjects  for 
any  losses  they  had  sustained  during  the  rebellion.  This 
answer  was  returned  with  some  confidence,  because  the  Russians 
believed  the  young  Nasreddin  would  prove  a  pliant  tool,  as  he 
was  known  to  be  good-natured,  not  fanatical,  to  have  adopted 
many  Russian  habits — especially  that  of  drinking  vodka — and 
they  thought  that  from  his  visit  to  Tashkent  he  would  have  a 
knowledge  of  Russian  ways  and  of  Russian  aims.  But,  almost 
at  the  same  time  with  the  letter,  emissaries  had  been  sent 
to  stir  up  the  inhabitants  on  the  border,  and  proclamations 
had  been  issued,  which  were  soon  circulating  throughout  the 
country,  calling  upon  all  good  inhabitants  to  rise  against  the 
Russian  t}7rants  and  to  unite  with  the  Khokandians  in  a  war 
for  the  faith.  As  usual  on  the  proclamation  of  a  religious  war, 
a  formal  summons  was  sent  to  the  Russians  to  become  Mussul- 
mans.1 

1  This  proclamation  was  brought  to  Hodjent  by  an  officer,  Eichholm,  who  had 
been  taken  prisoner  at  the  station  of  Murza-rabat.  It  is  curious  enough  to  be 
given  entire. 

'To  the  Russian  officers  and  to  all  officials  my  words  are  as  follows: — In  con- 
sequence of  the  evil  character  of  Khudayar  Khan,  which  resulted  in  careless- 
ness in  regard  to  his  subjects,  his  troops,  and  his  realm,  and  in  consequence  of  his 
tyranny,  by  the  order  of  the  All-highest  God,  and  to  punish  our  carelessness,  part 
of  our  possessions  fell  under  your  rule.  The  said  Khan  thought  only  of  earthly 
rule,  and,  therefore,  for  some  years  was  friendly  to  you,  for  which  reason  we  were 
greatly  discontented,  and  waited  until  the  fulness  of  time  came.  Now  all  the 
nomad  and  settled  inhabitants  there,  small  and  great,  who  consider  themselvfS 
Mussulmans,  have  agreed,  since  the  mouths  of  all  have  become  one  month, 
and  their  heads  one  head,  and  have  sent  many  troops  to  the  side  of  Aulie-Ata 
and  many  to  Tashkent  out  of  Desht-i-Kiptchak,  and  we  are  here.  By  our 
Shariat  we  are  bound  to  fight  with  you, — so  says  the  All-high  God.  If  we  win  we 
shall  be  warriors  for  the  faith  ;  if  we  die  we  shall  be  martyrs.  We  strive  for  one  or 
the  other.  By  our  Shariat  it  is  necessary  once  to  ask  you  to  accept  Islam.  If  you 
wish  to  turn  to  the  true  way  and  become  Mussulmans,  then  you  will  become  our 
brothers,  and  more  than  our  brothers.  If  you  do  not  consent  to  this  we  shall  fight. 
At  the  present  time  we  advise  you  to  accept  Islam.  If  you  consent,  then  using  the 
mercifulness  of  God,  and  of  the  Prophet,  we  grant  you  life  and  will  be  merciful 
towards  you,  and  will  raise  you  even  higher  than  you  are;  but  if  you  say  that 
you  are  not  content  to  become  Mussulmans,  and  shall  ask  us  to  grant  you 
mercy,  and  allow  you  to  remove  with  your  families  in  your  former  place  of  abode, 
we  will  consent  even  to  this  ;  but  if  in  obstinacy  you  do  not  consent,  and  you  have 
a  desire  to  fight,  then  we  will  fight,  and  one  side  or  the  other  shall  be  turned  to 
ashes.  This  is  the  aim  of  our  wishes.  By  our  law  and  custom  we  cannot  refuse 
this.     Our  God  and  our  word  are  one.     Consider,  as  becomes  you,  the  profit  and 


284  TUKKISTAN. 

A  small  force  had  been  long  before  sent  lo  Tilau,  on  tna 
road  leading  across  the  Kendyr  Tau  mountains  to  Khokand,  tc 
watch  the  frontier,  but  little  attention  was  paid  to  the  rumours 
of  disturbances,  and  no  attempt  seems  to  have  been  made  to 
find  out,  by  means  of  native  spies,  the  exact  position  of  affairs 
in  Khokand.  When,  therefore,  on  the  night  of  August  6, 
authentic  intelligence  reached  Tashkent  that  bands  of  Kho- 
kandian  troops  had  entered  the  district  of  Kurama,  and  occu- 
pied the  village  of  Ablyk,  and  that  a  force  estimated  at  10,000 
men  was  descending  the  valley  of  the  Angren  ;  when,  the  next 
day,  Khudayar  Khan  arrived  with  his  suite,  who  soon  spread 
rumours  of  all  kind  among  the  native  population ;  and  Avhen, 
shortly  after,  news  arrived  that  Hodjent  was  besieged,  that 
post-stations  were  destroyed,  and  communications  with  Tashkent 
entirely  cut  off,  the  bewilderment  and  excitement  of  the  Eussian 
population  speedily  reached  a  great  height.  General  Golo- 
vatchef  was  at  once  sent  with  a  force  to  Tilau,  while  Colonel 
Scobelef,  with  a  body  of  cavalry,  undertook  to  patrol  the 
district ;  and  the  intelligence,  which  quickly  came,  that  the  in- 
vaders had  been  dispersed  and  had  retreated  homewards,  hardly 
succeeded  in  allaying  the  panic.  Eumours  of  every  kind  were 
rife ; — that  Piskent  had  been  burned,  that  Aulie-Ata  had  been 
attacked,  that  the  Khokandian  troops  were  but  a  few  miles  from 
Tashkent,  and  that  on  a  certain  day  the  town  would  be  attacked, 
that  Abdurrahman  Aftobatcha  had  even  sent  an  order  to  the 
stud  at  Kaplan-bek,  demanding  that  seventy  horses  should  be 
furnished  for  the  breakfast  of  his  soldiers,  and  that  the  popula- 
tion of  the  native  town  was  about  to  rise.  The  presence  of  the 
numerous  followers  of  Khudayar  Khan  did  much  to  increase  the 
excitement,  and  was  very  probably  dangerous,  as,  although  these 
men  were  enjoying  Russian  hospitality,  they  inveighed  against 
the  Russians  as  infidels,  and  endeavoured  to  excite  sympathy  for 
the  Khokandians.  It  therefore,  became  necessary  to  disarm 
them,  and  for  that  purpose  companies  of  troops  were  sent  out 
at  night  to  the  bazaar,  near  which  the  Khan  was  living,  and 
into  the  native  town.  The  Khan  was  also  despatched  as  soon  as 
possible  to  Orenburg.1 

the  harm  which  will  be  to  you.     Send  an  answer  quickly.     If  the  bearei  of  this 
give  our  words  verbally,  I  beg  you  to  believe  him.     The  22nd  of  Reljib,  1292. 
Sealed,  Mci.lah  Aeivuiirahman  Paramanatchi,  Son  of  Mussulman  Kul. 
1  For  the  convenience  c-f  Mrriaije  it  bee -.me  necessiry  for  the  Khan  to  change 


ALARM   AT   TASHKENT.  285 

In  anticipation  of  an  attack  the  Prefect  ordered  the  natives 
to  take  all  their  goods  from  the  fair-grounds,  which  were  situ- 
ated on  the  outskirts  of  the  city,  while  many  people  in  the 
bazaars,  under  the  influence  of  the  panic,  buried  their  valuables. 
Arms  from  the  Government  arsenals  were  distributed  to  all  the 
Eussians,  and  strict  orders  were  given  that  no  Eussian  should 
appear  in  the  street  without  them.  In  some  of  the  Government 
departments  the  clerks  even  sat  at  work  with  their  muskets  by 
their  sides.  Orders  were  also  issued  that  in  case  of  an  attack 
the  women  should  be  sent  to  the  fortress,  and  the  men  should 
collect  near  the  house  of  the  Governor-General  and  round  about 
the  church.  The  night  before  the  anticipated  attack  on  the 
town  all  the  troops  were  withdrawn  from  the  barracks—  thus 
leaving  the  city  defenceless— and  were  stationed  in  the  fortress, 
where  they  were  kept  under  arms  all  night. 

Better  news  from  Hodjent  soon  relieved  the  anxiety  and 
allowed  the  inhabitants  to  breathe  more  freely. 

The  alarm  at  Tashkent  was  not  without  reason,  for  the 
inhabitants  of  the  districts  of  Kurama  and  Hodjent  were  not 
slow  in  yielding  to  the  persuasions  of  the  Kbokandian  emis- 
saries, though  many  of  them  were  shrewd  enough  to  make  their 
aid  conditional  on  the  defeat  of  the  Eussians,  while  subsequent 
investigation  proved  that  the  aksakals  appointed  by  the  Russians 
had  been  the  first  to  side  with  the  Khokandians.  Besides  this, 
three  stations  on  the  post-road  from  Tashkent  to  Hodjent,  as 
well  as  that  of  Nau,  between  Hodjent  and  Samarkand,  had  been 
burned  and  sacked,  and  the  station  masters  and  post-boys  had 
either  been  murdered  or  carried  off  as  prisoners.  Travellers 
shared  the  same  fate.  The  heads  of  two  officers  at  Nau  were 
cut  off,  and  two  others  on  the  Tashkent  road  were  taken 
prisoners  and  were  threatened  with  death  unless  they  turned 
Mussulmans. 

into  Russian  notes  the  silver  he  had  brought  with  him  from  Khokand.  He  first 
went  to  a  branch  of  the  Government  Bank,  where  he  received  for  a  khokand  14| 
kopeks,  the  real  value,  but  finding  that  the  Treasury  received  the  khokand  at  the  fic- 
titious rate  prevailing  at  Tashkent  of  20  kopeks,  he  transferred  his  business  there, 
thus  subjecting  the  Treasury  to  an  actual  loss,  and  remaining  himself  under  the 
impression  that  the  Government  Bank  had  endeavoured  to  cheat  him  of  a  con- 
siderable percentage.  When  he  was  about  to  start,  it  was  discovered  that  one 
of  his  boxes  of  silver  had  been  stolen.  The  Russians  refused  to  allow  him  to  wait 
to  find  it,  but  promising  that  the  police  would  find  it,  sent  him  off  in  great 
haste. 


2«6  TURKISTAN. 

The  movement  of  General  Golovatchef  towards  the  Angrtn 
and  Tilau  was  attended  with  complete  success.  A  large  "body  of 
Khokandians,  estimated  at  5,000c  was  speedily  dispersed,  while  a 
smaller  body  of  800,  under  the  command  of  Zulfukar  Bek, 
sustained  a  desperate  struggle  with  the  Cossacks  and  finally  ran 
away,  leaving  half  of  their  number  dead  upon  the  field.  The 
district  of  Kurama  was  in  this  way  entirely  cleared  of  marauders, 
and  the  road  from  Tashkent  to  Hodjent  was  reopened. 

Even  before  the  news  of  the  attack  on  Hodjent,  a  battalion 
of  sharpshooters  and  a  division  of  mounted  artillery  had  been 
despatched  there,  and  it  now  became  necessary  to  advance  with 
sufficient  force  not  only  to  relieve  Hodjent  from  danger,  or  to 
retake  it  if  already  captured,  but  to  enter  upon  an  offensive 
campaign.  Including  the  troops  already  sent  to  Hodjent  and 
those  under  command  of  General  Golovatchef  in  the  district  of 
Kurama,  the  whole  force  amounted  to  16  companies  infantry, 
20  guns,  9  sotnias  of  Cossacks,  and  8  rocket-stands  ;  in  all  about 
4,500  men,  with  1,500  horses,  commissariat,  artillery,  and 
engineer-trains,  and  a  military  hospital  of  150  beds.  Provi- 
sions were  carried  for  fifteen  days,  and  for  the  purpose  of 
transport  it  was  necessary  to  hire  1,500  carts  at  Tashkent  at  the 
rate  of  30  rubles  a  month  each.  The  expedition  was  com- 
manded by  General  Golovatchef,  while  all  the  cavalry  was  placed 
under  the  orders  of  Colonel  Scobelef,  for  which  purpose  it  was 
necessary  to  select  the  Cossacks  in  such  a  maimer  that  he  should 
have  no  ranking  officer. 

General  Kaufmann  in  person,  with  all  his  staff,  accompanied 
the  expedition,  taking  with  him  Jura  Bek  and  Baba  Bek  of 
Shahrisabs,  and  Seid  Bek  of  Farab,  who  were  devoted  to  Kussia, 
and  had  a  grievance  against  Khudayar  Khan,  and  who  proved 
themselves  of  great  use.  The  road  being  now  clear,  and  the 
difficulties  which  retained  for  a  time  a  portion  of  the  troops  at 
Kuiluk  being  obviated,  the  march  was  successfully  accomplished, 
no  Khokandians  being  seen  except  a  few  scattered  marauders 
in  the  distance,  and  General  Kaufmann  with  his  main  force 
arrived  on  August  30  at  Hodjent,  from  before  which  the  enemy 
had  already  disappeared. 

Of  the  details  of  the  attack  on  Hodjent  I  have  already 
spoken  (vol.  i.  pp.  316  to  319).  A  day's  rest  was  given  to  the 
troops,  and  on  September  1  the  expedition  set  out  for  Makhram, 


THE   BATTLE  OF  MAKHEAM.  287 

where,  according1  to  all  reports,  the  main  body  of  the  Khokan- 
dians  was  collected.  The  first  camp  was  on  the  banks  of  the 
Syr  Darya,  at  Ab-khurek.  The  next  day's  march  brought  the 
troops  to  Karatchkum,  near  which  they  were  exposed  to  a 
running-  fire  from  large  bodies  of  Khokandians,  who,  however, 
kept  themselves  at  a  considerable  distance  on  the  hills,  and  with 
each  charge  of  cavalry  dispersed  to  meet  again  further  on. 

The  camp  at  Karatchkum  was  about  three  miles'  distance 
from  the  fort  of  Makhram,  the  only  fortified  position  between 
the  frontier  and  the  city  of  Khokand.  This  is  a  large  square 
fort  with  battlement  ed  walls,  surrounded  by  a  deep  ditch 
situated  on  the  very  bank  of  the  Syr  Darya,  and  guarding  the 
road,  for  it  is  at  the  narrow  opening  of  the  valley  of  Ferghana, 
the  ground  in  the  neighbourhood  soon  rising  into  low  hills  and 
then  into  mountains.  The  sole  entrance  to  the  fortress  is  on  the 
eastern  side.  The  Khokandians  had  increased  the  ordinary 
defences  of  the  place  by  making  a  fortified  camp  on  the 
southern  side,  as  also  by  directing  the  water  from  the  irrigating 
canals  in  such  a  manner  as  to  inundate  the  road  for  a,  long 
distance,  and  to  turn  the  immediate  neighbourhood  of  the  fort 
into  a  marsh. 

The  troops  left  Karatchkum  at  five  o'clock  in  the  morning 
arranged  in  order  of  battle.  They  had  no  sooner  began  their 
march  than  they  were  annoyed  by  the  Khokandian  cavalry, 
which  appeared  first  on  their  right  and  then  surrounded  them 
on  all  sides  ;  but  some  Cossacks  thrown  out  as  skirmishers,  with 
rockets  and  artillery,  succeeded  in  keeping  the  enemy  at  suffi- 
cient distance,  so  that  the  march  was  not  imptded.  General 
Kaufmann  had  command  of  the  movements  of  the  day  in 
person. 

Having  obtained  information  of  the  obstacles  in  their  way, 
General  Golovatchef  suggested  that  a  flank  movement  should  be 
made  to  the  right,  so  that  the  troops  should  march  along  the 
hills  until  the  fort  was  passed,  when  by  a  direct  movement  the 
place  might  be  taken  without  entering  upon  the  inundated 
ground,  or  being  exposed  to  the  immediate  fire  of  the  fort. 

This  was  safely  accomplished,  and  as  soon  as  the  troops  had 
passed  the  further  angle  of  the  fort,  they  stopped.  Guns  were 
then  placed  in  position,  and  a  cannonade  directed  against  the 
town  which  lasted  for  nearly  an  hour.     A  battalion  of  sharp- 


288  TUKKISTAN. 

shooters  was  then  directed  to  assault  the  works.  In  spite  of 
the  enemy's  fire,  and  supported  by  their  own  artillery,  in  a 
quarter  of  an  hour  the  Russians  had  carried  the  outworks  and 
put  the  Khokandians  to  flight.  This  battalion  was  closely 
followed  by  another,  and,  the  fortified  camp  thus  taken,  the 
troops  advanced  by  the  bridge  over  the  moat,  and  placing  their 
shoulders  against  the  wooden  doors,  by  repeated  blows  keeping 
time  to  a  soldiers'  chorus,  they  burst  the  gates  down  and  entered 
the  fortress.  They  were  met  by  scattered  shots  from  the  roofs 
of  houses  ;  although  few  of  the  enemy  had  been  left  in  the 
fortress,  and  these  quickly  took  to  flight.  In  less  than  an  hour 
the  whole  place  was  cleared.  In  the  meantime  the  Cossacks 
under  Colonel  Scobelef,  and  the  rocket  batteries  under  Captain 
Abramof,  attacked  the  masses  of  the  enemy's  cavalry  drawn  up 
in  the  gardens  to  the  right,  and  after  a  short  hand-to-hand 
contest  put  them  to  flight,  and  pursued  them  along  the  banks 
of  the  river  for  five  or  six  miles.  Many  were  cut  to  pieces, 
and  others  were  driven  into  the  river  and  drowned  by 
'  hundreds.'  On  returning,  the  Cossacks  suddenly  came  upon 
another  large  body  of  cavalry,  and  while  hesitating  to  attack 
them,  a  fortunate  discharge  of  rockets  by  Captain  Abramof  put 
them  to  flight,  and  the  Cossacks  returned  to  Makhram. 

This  was  the  battle  of  Makhram,  which  was  immediately 
heralded  as  a  wonderful  victory,  the  number  of  the  Khokan- 
dians being  estimated  variously  at  thirty,  forty,  and  fifty  thou- 
sand men.1  The  Russian  loss  was  eight  wounded  and  six 
killed,  including  Colonel  Khoroshkin,  an  excellent  officer,  who 
had  devoted  himself  to  the  study  of  the  country,  and  had  con- 
tributed many  valuable  articles  to  the  '  Turkistan  Gazette ' 
and  the  '  Military  Journal.'  The  native  loss  it  is  difficult  to 
estimate.  Official  reports  state  that  in  the  fortified  position 
and  the  fortress  100  bodies  were  found,  and  that  on  the  scene 
of  the  cavalry  fight  nearly  1,000  bodies  were  buried,  besides 
those  who  were  drowned  in  the  river,  who  were  killed  at  a 
distance,  or  whose  bodies  were  carried  away.2     In  Makhram  the 

1  The  number  of  the  enemy  in  this  as  in  all  the  subsequent  contests  is  doubtless 
very  greatly  exaggerated,  for  which  it  would  probably  be  easy  to  find  a  reason. 
40,000  which  frequently  occurs, — is,  in  Turlri,  Kyrk-mivg,  which  is  generally  used 
by  the  natives  as  an  indefinite  expression  for  a  great  number. 

7  A  military  reader  might  perhaps  estimate  the  severity  of  the  engagement  by 
learning  that  149  artillery  shots  were  fired,  29  rockets,  and  9,387  rifle  cartridges. 


EFFECT  OF  THE   VICTOKY.  289 

Russians  captured  39  pieces  of  artillery,  1,500  muskets  and 
matchlocks,  besides  falconets  and  sabres,  and  more  than  50 
banners  and  standards.  They  also  found  a  provision  of  powder 
and  ammunition,  including  shells  and  lead,  as  well  as  flour  and 
forage,  which  last  was  exceedingly  welcome. 

In  one  of  the  glowing  reports  it  was  said, '  Thus  by  one  blow 
we  have  annihilated  the  idea  of  the  fanatics  to  raise  against  the 
Russians  all  the  Mussulman  population  of  Central  Asia.'  This, 
as  will  be  seen,  was  by  no  means  strictly  true,  but  naturally  the 
defeat  inflicted  upon  the  Khokandians  did  produce  a  great  effect, 
especially  among  the  surrounding  population.  Proclamations 
were  sent  out  at  the  same  time  by  General  Kaufmann  urging 
all  persons  to  return  to  their  occupations,  placing  the  country 
under  Russian  rule,  promising  mercy  and  safety  in  case  they 
should  remain  obedient  to  the  Russians,  and  assuring  them 
further  that  Khudayar  Khan,  who  had  lost  the  throne  in  conse- 
quence of  his  crimes,  should  not  return  to  it.  The  surrounding 
inhabitants  soon  came  in  with  protestations  of  submission  and 
with  provisions  for  sale. 

The  troops  remained  at  Makhram,  waiting. for  the  arrival 
of  transports  from  Hodjent,  for  three  days  longer,  and  on 
September  7  advanced  toward  Khokand.  On  the  way  General 
Kaufmann  was  met  by  envoys  from  the  new  Khan  Nasreddin  with 
presents  and  a  letter  explaining  and  apologising  for  the  '  acci- 
dental conflict  of  troops  upon  the  frontier  and  the  consequent 
unpleasantness.'  General  Kaufmann  refused  to  receive  the  pre- 
sents, and  declared  to  the  envoy  that  he  could  not  answer  such  a 
letter,  but  that  he  would  explain  himself  personally  with  the 
Khan  of  Khokand.  At  the  same  time  word  was  sent  that  if  the 
Khan  and  inhabitants  of  Khokand  should  meet  him  with  proper 
submission  and  with  dosturkhans,  the  troops  would  do  them  no 
harm,  but  that  if  they  should  attempt  to  resist,  Khokand  would 
be  stormed  and  destroyed,  and  'the  blood  of  the  unhappy  victims 
would  fall  on  the  heads  of  those  guilty  of  disobedience  and  unjust 
war  against  the  Great  White  Tsar.'  Issa  Aulie,  who  had  accom- 
panied the  mission,  received  a  severe  reproof  from  General 
Kaufmann  for  his  duplicity  and  evil  conduct  towards  the  Russians, 
and  was  not  allowed  to  depart,  being  retained  '  until  he  could 

In  the  affair  of  the  previous  day,  on   arriving  at  Karatchkum.  l'p.sides  7  rockets 
and  9  artillery  shots,  2,795  cartridges  were  discharged. 
VOL.    II.  U 


290  TUKKISTAN. 

explain  the  part  which  he  had  played  in  exciting  the  Mussul- 
man movement  in  Khokand  against  the  Russians.' 

The  march  from  Bish-aryk  to  Khosh-Kupyr  had  the  character 
of  a  triumphal  procession.  Everywhere  along  the  road  the 
inhabitants  came  out  to  meet  the  troops  and  present  dosturkhans 
to  the  commander. 

A  new  mission  arrived  from  Khokand,  consisting  of  a  deputa- 
tion from  the  merchants  of  the  town,  and  an  envoy  from  the 
Khan  sent  a  dosturkhan  and  returned  all  the  prisoners  which 
remained  from  those  who  had  been  taken  at  Nau  and  the 
various  post-stations,  among  them  being  the  little  daughter  of 
Dr.  Petrof,  who  had  been  beheaded  at  Nau.  The  prisoners — 
who  had  all  had  their  heads  shaved — reported  that  they  had 
been  well  treated,  the  women  and  children  being  confined  in 
the  harem  of  the  Khan. 

The  information  obtained  by  Colonel  Scobelef  during  his 
mission  at  Khokand  now  proved  of  good  service,  and  the  troops 
were  led  round  the  walls  of  the  city  to  the  gate  of  Sary  Mazar, 
on  the  southern  side,  where  was  the  most  convenient  place  for 
attacking  the  city  in  case  of  resistance.  No  resistance,  however, 
was  offered,  and  on  September  10  the  troops  occupied  the  gates 
and  part  of  the  walls  without  a  shot.  The  Khan  came  out 
to  meet  General  Kaufmann,  who,  accompanied  by  his  staff, 
entered  the  city,  rode  for  a  short  distance  along  the  streets,  and 
then,  together  with  the  Khan,  returned  to  his  camp.  For 
some  days  the  Russians  remained  encamped  at  the  gates 
of  Khokand,  where  a  bazaar  soon  grew  up  to  which  the  natives 
brought  cattle  and  provisions  for  the  soldiers.  The  topographers 
used  the  time  in  making  surveys  of  the  country  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood. It  became  necessary,  on  account  of  the  unhealthiness 
of  the  situation,  to  change  the  camp  to  the  other  side  of  the  city, 
and  General  Kaufmann,  with  his  usual  love  of  theatrical  display, 
chose  this  as  an  occasion  to  march  the  troops  through  the  town. 
He  accompanied  them,  and  made  a  short  visit  to  the  Khan  as 
well  as  to  the  former  envoy,  Mirza  Hakim.  Meanwhile,  there 
being  rumours  of  an  enemy's  force  gathering  in  the  mountains 
near  Isparah  and  in  the  vicinity  of  Kandbadam  and  Makhram, 
flying  columns  were  sent  out  from  Khokand  and  Hodjent  and 
soon  dispersed  the  small  marauding  bands. 

Although  the  Khan  came  every  day  to   the   Russian  camp 


ABDURRAHMAN   STILL   BELLICOSE.  291 

with  news  of  what  was  going  on  in  the  city,  yet  there  had  been 
hut  little  response  to  the  proclamation  issued  by  General  Kauf- 
nianu,  and  no  declarations  of  submission  had  been  made  by 
Marghilan,  Andijan,  Namangan,  or  other  large  cities  in  the 
Khanate.  General  Kaufmann  had  sent  a  special  messenger  to 
Marghilan,  requesting  the  elders  of  the  place  to  be  sent  for  con- 
ference, in  order  that  he  might  convey  to  them  the  will  of  the 
Emperor,  but  no  one  appeared.  A  letter,  indeed,  was  received 
from  Sultan  Murad  Bek,  of  Marghilan,  in  which  he  expressed  a 
hope  for  the  renewal  of  the  former  friendly  relations,  and  subse- 
quently another  paper  was  received,  stamped  with  the  seals  of 
seventy  elders  of  the  Kiptchaks,  among  them  Abdurrahman 
Aftobatcha,  the  subject  of  which  was,  that  as  the  fate  of  war 
had  given  the  Eussians  the  victory  over  the  Mussulmans,  it 
befell  them  to  ask  that  the  people  should  receive  the  same 
quiet  as  the  city  of  Khokand  enjoyed.  General  Kaufmann 
again  demanded  that  a  person  should  be  sent  to  his  camp 
with  whom  he  could  confer,  but  no  one  appeared.  It  is  strange 
that  this  appeared  surprising  to  the  Eussians  when  they  had 
retained  as  a  prisoner  Issa  Aulie,  who  had  accompanied  the 
first  mission  from  Khokand. 

In  the  meantime  intelligence  had  been  received  that  the 
Aftobatcha  was  making  a  resistance,  and  had  compelled  the 
Bek  and  the  inhabitants  of  Marghilan  to  join  him,  and  was  col- 
lecting a  large  force  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  that  place. 
Although  the  inhabitants  of  Khokand  were  apparently  sub- 
missive, they  yet  seemed  uneasy.  The  bazaars  were  almost 
empty,  few  of  the  shops  were  opened,  and  even  those  few  ex- 
posed but  a  small  quantity  of  wares  of  any  kind  for  sale.  It 
was,  consequently,  considered  necessary  to  send  forces  towards 
Marghilan  for  the  purpose  of  examining  the  condition  of  affairs, 
and  of  putting  down  any  attempted  resistance  that  Abdurrah- 
man Aftobatcha  might  make. 

General  Kaufmann,  therefore,  set  out  with  the  troops  from 
Khokand  on  September  17  for  Marghilan;  but  on  the  19th, 
Abdurrahman,  who  was  encamped  at  Gurgil,  three  miles  from 
Marghilan,  with  a  force  estimated  at  from  5,000  to  10,000  men 
and  four  guns,  suddenly  gave  up  the  idea  of  fighting  and  re- 
treated, his  forces  rapidly  dispersing,  and  it  was  said  that  he 
left  Marghilan  with  only  his  Kiptchaks,  who   were  devoted  to 

u  2 


292  TUEKISTAN. 

him,  and  "who  still,  according  to  a  Russian  account,  numbered 
from  3,000  to  5,000  men. 

On  the  next  day,  as  the  Russians  took  up  their  position 
close  to  Marghilan,  a  deputation  came  out  from  the  city,  gave 
their  complete  submission,  and  asked  to  have  the  city  spared. 
The  same  night  a  flying  column,  composed  of  Cossacks,  rockets, 
and  artillery,  with  two  companies  of  infantry  in  carts,  was  sent 
out  under  command  of  Colonel  Scobelef  to  follow  up  Abdurrah- 
man and  his  band.  This  column  followed  up  the  traces  of 
Abdurrahman  and  turned  off  the  direct  road  to  Assake  as  far  as 
Ming-tepe,  near  the  mountains,  where  there  was  a  small  engage- 
ment, the  combatants  being  rendered  nearly  invisible  on  account 
of  the  dust.  The  Russians  suffered  no  loss,  and  found  forty 
bodies  of  the  enemy.  Scobelef  then  pushed  on  as  far  as  Ush, 
which  he  reached  on  September  22.  The  city  immediately 
surrendered,  and,  after  a  stay  of  two  hours,  the  cavalry  passed 
on  the  road  to  Karasu ;  but  as  it  was  reported  that  Abdurrah- 
man had  finally  been  abandoned  by  nearly  all  his  followers,  and 
as  General  Scobelef  had  received  orders  from  General  Kaufmann 
not  to  go  too  far  in  pursuit,  he  returned  on  the  next  day  to 
Marghilan.  His  advance  to  Marghilan,  and  the  capture  of  LTsh 
had  for  the  moment  a  good  effect.  Andijan,  Balyktchi,  Shahri- 
khana,  Assake,  and  many  villages  immediately  sent  in  their 
submission,  and  Halyk  Nazar,  one  of  the  three  leaders  of 
the  insurrection,  was  delivered  up.  Before  his  departure  from 
Ush,  General  Scobelef  levied  a  heavy  contribution  in  provisions 
and  horses  upon  that  city,  sent  to  Uzgent  to  demand  the  sub- 
mission of  all  the  Kirghiz,  and  to  say  that  if  Abdurrahman, 
who  it  was  thought  had  taken  refuge  there,  were  delivered 
up,  the  city  would  be  spared. 

The  whole  of  the  country  in  this  way  having  given  in  its 
submission,  General  Kaufmann  supposed  that  peace  and  quiet 
were  thoroughly  restored,  and  that  the  end  of  the  expedition 
was  reached.  He  therefore  invited  Nasreddin  Khan  to  Mar- 
ghilan, in  order  to  arrange  terms  of  a  treaty  of  peace.  By  thia 
treaty  ISTasreddin  Khan  was  to  pay  the  sum  of  3,000,000  rubles 
^410,000L),  as  a  war  indemnity,  in  the  course  of  six  years,  and 
was  to  cede  to  the  Russian  Government  all  that  part  of  the 
country  north  of  the  Syr  Darya,  the  chief  town  of  which  is 
Namangan.     Everybody  was  pardoned  in  honour  of  the  occasion, 


MULLAH   ISSA   AULI&  293 

including  Issa  Aulie  and  Halyk  Nazar,  and  even  those  natives  of 
Tashkent  and  Kurama,  Russian  subjects,  who  had  taken  part  in 
the  war.  But,  to  quote  a  Russian  account :— '  It  was  soon  appa- 
rent that  with  these  humane  measures  it  was  necessary  also  to 
take  severe  action  against  those  who  knowingly  counteracted 
our  plans  and  actions,  and  had  an  injurious  influence  upon  the 
young  and  still  inexperienced  Khan.  One  of  these  evil-minded 
persons  turned  out  to  be  Mullah  Issa  Aulie.  His  cunning- 
speeches  had  a  very  bad  influence  upon  all  with  whom  he  was 
brought  into  contact.  At  a  council  which  the  Khan  assembled 
the  day  before  he  was  to  sign  the  treaty,  Issa  Aulie,  in  the 
presence  of  two  Eussian  officials,  dared  to  speak  impudently  to 
the  Khan.  This  had  to  be  stopped.  The  commander-in-chief 
of  the  armies  called  the  Khan  and  all  his  high  officials  to  his 
camp,  and,  explaining  to  the  Khan  and  to  all  who  surrounded 
him  the  injurious  influence  which  some  of  those  highest  in 
rank  had  upon  him,  ordered  that  Issa  Aulie,  Zulfukar  Bek, 
and  Mahmud  Khan  Tiura,  three  of  the  chief  persons  who  had 
incited  the  people  to  rebel  and  to  fight  against  the  Russians, 
should  be  arrested  and  immediately  sent  to  Siberia.' *  It  is 
almost  unnecessary  to  state  that  the  Russian  account  goes  on 
to  say  that  this  arrest  produced  an  excellent  impression,  and 
that  many  of  the  suite  of  the  Khan  expressed  delight  and 
pleasure  at  this  act  of  justice. 

Nasreddin  Khan  was  now  left  to  his  own  resources,  and  on 
the  5th  of  October  the  Russian  troops  left  Marghilan,  and  on  the 
8th  arrived  at  Namangan.  According  to  Russian  accounts,  which 
seem  not  a  little  amusing  when  compared  with  what  happened 
subsequently,  the  inhabitants  of  Namangan,  even  before  the 
treaty,  expressed  to  the  Russians  their  delight  and  gratitude  at 
the  defeat  of  the  Khokandians,  and  '  that  they  had  been  for 
ever  freed  from  these  robbers.' 

After  the  treaty  was  signed,  a  deputation  was  naturally 
sent  from  Namangan,  to  which  Greneral  Kaufmann  returned 
a  suitable  answer.  In  consequence  of  this  a  written  address, 
expressed  in  the  most  fulsome  terms  (Namangan  was  near 
enough  to  Tashkent  to  know  how  such  things  should  be 
managed),  was  sent  to  Greneral  Kaufmann,  expressing  the  utmost 
delight  at  his  kindness  in  receiving  them  as  subjects  of  the 
1  'Golos.'No.  304,  1875. 


294  TURKISTAN. 

White  Tsar.  Nor  did  the  inhabitants  confine  themselves  to 
words,  120  carts  were  sent  for  the  use  of  the  soldiers  on  their 
forward  march,  and  40,000  cakes  of  bread  were  provided  for 
them.  On  the  banks  of  the  river  a  large  tent  with  a  dostur- 
khan  was  prepared  for  General  Kaufmann.  The  road  from  the 
river  to  the  tent  was  covered  with  silk  stuffs,  and  while  the 
General  walked  from  the  bank  to  the  tent,  silver  coins  were 
showered  down  upon  him. 

General  Kaufmann  thanked  the  representatives  of  the  people 
for  this  reception,  urged  them  to  live  according  to  their  law? 
and  not  to  listen  to  the  advice  of  evil-minded  people,  and 
always  in  any  circumstances  of  life  to  speak  the  truth.  '  When 
on  the  other  bank  of  the  Darya  I  met  with  much  lying  and 
falsehood,  I  hope  that  here  this  will  not  be,'  said  the  com- 
mander-in-chief. '  The  Russian  law  demands  that  everyone 
shall  live  peaceably  and  grow  rich.  Let  every  one  of  you  live 
as  the  law  requires,  and  pray  to  God  as  his  fathers  have  taught 
him.  God  is  one,  and  both  Eussians  and  Mussulmans  all  pray 
to  the  same  God.  The  Russian  law  does  not  force  anybody's 
conscience,  nor  demand  that  God  should  be  prayed  to  in  one  way 
rather  than  in  another.     It  only  demands  a  good  and  just  life.' 

When  all  the  troops  had  crossed  to  the  right  bank  of  the 
Syr  Darya  a  loud  hurrah  was  raised  for  the  Emperor.  '  Cross 
yourselves,  children,'  said  General  Kaufmann,  turning  to  the 
crowd  of  soldiers  surrounding  him.  '  We  are  now  in  our  own 
land,  and  God  grant  that  here  shall  be  good  fame  of  us  from  one 
end  to  the  other.' x  This  annexation  of  the  district  of  Naman- 
gan was  made  on  General  Kaufmann's  own  responsibility  without 
waiting  for  the  authorisation  of  the  Emperor,  which  did  not 
arrive  until  long  after. 

The  Eussians,  however,  had  not  been  long  in  Namangan 
before  the  hasty  arrival  of  Mr.  Kuhn  and  Captain  Petrof, 
who  had  been  sent  from  Marghilan  to  Andijan  to  pursue  scien- 
tific investigations.  They  had  been  ill-treated  by  the  inhabi- 
tants,  and    reported   that    Andijan  was  again  in  insurrection. 

It  was,  therefore,  considered  best  to  punish  that  city,  and  an 
expedition  of  14,000  men  and  eight  guns  and  four  rocket 
stands  was  sent  thither  under  the  command  of  General  Trotzky. 

1  '  Golos,'  No.  30i.     Letter  from  Namangan,  September  27  (October  9),  1875, 


PUNISHMENT  OF  ANDIJAN.  295 

This  expedition  set  out  on  October  10,  and  on  the  evening  of 
the  next  day  encamped  a  few  miles  from  Andijan. 

The  armed  forces  in  the  city  were  estimated  by  the  Eussians 
to  be  between  60,000  and  70,000  men,  under  the  leadership  of 
Abdurrahman  Aftobatcha,  which  was  a  little  strange,  considering 
that  a  few  days  before  he  had  retreated  to  the  mountains  with 
only  three  or  four  followers.  All  the  bridges  had  been  broken, 
and  Pulad  Bek,  who  had  been  proclaimed  Khan  by  the  Kirghiz, 
was  encamped  in  the  neighbourhood  with  15,000  Kirghiz,  for 
the  purpose  of  attacking  the  Eussians  in  the  rear  and  cutting 
off  connections.  Pulad  (or  Fulat ;  Bek  professed  to  be  the  son  of 
Atalyk  Khan,  the  son  of  Alim  Khan,  one  of  the  former  rulers  of 
the  country ;  but  in  reality  he  was  a  tobacco-seller  of  Piskent  by 
the  name  of  Mullah  Iskak,  who  the  year  before  had  been  chosen 
by  the  Kirghiz  to  personate  the  real  Pulad  Bek,  and  was  by 
them  proclaimed  Khan.  The  real  Pulad  Bek,  who  was  then 
eighteen  years  old,  was  living  quietly  with  his  mother  in 
Samarkand. 

As  Abdurrahman  showed  no  signs  of  submission,  it  became 
necessary  to  take  the  city  by  storm,  and  General  Trotzky, 
dividing  his  command  into  three  detachments,  entered  the 
city  the  next  day.  The  streets  through  which  the  troops  passed 
were  barricaded,  and  it  was  a  hand-to-hand  contest  to  reach  the 
centre  of  the  town,  where  the  palace  of  the  Bek — which  had 
been  built  by  Nasreddin  in  Kussian  style — was  situated. 
Here  the  three  detachments  met,  but,  after  a  stay  of  two  or 
three  hours,  it  was  considered  that  the  object  of  the  expedition — 
to  punish  Andijan — would  be  completed  if  the  troops  retired, 
burning  everything  on  their  way.  They  found  retreating, 
however,  as  difficult  as  advancing,  and  their  whole  movement 
through  the  town  was  a  running  fight.  One  detachment,  how- 
ever, having  provided  materials  from  the  powder  which  had 
been  found  in  the  palace,  was  able  to  set  fire  to  the  bazaar  and 
all  the  chief  buildings  on  the  route,  and,  on  leaving  the  town, 
the  greater  part  of  it  was  in  flames.  The  fortified  camp  was 
reached  in  safety,  but,  as  it  was  necessary  to  complete  the 
punishment  and  prevent  the  inhabitants  from  putting  out  the 
fires,  Greneral  Trotzky,  two  hours  after  the  retreat,  sent  out  six 
guns  under  cover  of  two  sotnias  of  Cossacks,  commanded  by 
Colonel  Scobelef,  and  the  city  was  bombarded  for  three  hours. 


296  TURKISTAN. 

Meanwhile,  the   Kirghiz   had  come    near   the  camp,  and  had 
kept  up  a  sharp  fire  upon  the  soldiers  remaining  there. 

The  next  day,  being  convinced  that  the  city  had  suffered 
great  loss  from  the  fires,  and  feeling  assured  from  the  report  of 
spies  that  the  inhabitants  admitted  their  inability  to  contend 
with  the  Russians,  and  that  no  harm  could  be  done  to  the  Kir- 
ghiz and  Kiptchaks, — who  were  considered  the  real  hos  lie 
elements,— by  the  further  ruin  of  Andijan,  General  Trotzky 
thought  his  best  plan  was  to  give  a  little  rest  to  his  troops,  and, 
the  next  day,  retreated  to  Namangan.  He,  however,  profited 
by  the  time  he  had  left  to  give  the  city,  and  especially  the 
bazaar,  a  further  bombardment.  On  October  15  he  retired  in 
the  direction  of  Namangan,  burning  and  ravaging  all  the 
villages  and  farms  on  his  route,1  but  his  march,  as  far  as  the 
river,  was  accomplished  under  a  heavy  fire  from  the  enemy, 
who  closely  followed  him.  On  October  17,  however,  the  enemy 
was  not  in  sight,  and  he  met  with  the  troops  of  General  Kauf- 
mann,  who— not  having  received  any  intelligence,  his  messengers 
having  been  intercepted — had  marched  out  to  meet  him. 

The  losses  from  October  12  to  16  consisted,  according  to  one 
of  the  Russian  reports,  which  vary,  of  ten  killed  and  seventy 
wounded,  but  private  letters  state  the  actual  loss  to  have  been 
from  four  to  five  times  as  many.  From  the  official  reports, 
even,  it  is  impossible  to  consider  the  attack  on  Andijan  aa 
anything  less  than  an  unsuccessful  attempt  at  an  occupation 
of  the  city  and  a  forced  retreat.  Officers  who  were  present 
confirm  this,  and  it  is  no  wonder  then  that  the  natives  con- 
sidered General  Trotzky  beaten.  The  telegrams  of  the  com- 
mander-in-chief to  St.  Petersburg  about  this  affair  represented 
that  Andijan  was  taken  by  storm ;  and,  immediately  upon  this, 
General  Trotzky  was  presented  with  the  Cross  of  St.  George, 
of  the  third  class,  and  with  a  gold-mounted  sword. 

On  the  return  of  the  troops  to  Namangan,  it  was  found  that 
the  state  of  affairs' in  the  newly-acquired  province,  which  had 
expressed  so  much  joy  at  its  annexation,  was  not  entirely  satis- 
factory. The  inhabitants  had  abandoned  their  villages  and 
formed  bands  under  the  command  of  Batyr  Tiura,  the  former 

1  The  Russian  officers  were  apparently  unaware  of  the  negotiations  which  had 
taken  place  at  St.  Petersburg  to  ensure  the  success  of  the  Brussels  Conference  on 
the  laws  of  war ! 


KASBEDDIN   DEPOSED.  297 

Bek  of  Namangan.  The  little  expeditions  sent  against  them 
produced  no  decided  results,  as  the  nomads  always  succeeded 
in  evading  the  troops. 

General  Kaufmann,  however,  considered  the  state  of  affairs 
such  as  no  longer  to  necessitate,  or  indeed  to  warrant,  his  pre- 
sence in  the  country,  and  he  therefore  started  for  Hodjent  on 
October  28  with  the  whole  of  his  staff  and  a  portion  of  his 
troops,  leaving  in  command  Scobelef,  who,  by  a  telegram  from 
St.  Petersburg,  had  just  been  raised  to  the  rank  of  major- 
general,  in  the  suite  of  the  Emperor,  as  a  reward  for  the  services 
he  had  rendered  during  the  campaign.  Unfortunately,  the 
march  of  General  Kaufmann  was  harassed  by  Kirghiz  and 
Kiptchak  bands,  and  the  troops  were  under  fire  for  the  whole 
distance.  The  natives,  therefore,  may  be  pardoned  for  thinking, 
as  they  did,  that  Greneral  Kaufmann  had  retreated  because  his 
position  was  no  longer  tenable. 

Shortly  after  the  unsuccessful  attack  of  General  Trotzky  on 
Andijan,  the  inhabitants  of  Khokand,  learning  the  conditions  of 
the  treaty  which  their  Khan  had  concluded,  and  being  displeased 
not  only  with  them  but  with  him,  drove  him  out  of  the  city  in 
such  order  that  he  was  unable  to  take  with  him  either  his 
wives  or  his  treasure,  as  his  father  had  done.  Nasreddin  arrived 
alone  at  Hodjent,  almost  the  same  moment  as  General  Kaufmann. 
Khokand  was  immediately  occupied  by  the  partisans  of  Pulad 
Bek,  and  Abul  Gaffar,  the  former  Bek  of  Uratepe  l — who  had  been 
living  for  many  years  in  Tashkent  as  a  Eussian  pensioner,  but 
who  had  made  his  way  to  Khokand  on  the  first  outbreak  of  the 
war, — seized  upon  the  Government. 

Soon  after  the  departure  of  General  Kaufmann  from  Naman- 
gan so  much  disturbance  was  created  in  the  provinces  by 
marauding  bands,  that  General  Scobelef  found  it  necessary  to 
take  a  portion  of  his  command  to  Tiura-kurgan,  a  small  fortified 
town  eight  miles  west  of  Namangan,  where  on  November  4  he 
defeated  the  band  of  Batyr  Tiura,  and  at  the  same  time  punished 
the  city  for  its  share  in  the  rebellion.  Thence  he  went  on  to 
Tchust.  He  had,  however,  no  sooner  left  Namangan  than  the 
Kiptchaks  of  the  neighbourhood,  joined  by  many  from  the  other 
side  of  the  Syr  Darya,  entered  the  city,  the  inhabitants  of  which, 
who  had  so  lately  received  the  Eussians  with  joy,  rose  to  a  man. 

1  See  ;o\.  i.  p.  87. 


298  TURKISTAN. 

An  attack  was  made  on  the  small  force  of  Russians  in  the  yet  un- 
finished citadel,  and  on  the  camp  outside  of  the  town.  The 
Russian  troops  succeeded  in  defending  themselves  until,  on  the 
7th  at  noon,  General  Scobelef  arrived,  having-  heard  of  the  state 
of  affairs  at  midnight  before,  and  having  had  a  severe  fight  for 
the  last  eight  miles  of  his  march.  Placing  sixteen  guns  in  posi- 
tion, the  next  day  he  bombarded  that  portion  of  the  city  occupied 
by  the  Kiptchaks  and  then  advanced  to  the  storm,  which  was 
rendered  unnecessary  by  the  flight  of  the  enemy.  Most  of  the 
town,  however,  was  destroyed.  The  Russian  loss  is  set  down  as 
six  killed  and  thirty-two  wounded,  the  Kiptchak  loss  at  3,800 
killed  !  The  soldiers  were  then  quartered  in  the  few  houses  that 
remained. 

Meanwhile  the  state  of  anarchy  in  Khokand  which  followed 
the  expulsion  of  Nasreddin  was  giving  the  Russians  serious 
disquiet,  and  Makhram  was  occupied  by  the  forces  under 
Major  Rodzanko  to  protect  the  Hodjent  frontier. 

The  defeats  inflicted  on  the  Khokandians  at  Andijan  and 
Namangan,  and  even  the  wholesale  destruction  of  their  villages 
and  towns,  did  not  seem  to  dishearten  them.  It  was  found  that 
large  bands  of  nomads  were  collected  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Balyktchi,  a  city  situated  near  the  junction  of  the  Naryn 
and  Syr  Darya.  It  was  reported  that  several  bands  of  3,000  to 
4,000  men  each  were  collected  near  the  city,  and  that  in  the 
city  itself  were  fully  20,000  armed  men.  In  consequence  of 
this  on  November  4  General  Scobelef  set  out  for  Balyktchi  and 
after  a  sharp  fight  defeated  the  enemy  and  took  the  city,  where 
he  found  a  quantity  of  provisions.  The  enemy's  bands  at  once 
dispersed,  and  General  Scobelef  returned  to  Namangan. 

As  the  population  of  the  Khanate  was  still  unquiet  General 
Scobelef  received  orders  from  General  Kaufmann  to  ravage 
during  the  early  winter  the  territory  situated  between  the 
Naryn  and  Syr  Darya,  which  was  considered  the  centre  of  the 
Kiptchak  population.  The  people  could  not  then  escape  to  the 
mountains,  but  would  be  concentrated  in  their  winter  quarters, 
and  it  would  be  a  convenient  opportunity  for  inflicting  a 
serious  punishment  on  them.  On  January  6  General  Scobelef 
set  out  from  Namangan  with  a  command  of  2,800  men, 
crossed  the  Naryn,  and  in  spite  of  the  severe  cold  pursued  his 
march  up  the  northern  bank  of  the  Syr  Darya — or,  as  it  is 


SURRENDER  OF  ABDURRAHMAN.  299 

here  called,  the  Kara  Darya — destroying  Paita,  the  chief  Kip- 
tchak  settlement,  defeating  a  band  of  Kiptchaks,  and  destroying 
everything  on  his  route  as  far  as  Sarkhaba,  which  he  reached 
on  January  14.  After  a  small  fight  here  he  pursued  his  way  to 
Andijan,  where,  '  according  to  exact  information,'  30,000  of  the 
enemy  were  collected.  After  four  or  five  days  spent  in  recon- 
noissances,  '  in  order  to  avoid  the  shedding  of  blood,'  siimmonses 
were  twice  sent  to  the  city  to  surrender.  These  summonses 
remained  without  result,  and  the  last  messenger  was  killed. 
On  January  20  the  village  of  Iskylik  was  taken  by  storm,  and 
a  battery  was  at  once  stationed  to  bombard  the  city.  After 
firing  500  rounds  two  storming-columns  entered  and  soon  found 
their  way  to  the  centre  of  the  town,  where  another  battery  was 
placed,  and  continued  the  bombardment  for  the  rest  of  the  day. 
The  next  day  the  troops  met  with  no  opposition  and  occupied 
the  city.  The  Russian  loss  was  two  killed  and  seven  wounded  ; 
'  the  loss  of  the  enemy  was  immense.'  On  the  22nd  General 
Scobelef  occupied  the  palace  (although,  according  to  General 
Trotzky's  report,  it  had  been  burned),  and  on  the  next  day 
made  a  reconnoissance  in  the  direction  of  Assake,  to  which 
place  the  Khokandians  had  retreated. 

On  January  30  information  was  received  that  Abdurrahman 
Aftobatcha  was,  with  15,000  men,  only  six  miles  from  Andijan, 
and  was  preparing  an  insurrection  in  the  town,  with  the  idea  of 
falling  upon  the  Russian  forces.  General  Scobelef  then  advanced, 
but  did  not  discover  the  enemy  until  he  had  nearly  reached 
Assake,  which  place  he  took  after  a  hard  struggle.  He  stated 
the  Russian  loss  to  be  ten  wounded,  while  of  the  enemy  forty 
corpses  were  found  on  the  spot. 

As  the  result  of  this  battle  the  towns  of  Shahrikhana  and 
Marghilan  sent  in  their  submission.  General  Scobelef  returned 
to  Andijan,  and  on  February  1  Abdurrahman  made  proposals 
for  a  conference,  which  was  held  on  the  5th,  and  he  surren- 
dered unconditionally,  together  with  Batyr  Tiura,  Isfendyar, 
and  other  chiefs,  relying  on  the  mercy  of  the  Emperor. 

After  the  surrender  of  Abdurrahman  the  whole  country  was 
at  the  mercy  of  the  Russians,  but  it  became  difficult  to  know 
what  to  do.  By  this  time  the  population  of  Khokand,  which 
had  so  hastily  dethroned  Nasreddin,  had  become  discontented 
with  the  exactions  which  they  suffered  under  Pulad  Bek  and 


300  TURKISTAN. 

Abul  Gaffar  Bek,  and  a  deputation  was  sent  to  Hodjent  to 
Nasreddin  asking-  him  to  return.  He  finally  decided  to  do  so, 
and  went  to  Makhram  to  watch  for  a  favourable  opportunity. 
On  February  23  he  left  Makhram  and  advanced  to  a  village  in 
the  immediate  vicinity  of  Khokand,  where  he  was  attacked  by 
the  partisans  of  Pulad  Bek  and  completely  defeated,  barely 
escaping  with  his  life  to  Makhram.  In  some  way  or  other 
he  had  made  the  inhabitants  believe  that  the  Eussians  greatly 
desired  his  return,  and  now,  after  the  surrender  of  Abdurr- 
ahman, the  chiefs  were  uncertain  whether  they  ought  to 
receive  him  or  not. 

Pulad  Bek  took  refuge  in  the  Alai  mountains,  near  Utch- 
kurgan.  A  small  force  was  despatched  after  him,  which  took 
the  town,  capturing  at  the  same  time  many  of  his  supporters, 
and  standards,  weapons,  and  ammunition. 

Nasreddin  then  succeeded  in  reaching  Khokand,  but  in  view 
of  his  weak  character  and  the  disturbed  state  of  the  country, 
orders  were  given  to  General  Scobelef  to  occupy  that  city,  which 
he  did  on  February  20.  He  found  there  62  guns,  and  large 
supplies  of  powder  and  ammunition. 

Long  before  the  campaign  in  Khokand  was  actually  finished 
General  Kaufmann  had  gone  to  St.  Petersburg,  and  General  Kol- 
pakofsky,  who  was  now  in  command,  considered  it  necessary  to 
go  personally  to  Khokand  to  bring  order  into  the  country.  To 
render  this  easier  Nasreddin  Khan,  Abdurrahman  Aftobatcha, 
and  other  prominent  persons,  who  had  shown  great  hostility  to 
the  Eussians,  were  sent  prisoners  to  Tashkent. 

On  the  anniversary  of  his  accession  (March  2)  the  Emperor 
signed  an  order  for  the  annexation  of  Khokand,  and  General 
Kolpakofsky,  who  had  just  arrived,  proclaimed  to  the  inhabi- 
tants that  their  prayer  to  become  Eussian  subjects  had  been 
granted,  and  that  the  whole  country  was  now  annexed  to  Eussia, 
and  would  be  known  as  the  district  of  Ferghana  (its  ancient 
name).     It  was  placed  under  the  rule  of  General  Scobelef. 

Soon  after  this  Pulad  Bek  was  captured  by  an  energetic 
Kirghiz  and  brought  to  Margin] an,  where  he  was  hanged,  on 
the  ground  that  he  had  killed  twelve  Eussian  soldiers  whom  he 
had  taken  prisoners.1     The  official  reports  are  silent  as  to  any 

1  The  fate  of  the  non-commissioned  officer   Thomas  Danilof,  although  it  was 
not  known  until  long  afterwards,  excited  great  indignation.     He  was  captured 


RESULT   OF  ANNEXATION.  301 

prisoners  being  taken  on  either  side,  but  we  know  from  other 
sources  that  not  only  had  the  road  from  Namangan  to  Hodjent 
been  unsafe  since  the  first  occupation  of  that  territory,  but  that 
marauders  had  even  penetrated  within  the  Eussian  lines  and 
there  captured  small  bands  of  people.  All  the  transports  from 
Hodjent  to  Namangan  were  compelled  to  go  under  a  strong 
escort,  and  on  one  occasion  two  Eussian  officers  with  twelve 
Cossacks  had  been  captured  and  killed. 

It  seems  that  quiet  has  not  entirely  been  restored  even  by 
the  annexation,  for  we  find  that  several  tribes  of  the  Kara- 
Kirghiz — especially  the  Bogus — refused  to  take  part  in  the 
general  submission  of  Khokand  and  concentrated  themselves  in 
Gultcha,  under  command  of  Abdullah  Bek.  General  Scobelef 
was  sent  there  with  a  considerable  force,  and  succeeded  in 
obtaining  the  submission  of  all  the  Kirghiz  chiefs,  with  the 
exception  of  Abdullah  Bek  and  two  of  his  companions,  who  fled 
further  into  the  mountains,  whither  they  were  pursued  by 
jigits. 

The  events  of  this  last  campaign  will  probably  open  the  eyes 
of  Eussian  administrators,  who  will  see  that  a  country  which  it 
would  have  been  easy  to  secure  by  proper  means  has  been  found 
the  hardest  of  all  to  take  by  force  of  arms ;  and  although  this 
is  not  so  much  owing  to  the  warlike  character  of  the  nomad 
population  as  to  the  hatred  which  has  grown  up  of  recent  years 
to  the  Eussians  and  the  dislike  to  falling  under  their  rule,  it 
remains  to  be  seen  whether  this  province,  ravaged  as  it  has 
been  by  the  orders  of  Eussian  generals,  will  be  easily  governed  ; 
and  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  this  at  least  will  bring  the  Eussians 
to  see  the  necessity  of  better  administration  and  of  a  wiser 
treatment  of  the  natives. 

The  new  province  of  Ferghana  will  probably  be  of  advantage 
to  Eussia  in  relieving  the   treasury,  and  will  not  be  —like  so 

while  forming  purt  of  a  convoy  between  Tashkent  and  Namangan.  Every  effort 
was  made  to  induce  him  to  become  a  Mussulman,  but  he  remained  faithful  to  the 
last,  and  displayed  remarkable  fortitude  when  he  was  shot  at  Marghilan  bv  order 
of  Pulad  Bek.  The  punishment  of  Pulad  Bek  seems  to  have  been  well  deserved, 
for  during  the  last  days  of  his  power  he  had  revelled  in  execution,  and  when 
Marghilan  was  again  occupied  by  the  Russians  it  was  found  impossible  to  place 
troops  in  the  citadel  on  account  of  the  putrid  blood  and  the  numbers  of  unburied 
corpses.  He  particularly  exercised  his  rage  against  the  women  and  the  retainers 
of  Khudayar  Khan  and  the  family  of  Abdurrahman. 


302  TURKISTAN. 

much  other  conquered  territory — a  mere  barren  acquisition. 
The  Russians  estimate  the  number  of  its  inhabitants  at  960,000, 
but  this  is  probably  far  too  large  ;  600,000  even  would  seem  a 
large  estimate.  Mr.  Kuhn,  who  accompanied  the  expedition 
for  the  purpose  of  making  historical  and  statistical  researches, 
estimated  the  revenues  of  the  country  under  Khokandian  rule, 
including  only  those  which  were  allowed  by  the  Shariat — the 
haradj,  tanap,  zekat,  and  salt  tax — at  about  two  and  a  half 
millions  of  rubles  (340,000^),  a  sum  equal  to  the  whole  revenues 
of  Russian  Turkistan,  up  to  the  Khokandian  Campaign.  It  is 
doubtful,  however — bearing  in  mind  the  injuries  inflicted  upon 
the  country  by  the  war — whether  for  many  years  it  will  equal 
this  amount.     The  Khan  by  his  exactions  obtained  much  more. 

SECOND  — BUKIIARA. 

The  relations  of  Russia  with  Bukhara  were  always  much 
pleasanter  than  those  with  the  other  Central  Asiatic  countries. 
Even  before  the  reign  of  Peter  the  Great  there  were  exchanges 
of  embassies,  which  after  that  time  became  more  frequent, 
and  the  caravan  trade  was  unrestricted  until  the  capture  of 
Tashkent.  The  Amir  of  Bukhara  then  took  up  a  hostile 
position,  imprisoning  Messrs.  Struve,  Tatarinof,  and  Glukh- 
ofsky,  the  Russian  envoys  sent  to  him  by  General  Tchernaief, 
in  retaliation  for  which  all  the  Bukharan  merchants  within  the 
Russian  lines  were  placed  under  arrest.  He  was,  however,  so 
thoroughly  defeated  by  General  Romanofsky  at  the  battle  of 
Irdjar, — one  result  of  which  was  the  loss  of  Hodjent, — that  he 
released  the  envoys  and  made  peace,  although  no  definite  treaty 
was  signed.  The  basis  of  one  had  been  drawn  up  by  General 
Kryzhanofsky  and  approved  by  the  Emperor.  General  Kauf- 
mann  had  introduced  into  it  certain  alterations,  chiefly  insist- 
ing that  relations  should  be  carried  on  exclusively  with  the 
G-overnor-Greneral  of  Turkistan;  and  in  September,  1867,  the 
treaty  was  sent  through  the  Bukharan  envoy  to  the  Amir  for 
signature.  Instead,  however,  of  the  ratification  of  the  treaty 
the  Amir  sent  a  new  envoy  with  a  letter.  In  the  meantime  Lieu- 
tenant Sluzhenko  and  three  artillery  soldiers  had  been  captured 
by  the  Bukharans  on  the  road  from  Tchinaz  to  Jizakh  ;  and 
Sluzhenko,  by  means  of  torture  and  threats  of  death,  had  been 


HESITATION   OP   THE   AMIR.  303 

forced  to  embrace  Mohammedanism,  and  to  become  instructor 
of  the  Bukharan  troops.  From  these  circumstances,  and  from 
the  action  of  the  envoy  it  became  evident  that  the  Amir  did 
not  really  desire  peace,  but  was  waiting  for  an  opportunity  to 
fall  again  upon  the  Eussians.  General  Kaufmann,  who  in  the 
meantime  had  arrived,  sent  a  new  demand  to  the  Amir,  insist- 
ing upon  the  immediate  ratification  of  the  treaty  and  the 
release  of  Sluzhenko.  In  March  a  letter  was  received  from 
the  Kush-begi  with  information  of  the  release  of  Sluzhenko  and 
his  comrades,  but  giving  an  evasive  reply  about  the  treaty. 
At  the  same  time  disturbances  began  to  take  place  all  along 
the  Bukharan  frontier,  although  there  is  good  reason  to  believe 
that  these  were  not  instigated  by  the  Amir,  but  were  set  on 
foot  by  the  two  hostile  parties  who  were  discontented  with 
him.  The  evasive  conduct  of  the  Amir  and  these  disturbances 
were  the  immediate  cause  of  the  campaign  which  ended  in 
the  occupation  of  Samarkand  and  the  annexation  of  the  district 
of  Zarafshan. 

I  have  given  an  account  of  this  campaign  in  Vol.  I.  pp. 
241-247,  but  there  are  still  a  few  details  which  may  be 
interesting.  Before  risking  his  fortune  again  in  contest  with 
the  Russians  the  Amir  tried  to  obtain  allies,  but  the  exertions 
of  his  nephew,  Mohammed  Farissakh,  at  Calcutta  and  Constan- 
tinople had  been  fruitless,  and  even  the  Khan  of  Khokand  had 
refused  assistance,  being  desirous  of  watching  the  turn  of  events 
and  waiting  his  opportunity.  To  obtain  money  for  the  war 
the  Amir  had  recourse  to  two  extraordinary  taxes  on  merchants, 
and  to  raising  the  value  of  the  tenga  from  64  tchekas  to  132 
tchekas.  As  the  silver  had  already  been  taken  from  circulation 
the  course  of  the  tenga  rose  to  200.  The  consequent  stoppage 
of  trade  and  the  distress  of  the  people  excited  much  discontent 
against  the  Amir ;  and  the  fanatical  Mullahs,  being  indignant 
at  the  sum  taken  from  their  incomes  as  teachers  in  the  mosques, 
accused  him  of  using  the  money  for  other  purposes,  and  there- 
fore insisted  more  strongby  on  the  proclamation  of  a  religious 
war. 

The  Amir,  however,  was  still  undecided,  and  put  off  the 
declaration  of  war  from  one  feast  to  another,  till  finally,  at  the 
festival  of  Kurban  Bairam,  when  he  was  absent  at  the  shrine 
of  Baha-uddin,  the    leading   Kazis  and  Mullahs  published   a 


304  TURKISTAK. 

decree  declaring  the  necessity  of  a  religious  war  against  the 
Eussians.  The  Amir  on  returning  to  Bukhara  was  so  ill- 
treated  by  the  mob  that  he  immediately  withdrew  and  retired 
northwards  to  Hizhduvan.  The  disorders  in  Samarkand  had 
been  so  great  that  Osman,  the  commander  of  the  troops — a 
runaway  Cossack — had  been  obliged  to  march  out  to  quell 
them,  and  had  lost  62  men  in  doing  so.  At  Hizhduvan  the 
Amir,  learning  of  the  affair  near  Jizakh,  and  of  the  desertion 
of  the  Afghans  under  Iskender  Khan,  immediately  went  to 
Kermineh  and  proclaimed  a  war.1 

General  Kaufmann  at  first  intended  to  make  the  province 
of  Samarkand  into  a  semi-independent  state  under  Seid  Khan, 
the  nephew  of  the  Amir,  but  finding  him  too  much  under  the 
influence  of  the  Beks  of  Shahrisabs  gave  up  that  project  and 
made  two  propositions  to  the  Amir,  one  of  which  was  that  he 
(the  Amir)  should  pay  150,000  tillas  (750,000/.)  and  receive 
back  Samarkand  ;  the  other  being  that  he  should  pay  the 
expenses  of  the  war — about  18,000/.- -while  Samarkand  and 
its  provinces  should  be  annexed  to  Russia.  Neither  of  these 
propositions  was  accepted.  The  battle  of  Zera-bulak  followed, 
which  ended  in  the  complete  defeat  of  the  Amir  and  in  the 
repulse  of  the  troops  of  Shahrisabs  from  Samarkand. 

The  Amir  then  offered  an  unconditional  capitulation,  re- 
questing only  an  interview  with  the  Emperor  to  ask  permis- 
sion to  go  to  Mecca.  This  proposition  General  Kaufmann 
rejected,  saying  it  had  never  been  his  intention  to  destroy  the 
Khanate  of  Bukhara.  What  were  his  motives  in  refusing  the 
advantages  which  would  have  been  brought  to  Eussia  by  the 
occupation  of  the  whole  country,  or  which  would  have  ensued 
even  from  accepting  the  proposition  and  then  restoring  the 
Amir  to  the  throne  as  a  dependent  prince  and  actually  ruling 
the  country  through  him,  have  never  been  known,  but  it  must  be 
remembered  that  the  whole  campaign  was  in  positive  dereliction 
of  the  orders  of  the  Emperor  to  make  no  further  advances. 

Mozaffar  Eddin  was  therefore  left  in  possession  of  all  of 
Bukhara  west  of  Katta  Kurgan.  The  valley  of  the  Zarafshan 
up  to  that  point  was  annexed  to  Eussia,  and  by  a  secret  article 
of  the  treaty  which  was  signed  on  June  23  (July  5),  1868,  the 

1  See  vol.  i.  pp.  88,  89. 


REVOLT   OF  THE   KATTA   TIURA.  305 

Amir  bound  himself  to  pay  125,000  tillas  (80,000£.)  during  the 
course  of  a  year. 

The  capture  of  Samarkand  and  the  disastrous  peace  excited 
great  discontent  against  the  Amir  among  his  own  subjects, 
especially  among  the  fanatical  Mussulman  party;  and  his  eldest 
son,  the  Katta  Tiura,  the  heir  to  the  throne,  was  induced  to 
take  up  arms  against  him,  and  issued  a  proclamation,  in  which 
his  father,  on  account  of  his  peace  with  Eussia,  was  declared  to 
be  an  infidel  and  to  be  unworthy  to  rule.  The  Katta  Tiura 
was  then  in  Shahrisabs,  and  the  Amir  advanced  with  his  army 
to  Tchiraktchi,  hoping  to  forc^  Jura  Bek  to  give  up  his  son. 

General  Kaufmann,  to  show  his  friendly  disposition,  at  the 
same  time  ordered  General  Abramof  to  make  an  advance  on 
Kara-tepe,  Urgut,  and  Djam,  so  as  not  to  allow  the  Beks  of 
Shahrisabs  to  afford  the  Katta  Tiura  any  real  aid.  The  Katta 
Tiura,  therefore,  entered  into  negotiations  with  the  Turkomans, 
with  the  Kirghiz,  with  Khiva,  and  with  Sadyk,  the  celebrated 
Kirghiz  chief,  who  got  hold  of  Nurata,  and  marched  on  to 
Kermineh,  where  he  had  been  named  Bek.  The  Amir, 
frightened  at  this,  left  a  small  body  of  men  at  Tchiraktchi  and 
returned  to  Bukhara,  on  which  both  Tchiraktchi  and  Karshi 
were  immediately  occupied  by  the  Katta  Tiura.  The  attitude 
of  the  Eussians,  however,  compelled  Jura  Bek  to  withdraw  with 
4,000  troops  from  Karshi,  and  the  movements  of  the  Katta 
Tiura  were  therefore  stopped.  The  Amir  at  the  same  time 
advanced  from  Bukhara,  defeated  Sadyk  at  Kermineh,  and 
restored  his  power.  Another  Kirghiz  chief,  Nazar,  with 
10,000  men,  besieged  Khatyrtchi,  and  a  part  of  his  force 
crossed  the  new  Eussian  boundary,  over  which  they  were 
speedily  driven  back.  The  Turkomans  made  forays  in  the  close 
vicinity  of  the  city  of  Bukhara,  so  that  the  Amir  was  almost 
besieged. 

The  Eussians  pursued  a  policy  which  has  been  several  times 
adopted  by  them,  but  not  always  with  success.  They  thought 
it  better  for  their  interests  to  keep  the  weak,  unpopular  ruler 
on  the  throne  of  Bukhara,  rather  than  allow  him  to  be  over- 
thrown by  his  son,  who  was  young  and  energetic,  and  was  not 
animated  by  too  great  friendship  for  Eussia.  It  was  feared 
that  the  Katta  Tiura  in  case  of  success  would  not  recognise  as 
binding  the  treaty  made  by  his  father. 

VOL.    II.  x 


306  TURKISTAN. 

At  this  juncture,  in  order  to  give  some  active  assistance  to 
the  Amir,  who  had  at  last  applied  for  aid,  General  Kaufmann 
sent  an  expedition  under  Greneral  Abramof  to  Karshi,  which 
was  immediately  taken.  In  order  to  prove  the  peaceable  in- 
tentions of  the  Eussians  and  their  sincere  desire  to  assist  him, 
the  Eussian  troops  after  two  days  were  withdrawn,  and  Karshi 
was  delivered  up  to  the  Amir,  who  was  so  pleased  at  this  that 
he  then  requested  the  Eussians  to  conquer  Shahrisabs  for  him ; 
and  the  Beks  of  that  city,  being  disturbed  by  the  Eussian  re- 
connoissances,  of  their  own  accord  sent  in  their  submission  and 
agreed  to  return  the  town  of  Yakobak.  The  Amir,  however, 
refused  to  receive  the  Katta  Tiura,  who  turned  for  refuge  to 
Greneral  Abramof,  and  begged  him  to  reconcile  him  to  his 
father,  whom  he  would  henceforth  obediently  serve.  The 
Amir  then  agreed  to  pardon  his  son,  who,  however,  feeling 
doubts  of  his  sincerity,  again  requested  the  protection  of 
Eussia  ;  but  after  receiving  permission  to  go  to  Samarkand  he 
turned  on  the  road  and  occupied  Katyrtchi,  where  he  executed 
many  of  his  opponents.  He  then  moved  on  Kermineh,  but 
the  Amir  was  before  him,  and  he  therefore  fled  to  Nurata,  and 
thence  to  Khiva,  Afghanistan,  and  at  last  to  Kashgar,  where  he 
lives  half  a  prisoner  in  the  fort  of  Yangy-Hissar. 

These  circumstances  prevented  the  Amir  from  paying  his 
contribution  punctually,  and  he  delayed  still  more  owing  to 
rumours  that  a  new  Governor-General  with  a  new  policy 
was  to  be  appointed  in  place  of  Greneral  Kaufmann,  and  on 
account  of  the  disorders  in  the  Kirghiz  Steppe,  which  seemed 
seriously  to  threaten  the  Eussian  domination.  But  the  dis- 
orders were  quelled,  Greneral  Kaufmann  returned,  and  finally, 
in  1870,  the  last  quota  of  the  contribution  was  paid.  Whether 
or  not  there  may  have  been  some  ambiguity  in  the  terms  of 
the  treaty,  the  Bukharans  certainly  seemed  to  think  that 
Samarkand  would  be  returned  to  them,  for  they  took  every 
occasion  of  bringing  up  this  question. 

In  the  autumn  of  1869  Seid  Abdullah  Fattah  Khan,  a 
younger  and  the  favourite  son  of  the  Amir — commonly  known 
as  the  Tiura- Jan — was  sent  in  company  with  two  officials  on 
an  embassy  to  St.  Petersburg.  In  spite  of  the  warning  received 
from  General  Kaufmann  that  missions  must  not  address  the 
central  Government  on  any  political  question,  the  Tiura-Jan  on 


THE   TIURA-JAN.  307 

his  reception  by  the  Emperor  did  proffer  the  prayer  of  the 
Amir  for  the  return  of  Samarkand.  The  categorical  refusal  of 
the  Emperor  did  not  seem  to  convince  him  that  the  request 
would  not  be  granted,  and  he  still  endeavoured  to  talk  on  the 
subject  with  statesmen  at  St.  Petersburg.  On  the  return  of  the 
embassy  the  Tiura-Jan  again  addressed  General  Kaufmann  on 
the  subject,  but  to  no  purpose.1  The  feeling  on  this  subject 
among  the  Bukharans  was  so  strong  that  on  several  occasions 
when  Russian  embassies  have  gone  to  Bukhara  rumours  have 
circulated  in  the  city  that  they  came  for  the  purpose  of 
restoring  the  Zarafshan  province  ;  and  even  when  I  was  in 
Bukhara  in  1873,  during  the  time  of  the  Khivan  expedition, 
questions  were  put  to  me  as  to  whether  the  Russians  did  not 
at  last  intend  to  fulfil  their  agreement. 

Until  the  Shahrisabs  expedition  in  1870  nothing  of  particular 
importance  occurred  in  the  relations  of  the  two  countries  except  the 
reconnoissances  in  1869-70  in  the  Kyzyl  Kum,  the  settlement  of 
the  Karategin  difficulty,  and  the  defeat  on  Bukharan  territory  of 
the  robber  band  of  Baban,  who,  with  twenty-five  other  prisoners, 
was  delivered  up  to  the  Bukharan  authorities  for  execution. 

Before  the  return  of  the  Tiura-Jan  from  St.  Petersburg  there 
were  rumours  in  Tashkent  that  the  Amir  was  in  negotiation 
with  Khiva  and  the  Afghans  for  a  campaign  against  Russia,  and 
Colonel  Nosoviteh  was  therefore  sent  to  Bukhara  to  find  out  what 
was  taking  place,  and  to  assure  the  Amir  of  the  friendly  dispo- 
sition of  the  Russians.  He  found  an  Afghan  embassy  there,  but 
the  cautious  Amir  had  already  given  them  an  evasive  answer  which 
could  easily  be  construed  into  a  refusal  to  enter  into  their  plans. 

In  the  summer  of  1870  General  Abramof  undertook  the 
Iskender  Kul  expedition,2  which  resulted  in  the  annexation 
of  the  upper  valley  of  the  Zarafshan.  This  was  immediately 
followed  by  the  capture  of  Shahrisabs,  the  expulsion  of  Jura 
and  Baba  Bek,  and  the  delivery  of  the  country  to  the  Amir,3 

1  The  Tiura-Jan,  who  had  been  marked  out  by  the  Amir  as  his  heir,  subse- 
quently died  of  a  lingering  disease.  A  Russian  physician  was  sent  to  him  from 
Samarkand,  but  he  was  unable  to  arrest  the  malady. 

2  See  vol.  i.  pp.  280-283. 

3  For  an  account  of  this  expedition  see  p.  74.  It  should  have  been  there 
stated  that,  after  the  capture  of  Shahrisabs.  Aidar  Hodja,  the  man  for  whose  extra- 
dition the  expedition  had  been  nominally  undertaken,  was  tried  by  the  Russian 
authorities  and  was  acquitted. 

x  2 


308  TURKISTAN. 

who  agreed  to  pay  to  each  of  the  exiled  Beks  a  pension  of 
2,000  rubles  a  year.  It  has,  however,  been  found  very  diffi- 
cult to  exact  the  payments,  and  sometimes  they  have  been  long 
in  arrear.  The  surrender  to  the  Amir  of  Shahrisabs,  as  that  of 
Ivarshi  previously,  was  made  against  the  wish  and  in  spite  of  the 
protests  of  the  native  population,  who  much  preferred  to  remain 
under  Russian  rule  than  to  be  under  that  of  Mozaffar  Eddin. 

The  bad  harvests  of  1870  produced  not  only  great  distress 
but  great  discontent  among  the  population,  who  accused  the 
Russians  of  not  allowing  sufficient  water  for  irrigation  to  pass 
through  the  Zarafshan  into  Bukharan  territory,  and  also  of 
forbidding  the  sale  of  grain.  In  consequence  of  this,  as  I  have 
explained  in  another  piace,1  a  joint  commission  was  appointed 
to  regulate  the  water  supply. 

In  1871  there  was  an  occurrence  which  was  rightly  estimated 
by  many  as  derogatory  to  Russian  dignity.  The  Beks  whom 
the  Amir  had  appointed  to  his  newly  acquired  province  of 
Shahrisabs  were  in  some  degree  in  sympathy  with  the  popula- 
tion of  that  country,  and  were  therefore  popular.  They  could 
not  help  thinking  that  they  owed  in  great  measure  their  posi- 
tions to  the  Russians.  When  therefore  in  1871  General  Kauf- 
mann  paid  a  visit  to  Samarkand,  these  Beks,  one  of  whom  was 
named  Tokhtamysh,  came  to  Samarkand  to  pay  him  their 
respects,  and,  as  he  entered  the  city,  took  part  in  the  national 
game  of  baiga.  According  to  Bukharan  etiquette  persons  of 
their  rank  should  do  this  in  the  presence  of  their  lawful 
sovereign  only.  Hearing  of  this  the  Amir  immediately  re- 
moved them  from  their  dignities,  and  ordered  their  property  to 
be  confiscated,  on  which  they  fled  to  Samarkand.  Although 
the  Bukharan  Amir  had  never  given  up  Russian  deserters,  yet 
General  Kaufmann,  wishing  to  ingratiate  himself  in  every 
possible  way  with  the  Amir,  complied  with  his  request  and 
ordered  the  Beks  to  be  sent  to  Bukhara,  expressing,  however, 
the  hope  that  the  Amir  would  pardon  their  faults.  For  some 
time  they  were  in  exile  at  Tchardjui,  but  subsequently  were 
restored  to  favour. 

The  relations  of  Bukhara  with  the  Porte,  in  consequence 
of  a  certain  Abdul  Hai  having  been  received  in  Constantinople  as 
the  envoy  of  the  Amir,  caused  a  diplomatic  correspondence,  when 
1  Vol.  i.  p.  288. 


DOUBLE-DEALINGS   OE  THE  AMIE  309 

the  Amir  formally  promised  henceforth  to  abstain  from  direct 
relations  with  the  Sultan.  In  spite  of  the  benefits  conferred 
upon  the  Amir,  of  the  numerous  friendly  embassies,  and  of  other 
means  taken  to  assure  him  of  the  friendliness  of  the  Russians, 
he  likes  them  no  better  in  his  heart,  though  his  experience  of 
their  strength  leads  him  to  avoid  as  far  as  possible  causes  of 
conflict.  He  has,  however,  made  no  efforts  to  carry  out  the 
treaty  of  commerce,  the  Russian  merchants  being  compelled 
to  pay  illegal  duties  (although  a  portion  has  been  refunded). 
For  two  years  the  Amir  did  not  pay  to  the  exiled  Beks  of 
Shahrisabs  the  sums  due  to  them,  notwithstanding  repeated 
requests  from  the  Tashkent  authorities.  It  is  strange  that 
these  requests  were  not  made  in  a  more  forcible  form,  but  it  is 
probable  it  was  feared  the  Amir  might  be  hostile  during  the 
Khivan  expedition.  When  the  Khivan  expedition  started  there 
was  general  fear  in  Bukhara  that  it  was  directed  also  against 
that  city,  and  merchants  even  sent  away  their  property  and  came 
to  Samarkand  to  be  out  of  harm's  way.  At  one  time  the  terror 
was  so  great  that  the  population  proposed  to  seize  upon  the 
Amir  and  deliver  him  up  to  the  Eussians.  The  Amir,  however, 
professed  friendliness  towards  the  Russians,  met  them  at  the 
frontier  with  messages  and  presents,  and  sent  an  envoy  with 
the  expedition.  He  also  furnished  a  certain  amount  of  pro- 
visions and  camels,  though,  with  the  exception  of  a  small  pre- 
sent, these  were  sold  at  high  prices  and  not  given  away.  He 
further  held  himself  ready  to  take  advantage  of  any  circum- 
stances favourable  to  himself;  and  while  he  was  sending  kind 
words  and  worn-out  camels  to  the  Russians  he  was  giving  his 
blessing  and  opening  his  purse  to  three  Turkoman  chiefs,  who 
left  Bukhara  for  Khiva.  The  Russian  authorities,  however, 
considered  it  best  to  wink  at  his  conduct,  and  to  reward  his 
friendliness  and  the  equanimity  with  which  he  .regarded  the 
establishment  of  a  Russian  fort  at  Khalata,  within  the  Bukharan 
territory,  by  bestowing  upon  him  a  narrow  strip  of  country  on 
the  right  bank  of  the  Oxus  which  had  been  in  dispute  between 
him  and  Khiva. 

Nothing  had  been  said  in  the  commercial  treaty  with  regard 
to  slavery  or  the  slave-trade,  but  it  was  impressed  upon  the 
Bukharan  authorities  that  the  Russians  disapproved  of  this 
shameful  traffic  and  desired  its  immediate  cessation.     In  con- 


310  TUEKISTAK 

sequence  of  this  the  Bukharans  gave  out  to  the  Russians  that 
the  trade  in  slaves  (the  slaves  here  are  all  Persians)  had  entirely 
ceased,  and  dust  was  thrown  in  the  eyes  of  the  Eussian  officials 
who  came  to  Bukhara,  so  that  the  diplomatic  employe  made  a 
report  to  General  Kaufmann  in  1870,  in  which  he  stated  that, 
after  careful  investigation,  he  was  convinced  that,  in  deference 
to  the  wish  and  principles  of  Russia,  the  slave-trade  had  entirely 
ceased.  Merchants,  however,  who  had  better  opportunities  of 
seeing,  knew  that  it  was  going  on  in  full  force,  but  their  reports 
were  disbelieved  in  Tashkent.  Mr.  Petrofsky,  the  agent  of  the 
Ministry  of  Finance,  was  in  Bukhara  in  1872,  and  having  seen 
with  his  own  eyes  the  sale  of  Persian  slaves  in  the  bazaar, 
made  a  strong  report  to  General  Kaufmann,  of  which  no  notice 
was  taken. 

My  purchase  of  a  slave  at  Bukhara  caused  a  certain  sensation 
at  Samarkand  and  Tashkent,  as  it  was  at  the  same  time  as  the 
release  by  Greneral  Kaufmann  of  the  Persian  slaves  at  Khiva ; 
but  the  act  was  viewed  with  favour  by  most  persons,  official  and 
otherwise,  for  it  was  said  that  I  had  given  the  Government 
actual  proof  of  the  existence  of  the  forbidden  traffic.  Some  of 
the  more  outspoken  partisans  of  the  Governor-General  were 
displeased,  wrongly  thinking  that  my  action  was  intended  as 
an  inuendo  against  him. 

After  the  close  of  the  Khivan  campaign  Mr.  Struve  was  sent 
on  a  mission  to  Bukhara  for  the  purpose  of  making  a  new  treaty. 
This  treaty  was  signed  by  the  Amir  on  September  28  (October 
10),  1 873,  and  a  clause  was  inserted  in  it  which  read  :  '  To  please 
the  Emperor  of  all  the  Russias  and  to  enhance  the  glory  of  his 
Imperial  Majesty,  his  Worship  the  Amir  SeidMozaffar  has  ordered 
the  shameful  traffic  of  human  beings,  which  is  contrary  to  the 
laws  of  humanity,  to  be  henceforth  abolished  in  the  dominions 
of  Bukhara.  In  accordance  with  this  resolve,  Seid  Mozaffar 
will  give  the  strictest  injunctions  to  all  his  Beks  and  a  special 
order  will  be  sent  to  all  the  Bukharan  frontier  towns  to  which 
the  slaves  are  transferred  from  neighbouring  countries  for  sale 
to  Bukharan  subjects,  that,  besides  the  cessation  of  the  slave- 
trade,  if,  contrary  to  the  order  of  the  Amir,  slaves  shall  be 
brought  thither  for  sale,  they  shall  be  taken  away  from  their 
masters  and  immediately  set  at  liberty.' 

Unfortunately,  the  Russians  have  always  found  it  more  easy 


TEEATY   OF   1873.  311 

to  make  treaties  in  Central  Asia  than  to  enforce  their  observance, 
and  I  have  received  information  from  Eussians  as  well  as  from 
natives  that  since  this  treaty  the  slave-trade  has  rather  in- 
creased than  diminished,  although  slaves  are  no  longer  sold  pub- 
licly in  the  open  market,  as  was  done  when  I  was  in  Bukhara. 

By  this  treaty  it  was  also  provided  that  the  strip  of  territory 
on  the  right  bank  of  the  Amu  Darya  from  Kukertli  to  Meshekli, 
and  thence  to  the  Russian  boundary,  should  be  taken  from 
Khiva  and  transferred  to  Bukhara;  that  Russian  steamers  and 
other  vessels  should  have  the  right  to  navigate  the  Amu  Darya ; 
that  Russians  should  be  allowed  to  build  piers  and  storehouses 
on  the  Bukharan  bank,  and  for  the  safety  of  which  the  Bukharan 
Government  should  be  responsible ;  that  all  the  towns  and  vil- 
lages in  the  Khanate  should  be  open  to  Russian  commerce ;  and 
that  Russians  should  be  allowed  to  travel  without  molestation 
anywhere  within  the  Khanate,  with  no  other  duty  levied  than 
the  one  of  2\  per  cent,  ad  valorem  on  goods  belonging  to  Russian 
subjects,  exported  or  imported ;  that  Russian  merchants  should 
be  allowed  to  send  their  goods  through  Bukhara  free  of  transit 
dues ;  that  Russian  merchants  should  be  allowed  to  have  cara- 
vanserais and  commercial  agents  in  all  the  towns  ;  that  commer- 
cial engagements  between  Russians  and  Bukharans  should  be 
considered  sacred ;  that  Russian  subjects  should  be  allowed  to 
exercise  all  branches  of  industry  permitted  by  the  Shariat, 
and  should  be  allowed  to  purchase  real  property ;  that  the  Buk- 
haran Government  should  not  permit  anyone  to  arrive  from  the 
Russian  territory,  whatever  might  be  their  nationality,  unless 
provided  with  a  special  permit  from  the  Russian  authorities  ; 
that  the  Amir  should  appoint  a  resident  envoy  at  Tashkent ;  and 
that  the  Russian  Government  should  be  permitted  to  maintain 
a  resident  agent  at  Bukhara. 

The  Russians  have,  thus  far,  made  very  little  use  of  the  rights 
granted  to  them  by  this  treaty,  for  no  Russian  vessels  have  as 
yet  sailed  on  the  Amu  Darya  waters  within  Bukharan  territory  ; 
no  increase  of  Russian  commerce  has  taken  place,  and  no  Russian 
agent  has  yet  been  appointed  to  reside  at  Bukhara.  It  cannot 
be  said  that  the  relations  between  the  two  countries  have  been 
improved  by  this  treaty.  On  the  contrary,  during  the  Kho- 
kandian  war  in  1875  the  Amir  was  on  the  watch  for  an  oppor- 
tunity to  attack  the  Russians  on  the  side  of  Samarkand,  and 


312  TURKISTAH". 

G-eneral  Abramof  forbade  Eussian  caravans  going  to  Bukhara, 
on  the  ground  that  if  they  did  so  their  safety  could  not  he 
guaranteed  by  the  Russian  Government. 

The  conquest  of  Bukhara — except  for  the  purpose  of  getting 
control  over  the  greatest  market  iu  Central  Asia,  and  of  putting 
an  end  to  an  independent,  and  sometimes  troublesome  Moham- 
medan State — will  probably  not  have  for  the  Russians  the 
same  advantages  as  that  of  Khokand.  The  agriculture  of  the 
country  is  in  poor  condition  and  Mr.  Sobolef  brings  up  weighty 
reasons  to  prove  that  the  area  of  cultivable  land  is  being 
gradually  and  rapidly  diminished  by  the  encroachments  of  the 
desert.1  There  is  probably  no  reason  to  look  for  the  occupation 
of  Bukhara  by  Russia  before  the  death  of  thf1  Amir,  whom 
the  Russians,  in  spite  of  the  loud  complaints  of  his  people,  will 
probably  continue  to  maintain  upon  the  throne. 

THIRD AFGHANISTAN. 

Russian  relations  with  Afghanistan  appear  to  have  begun 
after  Abdurrahman  Khan  had  taken  refuge  on  Russian  soil. 
Abdurrahman  before  this  had  requested  Russian  intervention 
in  Afghanistan,  and  had  promised  to  submit  it  to  Russian  rule. 
His  overtures  had  been  refused ;  but  at  last,  finding  himself 
under  too  strict  surveillance  in  Bukhara,  he  wrote  :  '  You  know 
that  our  country  is  submitted  to  English  protection.  I  place 
my  hope  in  you,  because  I  know  very  well  that  the  possessions 
of  the  White  Tsar  are  much  larger  than  those  of  the  French, 
German,  and  English  taken  together.  Going  to  Vizir  and 
Mashad,  and  learning  there  that  Iran  (Persia)  is  under  the 
protection  of  the  White  Tsar,  I  came  through  the  steppe  of  the 
Tekke  Turkomans  to  Urgentch  (Khiva),  with  the  purpose  of 
going  on  to  you.'  The  reply  to  this  of  February  7  (19),  1870, 
was  not  received  by  Abdurrahman,  as  he  had  already  gone  to 
Samarkand.  In  this  General  Kaufmann  promised  him  a  good 
reception,  but  told  him  that  he  was  to  have  no  hope  of  assist- 
ance against  Afghanistan,  giving  the  reason  for  this  as  follows: 
'  The  present  ruler  of  Afghanistan  has  been  recognised  as 
the  lawful  sovereign  of  that  country  by  England,  which  is 
friendly  with  us,  and  until  he  breaks  the  peace  and  makes  a 

'  Bulletin  of  the  Imperial  Russian  Geographical  Society,  for  1873,  vol.  ix.  p. 
259. 


ABDURRAHMAN  KHAN.  313 

disturbance  on  the  frontier  of  Bukhara  I  have  no  reason  to  see 
in  him  our  enemy.'  When  Abdurrahman  reached  Tashkent 
he  made  the  following  new  requests  :  first,  to  receive  3,000 
muskets  and  seven  cannon,  even  should  they  be  taken  from 
the  Bukharans ;  second,  to  form  a  military  organisation  of 
Afghans  and  Persians  who  had  at  previous  times  come  to 
Bukhara ;  third,  to  obtain  the  permission  of  the  Amir  to  establish 
himself  at  Kerki  or  Shirabad,  in  order  to  send  proclamations 
to  his  adherents  in  Afghanistan  ;  and,  fourth,  to  be  allowed  to 
keep  his  suite.  General  Kaufmann  refused  to  assist  him  in  any 
way,  and  informed  him  that  any  relations  with  his  friends  in 
Afghanistan  would  be  unpleasant  to  the  Eussian  authorities  ; 
but  that  his  suite,  which  consisted  of  221  persons,  he  could  retain 
in  Samarkand  if  he  could  do  so  on  the  money  assigned  to  him. 
As  the  money  seemed  to  be  insufficient,  Abdurrahman  sub- 
sequently dismissed  the  greater  part  of  his  followers.  The 
Foreign  Office  approved  of  this  decision  of  General  Kaufmann 
and  in  a  letter  of  May  16  (28),  Mr.  Stremovukhof,  the  Director 
of  the  Asiatic  Department,  suggested  that  it  might  be  better 
to  send  Abdurrahman  into  the  interior  of  Eussia  in  order 
to  avoid  complications.  'After  the  friendly  exchange  of  ideas 
with  the  English  Cabinet  with  regard  to  Central  Asian  affairs, 
our  Government  tries  to  remove  anything  which,  without 
bringing  us  any  actual  advantage,  may  be  a  reason  for  exciting 
distrust.' 

Greneral  Kaufmann  considered  this  a  good  opportunity  to 
remove  any  misunderstanding,  and  at  the  same  time  to  enter 
into  friendly  relations  with  the  Amir  of  Kabul,  and  accordingly 
on  March  10  (22),  1870,  wrote  to  Shir  Ali  about  his  reception 
of  Abdurrahman  Khan.  In  this  letter  he  said  :  '  The  domains 
of  the  White  Tsar  in  Turkistan,  and  the  lands  now  subject  to 
you,  do  not  have  a  common  boundary.  We  are  separated  by 
the  Khanate  of  Bukhara,  the  ruler  of  which,  Seid  Mozaffar,  has 
concluded  a  peace  with  Eussia,  and  is  in  the  friendship  and 
under  the  protection  of  the  great  Emperor  of  all  the  Eussias. 
Therefore  between  us  there  cannot  be  any  misunderstanding, 
and  we,  although  distant  neighbours,  ought  to  live  in  peace  and 
union.  I  have  no  intention  to  intervene  in  the  internal  affairs 
of  Afghanistan,  both  because  you  are  under  the  protection  of 
the  English  Government-    which,  as  you  well  know,  is  in  friend- 


314  TURKISTAN. 

ship  and  concord  with  the  Government  of  the  White  Tsar — and 
because  I  do  not  see  on  your  part  any  intervention  in  the  affairs 
of  Bukhara.  Afghanistan  and  Bukhara  ought  to  have  nothing 
in  common,  and  each  of  these  two  countries  ought  to  live  its  own 
life  without  troubling  itself  about  what  its  neighbour  is  doing.'  * 
This  letter  of  General  Kaufmann  seems  to  have  been  in  full 
accord  with  the  opinion  expressed  to  him  almost  on  the  same 
day,  March  18  (30),  by  Prince  Gortchakof,  that,  in  view  of  the 
noticeable  change  in  public  opinion  consequent  on  the  frank 
exchange  of  views  between  the  Ministry  and  the  London  Cabinet, 
it  was  indispensable  to  take  measures  for  the  contradiction  of 
any  false  reports  which  might  circulate  in  Central  Asia.  Baron 
Brunnow,  however,  in  a  despatch  of  March  18  (30),  con- 
sidered that  there  should  be  no  direct  relations  between  General 
Kaufmann  and  the  Amir  of  Afghanistan,  and  that  all  such  des- 
patches should  be  sent  through  St.  Petersburg.  This  General 
Kaufmann  considered  an  infringement  of  the  full  powers 
which  he  had  received  from  the  Emperor,  and  he  therefore 
paid  no  attention  to  the  suggestion.  In  the  meantime  a  rebellion 
broke  out  in  Afghanistan  because  the  Amir  was  thought  by 
many  of  his  subjects  to  be  too  subservient  to  the  English.  Infor- 
mation about  the  course  of  events  was  received  by  the  Russians 
both  through  their  mission  at  Teheran  and  through  the  corre- 
spondence of  the  friends  and  the  adherents  of  Abdurrahman. 
After  this  insurrection  was  put  down,  about  the  end  of  August 
1870,  General  Kaufmann  received  an  answer  to  his  letter.  In 
this  Shir  Ali  Khan  said :  '  When  I  received  from  you  the 
promise  that  the  Russian  Government  would  neither  secretly 
nor  openly  by  means  of  an  army  intervene  in  the  affairs  of 
Afghanistan,  and  that  the  enemies  of  Afghanistan  would  not 
receive  help  from  you,  I  was  greatly  gladdened.'  He  then 
stated  that  on  receipt  of  General  Kaufmann's  letter  he  had 
consulted  with  the  Viceroy  of  India,  and  had  forbidden  his 
officials  to  mix  in  the  affairs  of  his  neighbours  or  to  trouble 
them,  or  to  allow  any  armed  parties  to  cross  the  frontier.  i  All 
this,'  the  Amir  added,  '  was  done  not  by  me  alone,  but  on  con- 
sultation with  the  representative  of  the  English  Government, 

1  This,  as  well  as  much  else  with  regard  to  Afghanistan,  is  quoted  from 
Terentief,  id.,  pp.  154-191.  See  also  'Parliamentary  Papers  on  Central  Asia,' 
No.  2  (1873). 


ISKENDER  KHAN.  315 

the  Viceroy  of  India,  who  very  well  understands  the  friendly 
relations  existing  between  his  Government  and  the  Kussian 
Tsar.  From  my  conversation  with  him  I  am  fully  convinced 
of  the  friendship  of  the  two  Governments,  and  I  am  now  assured 
thaf  quiet  will  reign  in  my  empire.'  It  is  worthy  of  remark 
that  all  the  letters  of  General  Kaufmann  to  Shir  Ali  are  accom- 
panied by  an  English  translation,  for  the  greater  convenience  of 
the  Indian  authorities,  to  whom  it  is  expected  they  will  be 
transmitted. 

A  further  correspondence  was  called  out  by  the  desire  of 
Iskender  Khan,  the  nephew  of  the  Amir,  to  return  to  Kabul.1 
General  Kaufmann  communicated  this  to  the  Amir,  and  asked 
him  to  pardon  and  to  receive  back  this  prince.  To  this  the 
Amir  replied  favourably,  and  General  Kaufmann  in  his  turn 
congratulated  him  on  the  close  of  civil  war  in  Afghanistan. 
Iskender  Khan,  however,  did  not  return  to  Afghanistan,  but 
was  allowed  to  go  to  St.  Petersburg,  where  he  was  given  the 
rank  of  lieutenant-colonel,  and  attached  to  the  Hussars  of  the 
Guard,  with  a  salary  of  4,000  rubles.  His  position  there,  how- 
ever, was  peculiar,  he  not  being  considered  regularly  in  the 
service  or  capable  of  advancement.  To  the  annoyances  of 
this  position  was  added  an  unpleasantness  arising  out  of  the 
treatment  of  his  follower,  Eamdil  Khan,  who  had  been  received 
as  a  cadet  in  the  convoy  of  the  Emperor.  At  an  inspection 
Eamdil  Khan,  who  had  done  good  service  in  Turkistan  and  had 
been  decorated,  was  struck  by  the  adjutant.  Iskender  Khan 
took  the  part  of  his  friend  and  demanded  from  the  adjutant 
a  public  apology  before  the  soldiers.  There  was  an  altercation, 
and  Iskender  sent  a  challenge  to  the  commander  of  the  convoy, 
who  refused  to  accept  it ;  and  Iskender  then  declared  that  the 
first  time  he  met  him  in  the  palace  he  would  insult  him.  For 
this  he  was  placed  in  the  guard-house  for  six  days,  while  Eam- 
dil Khan  was  also  arrested  and  sent  to  the  Caucasus,  though 
he  was  subsequently  recalled.  Iskender  Khan  immediately 
resigned,  entered  into  negotiations  with  the  British  Embassy, 
and  went  to  London,  where  he  was  well  received  by  the  English 

i  Iskender  Khan  had  been  driven  out  of  Afghanistan  during  the  intestine 
troubles,  and  had  put  his  Afghan  followers  into  the  service  of  the  Amir  of 
Bukhara.  Owing  to  the  treatment  which  he  met  with  in  that  country  he  had 
gone  over  to  the  Russians  just  before  the  Samarkand  campaign,  as  I  have  men- 
tioned on  p.  241,  vol.  i. 


316  TURKESTAN. 

Government  and  assigned  a  small  pension,  on  which  he  is  still 
living  in  England.  With  Tskender  Khan's  family  influence  and 
his  remarkable  capacity,  it  is  to  be  regretted  that  the  Eussians 
did  not  better  appreciate  how  useful  he  could  be  to  them. 

The  authorities  at  Tashkent  have  been  considerably  annoyed 
by  the  disturbances  in  Badakshan,  over  which  place  the  Eussians 
had,  by  their  arrangement  with  England,  acknowledged  the 
suzerainty  of  Shir  Ali.  The  natives  of  that  country  were  un- 
willing to  submit  to  the  Afghans,  and  since  Afghan  troops  were 
sent  there  in  1873  there  have  been  several  attempts  at  rebellion, 
caused  in  great  part  by  the  former  ruler  of  the  country,  Jahandar 
Shah,  who  had  been  dethroned  by  his  nephew,  Mahmud  Shah. 
Abdurrahman  Khan  has,  since  he  came  to  Samarkand,  married 
a  daughter  of  Jahandar  Shah,  and  Shir  Ali  has  given  one  of  his 
daughters  in  marriage  to  Mahmud  Shah  ;  so  that  it  is  the  old 
feud  being  fought  over  again  in  this  limited  territory.  Jahandar 
Shah  took  as  the  bases  for  his  attempts  Shugnan  and  Kulab  ; 
but  it  is  said  that  since  the  failure  of  his  last  expedition  in 
August  1874  he  has  taken  refuge  among  the  Turkomans.1 


FOURTH — KASHGAR. 

Yakub  Khan,  the  present  Amir  of  Kashgar,  was  a  native  of 
Piskent,  near  Tashkent,  and  had  signalised  himself  in  1853  by 
being  for  a  time  an  officer  in  Ak-Masjid  at  the  time  of  its 
capture  by  the  Eussians.  In  1864,  about  the  time  Tashkent 
was  taken,  he  went  to  Kashgar  as  one  of  the  lieutenants  of 
Buzurg  Khan  Hodja,  a  descendant  of  the  ancient  Hodja  rulers, 
who,  taking  advantage  of  the  insurrection  just  beginning,  desired 
to  re-establish  the  realm  of  his  ancestors.  The  facts  of  his  career 
are  well  known ;  how,  after  using  Buzurg  Khan  as  long  as  the 
shadow  of  his  name  was  necessary,  he  threw  him  off  and  made 
himself  the  sovereign  of  the  country  ;  how  he  extended  his  rule 
to  the  eastward  by  the  capture  of  Aksu,  Turfan,  and  Urumtsi ; 
how  he  took  in  succession  the  titles  of  Atalyk  Grhazi,  and  Badau- 
let,  and  in  the  end  that  of  Amir,  conferred  upon  him  by  the 

1  Terentief  says,  p.  189:  'It  is  to  be  hoped  that  these  rebellions  -will  be 
periodically  repeated,  and  that  the  disorders  in  the  other  provinces  will  compol 
the  Amir  of  Kabul  to  withdraw  his  troops  from  Badakshan.' 


EAELIEST   RELATIONS   WITH   KASHGAR.  317 

Turkish  Sultan  in  1873  ;  and  how,  from  a  mere  adventurer,  he 
has  become  the  most  powerful  of  Asiatic  monarchs. 

For  a  long-  time  the  Russians  refused  to  recognise  him,  that 
is  to  say,  they  made  no  treaties  with  him  and  refused  to  allow 
his  envoys  to  come  to  the  Court  at  St.  Petersburg,  although 
naturally  they  did  not  abstain  from  those  slight  relations  which 
generals  on  the  border  are  obliged  to  maintain  with  neigh- 
bouring powers.  As  Yakub  Khan  disliked  the  Russians,  he 
closed  his  country  to  Russian  trade.  No  merchant,  therefore, 
ventured  to  Kashgar,  until  in  1868  the  merchant  Khludof,  a 
brave  and  enterprising  fellow,  started  out  from  Vierny  with 
a  small  caravan  of  goods.  His  caravan  was  attacked  soon 
after  crossing  the  border,  and  he  was  obliged  to  return.  He 
then  sent  some  presents  to  Yakub  Khan,  and  requested  the 
admission  of  his  caravan.  The  presents  were  accepted,  and  the 
attack  on  the  caravan  was  explained  as  being  because  the 
authorities  had  no  official  knowledge  of  its  character.  Khludof 
then  obtained  from  the  Governor  of  Semiretch  a  letter  to 
Yakub  Khan  certifying  that  the  venture  was  purely  a  com- 
mercial one.  This  obtained  for  him  the  desired  permission, 
although  the  caravan  was  detained  on  the  road.  Khludof  was 
received  by  Yakub  Khan,  and  by  his  boldness  and  straight- 
forwardness produced  such  an  impression  upon  him  that  he 
agreed  to  send  his  nephew,  Shadi  Mirza,  to  Tashkent  to  con- 
clude a  commercial  treaty. 

The  construction  of  Fort  Naryn  in  the  same  year  (1868) 
had,  perhaps,  some  influence  in  producing  this  change  in  the 
views  of  Yakub  Khan  to  favour  Bukhara,  and  therefore  hasten 
on  the  construction  of  the  fortress.  All  of  the  Naryn  country 
had  been  recognised  as  Russian  territory  by  the  treaty  of  Pekin 
in  1860,  but  it  was  first  occupied  in  1863,  when  a  Russian 
detachment  destroyed  the  Khokandian  fort  of  Kurtka,  which 
had  been  built  within  the  Russian  boundaries. 

Shadi  Mirza  together  with  Khludof  arrived  at  Vierny  in 
August  1868.  He  brought  a  letter  from  Yakub  Khan  to  General 
Kaufmann,  who  had  just  gone  on  leave  to  St.  Petersburg.  For 
this  reason,  as  well  as  because  the  letter  of  Yakub  Khan  to 
General  Kaufmann  was  not  expressed  in  polite  terms,  Shadi 
Mirza  was  not  allowed  to  go  on  to  Tashkent. 

With  regard  to  the  accusation  of  hindering  trad  i  Yakub 


3 1 8  TURKISTAN. 

Khan  wrote :  '  The  land  of  the  great  Russian  Tsar  is  great  and 
broad,  and  full  of  all  the  sorts  of  wise  men  and  artificers  that 
there  are  in  the  seven  great  lands.  Our  land  in  comparison  to 
yours  is  a  poor  ruin.  Now,  after  the  destruction  of  the  Chinesb 
power,  during  six  years  all  has  been  destroyed  that  was  good 
and  that  which  commerce  had  created,  so  that  nothing  remains 
of  it  all.  This  was  the  reason  why  your  rich  merchants  were 
not  allowed  here,  for  they  could  find  nothing  here  but  ruins.' 

General  Kolpakofsky  informed  Yakub  Khan  of  the  depar- 
ture of  General  Kaufmann,  mentioned  the  breach  of  polite  form 
in  his  letter,  and  demanded  the  surrender  of  two  Kirghiz  robbers, 
Omar  and  Kaitchi,  and  the  return  of  some  prisoners  they  had  cap- 
tured. The  letter  of  General  Kolpakofsky  was  sent  to  Kashgar  by 
Captain  Reinthal,  who  was  the  first  officer  that  penetrated  there. 
In  spite  of  renewed  interviews  with  the  Khan,  in  which  he  was 
treated  with  great  politeness,  he  was  unable  to  succeed  in 
inducing  him  to  come  to  an  agreement  for  protecting  trade. 
Yakub  Khan,  however,  consented  to  send  out  an  expedition 
to  the  settlement  of  the  Kirghiz  tribe,  and  captured  the 
guilty  parties,  although  he  kept  them  in  Kashgar  as  a  kind  of 
guarantee  for  the  return  of  Shadi  Mirza.  The  Russian  captives 
he  sent  on  to  Vierny. 

General  Kaufmann,  on  receiving  a  report  of  what  had 
taken  place,  granted  Shadi  Mirza  permission  to  come  on  to 
St.  Petersburg  for  conference  with  him.  In  answer  to  a  letter 
about  preventing  trade,  General  Kaufmann  insisted  that  com- 
mercial relations  should  be  entered  into,  and  proposed  a  treaty 
of  exactly  the  same  character  as  those  concluded  with  Bukhara 
and  Khokand.  Shadi  Mirza  was  not,  however,  received  by 
the  Emperor,  and  returned  to  Kashgar  in  January,  1869. 
In  April  a  letter  was  received  at  Tashkent,  in  which  Yakub 
Khan  thanked  General  Kaufmann  for  the  presents  he  had 
received,  and  promised  to  take  care  of  the  Russian  merchants  on 
condition  that  the  Russian  troops  should  not  pass  the  frontier. 
He  said  :  '  For  the  passage  of  caravans  and  merchants,  quiet 
and  safety  are  needed ;  and  for  this  it  is  necessary  to  fix  a 
boundary,  so  that  merchants  may  come  either  from  Russia  or 
from  other  nations.' 

Knowing  that  Yakub  Khan  would  not  be  disposed  to  respect 
the  treaties  made  by  the  Chinese,  General  Kaufmann  in  his 


OCCUPATION   OF   KULDJA.  319 

reply,  insisted  that  the  Russians  were  right  in  constructing 
the  fort  at  Naryn,  as  it  was  on  ground  which  had  been  made 
theirs  by  treaties  with  his  predecessor  the  Chinese  Emperor  _, 
and  although  since  that  time  the  country  had  passed  into  his 
hands,  that  fact  could  have  no  influence  upon  the  boundary 
which  had  once  been  established.  He  offered,  however,  to 
appoint  a  commission  to  fix  it  accurately,  and  again  demanded 
the  return  of  one  of  the  copies  of  the  commercial  treaty  signed. 
To  this  letter  no  answer  was  received.  The  conditions  pro- 
posed were  not  agreed  to,  and  the  merchants  met  with  the 
same  hindrances  and  obstacles  as  previously. 

Meanwhile  Yakub  Khan  endeavoured  to  enter  into  friendly 
relations  with  the  Dungans  and  the  Tarantchis,  but  his  efforts 
seemed  to  be  without  result.  He  then  changed  his  plans,  and 
in  the  beginning  of  1872  made  war  on  the  Dungans,  the  pretext 
being  about  the  Torgots  or  Kalmuks  who  had  been  living  in 
the  valley  of  the  river  Yulduz,  and  over  whom  Yakub  Khan 
claimed  to  have  suzerain  rights.  The  Dungans  at  first  had  the  ad- 
vantage, and  occupied  the  cities  of  Karashar,  Kutche  and  Sairam, 
but  hearing  of  Yakub  Khan's  approach,  they  abandoned  them 
after  pillaging  the  merchants  and  murdering  many  of  the  in- 
habitants. The  forces  of  Yakub  Khan  advanced,  laid  siege  to 
Turfan,  and,  after  a  four  months'  siege,  took  it  in  July  1870. 

The  Russians,  fearing  that  the  object  of  Yakub  Khan  was 
the  conquest  of  the  province  of  Kuldja,  thought  it  better  at 
least  to  keep  a  watch  upon  his  movements,  and  therefore 
occupied  the  Muzart  pass.  In  spite  of  the  difficulties  of  the 
pass,  Yakub  Khan  had  ordered  that  all  the  caravans  coming 
into  the  valley  of  the  Hi  should  take  this  way,  and  had  sent  a 
force  of  men  to  improve  it,  establishing  in  addition  a  picket  at  the 
southern  side.  As  in  spite  of  the  Russian  occupation  of  this  pass, 
Yakub  Khan  would  easily  have  been  able  to  take  possession  of 
the  valley  of  Kuldja,  difficulties  with  Kirghiz  marauders  were 
made  an  excuse,  and  Kuldja  was  occupied  by  the  Russians  in 
1871. 

Yakub  Khan,  somewhat  alarmed  by  the  advance  of  the 
Russians,  as  well  as  by  the  position  of  affairs  in  the  Chinese 
provinces  of  Han-su  and  Shen-si,  took  precautionary  measures  by 
fortifying  the  town  of  Aksu,  and  sending  Akhrar  Khan  on  an 
embassv  to  Calcutta. 


320  TURKISTAN. 

Direct  relations  with  Yakub  Khan  having  been  broken  off 
for  so  long,  General  Kaufmann,  having  lost  all  hope  of  persuading 
him,  resolved  to  make  use  of  the  Khan  of  Khokand.  He  there- 
fore, as  I  have  already  said,  proposed  to  Khudayar  Khan  to  use 
his  supposed  suzerain  rights  over  Yakub  Bek,  expel  him,  and  add 
that  country  to  his  dominions.  Khudayar  Khan  having  refused 
to  lend  himself  to  the  plans  of  the  Governor-General,  all  that 
could  be  done  was  to  have  him  act  as  mediator.  At  the  request 
of  the  Russians,  therefore,  Khudayar  Khan  sent  Sarymsak 
Udaitchi  with  a  letter  to  Yakub  Khan,  counselling  him  to  make 
peace  with  Eussia,  as  the  Russians  would  easily  be  able  to  over- 
throw him.  Yakub  Khan,  while  receiving  the  envoy  with 
respect,  insisted  upon  being  treated  as  an  equal,  and  took  up 
that  tone  in  his  reply.  In  answer  to  the  advice  of  holding 
friendly  and  commercial  relations  with  the  Russians,  he  said : 
'  The  Russians  that  have  come  here  look  at  these  localities  and 
become  acquainted  with  the  state  of  the  country,  and  there- 
fore it  is  better  to  forbid  their  coming,  for  they  are  a  restless 
and  crooked-minded  people.'  Before  the  receipt  of  this  insult- 
ing letter,  another  messenger  had  gone  from  Khokand  with  a 
letter  from  General  Kaufmann,  himself,  who,  after  mentioning  all 
the  unfriendly  actions  of  Yakub  Khan,  and  all  the  measures 
taken  by  the  Russians  for  friendly  intercourse,  pointed  out  to 
him  the  necessity  of  following  the  example  of  Bukhara  and 
Khokand  in  their  relations  with  Russia,  if  he  did  not  wish  for  an 
unavoidable  and  severe  punishment. 

The  threat  contained  in  this  letter  was  in  earnest.  The 
Russians  had  decided  upon  war,  if  nothing  else  could  bring 
Yakub  Khan  to  reason,  but  while  preparations  were  being  made, 
Mirza  Hakim  was  induced  to  write  a  letter  to  a  certain  Akhrar 
Khan,  a  Khokandian  formerly  high  in  service  under  Khudayar 
Khan,  who  had  been  for  some  years  living  in  Kashgar,  inform- 
ing him  of  the  preparations,  and  advising  a  more  sensible  mode 
of  conduct.  Akhrar  Khan,  by  direction  of  Yakub  Khan,  replied 
that  the  Governor-General  would  do  very  well  if  he  carried  on 
friendly  relations  by  himself,  but  that  if  he  undertook  to  manage 
affairs  through  Khudayar  Khan  he  could  accomplish  nothing, 
and  further  relations  would  not  lead  to  the  desired  end ;  '  although 
the  Badaulet  well  knows  the  might  and  greatness  of  Russia,  still, 
as  a  brave  man,  he  hopes  in  God  and  will  never  refuse  to  fight, 


COMMERCIAL  TREATY  WITH  KASHGAR.  321 

for  he  does  not  fear  death,  and  considers  it  a  good  fortune  to  die 
for  the  faith.' 

To  the  letter  of  General  Kaufmann  Yakub  Khan  replied 
personally.  He  said  :  '  The  last  envoy  who  brought  your  letter 
was  not  a  Eussian,  not  because  there  were  no  Russians  to  send, 
but  because  you  seemed  to  think  Khokand  and  Bukhara  only 
worthy  of  this  honour.  If  the  Russians  believed  in  my  good 
wishes  they  would  send  me  one  of  their  men,  which  woidd  show 
me  their  kind  intention,  and  which  I  would  consider  a  proof  of 
their  good  disposition  towards  me.  If  your  words  be  really  an 
expression  of  good  will  towards  me,  let  some  one  come  to  us  of 
more  account  than  your  merchants.  Send  me  some  Russian, 
or  even  a  Tashkent  Sart,  though  he  be  only  a  shepherd,  and 
I  will  send  back  to  }7ou  an  envoy  of  my  own.' 

In  this  way  Yakub  Khan  compelled  the  Russians  to  take 
the  first  step.  General  Kaufmann  then  resolved  to  despatch  a 
mission,  of  which  Baron  Kaulbars  was  the  head,  and  to  which 
were  attached  an  engineer,  a  topographer,  and  a  merchant,  the 
duties  of  the  last  being  to  study  the  commercial  capabilities  of 
the  country.  In  the  meantime,  however,  the  military  prepa- 
rations were  proceeded  with.  Bodies  of  troops  were  stationed 
on  the  road  from  Lake  Issyk  Kul  to  the  south,  and  a  military 
road  through  the  mountains  was  completed  as  soon  as  possible. 
All  the  necessary  supplies  and  munitions  were  sent  to  Fort 
Naryn,  near  the  Kashgar  frontier,  where  they  still  remain. 

Yakub  Khan  at  first  received  the  Russian  embassy  very 
well,  but  when  he  found  that  the  military  preparations  still 
continued,  he  soon  changed  his  tone  to  one  much  more  threat- 
ening and  warlike ;  and  it  was  not  until  the  advance  of  the 
troops  had  been  stojmed  that  he  consented  to  sign  the  com- 
mercial treaty. 

Mr.  Kolesnikof,  the  merchant  connected  with  the  embassy, 
returned  home  through  the  Terek  Davan  pass  and  Khokand  in 
order  to  pursue  his  commercial  investigations,  while  the  rest 
of  the  embassy  took  the  usual  route  by  Fort  JSTaryn.  The  con- 
clusion of  this  treaty  was  marked  by  an  amusing  instance  of 
flattery.  The  treaty  was  actually  signed  on  June  10  (22),  1872, 
but  Baron  Kaulbars  managed  to  have  it  dated  on  May  21 
(June  2),  the  day  of  St.  Constantine,  and  immediately  wrote  to 
General  Kaufmann  that  as  a  mark  of  especial  goodwill  Yakub 

VOL.    II.  y 


3£2  TUKKISTAN. 

Khan  had  insisted  on  signing  the  treaty  on  the  day  of  his 
(General  Kaufmann's)  patron  saint.  Such  a  despatch  was,  how- 
ever, a  little  stronger  than  General  Kaufmann  cared  to  send  to 
St.  Petersburg,  and  the  wording  of  it  was  so  altered  that  it  read, 
6  out  of  special  regard  for  the  Emperor  of  Kussia,  the  Amir 
had  signed  the  treaty  on  the  saint's  day  of  the  Grand  Duke 
Constantine,  the  Emperor's  brother.' 

This  treaty  differed  in  many  respects  from  those  previously 
concluded  with  Khokand  and  Bukhara.  Yakub  Khan  was 
much  pleased  at  the  conclusion  of  the  affair,  and  that  he  had 
now  been  recognised  as  an  independent  sovereign,  and  asked 
to  be  allowed  as  a  still  greater  favour  to  send  an  envoy  to  St. 
Petersburg  who  should  be  presented  to  the  Emperor.  '  This,' 
he  added,  '  will  be  for  me  a  great  mercy,  that  you  should  lead 
me,  a  man  of  nothing,  to  the  sun,  and  that  to  my  share  should 
fall  a  drop  from  that  great  sea.'  General  Kaufmann  consented 
to  this  request,  and  the  Mullah  Tarap  Hodja,  the  first  Khokan- 
dian  envoy,  went  to  St.  Petersburg  in  the  summer  of  1873, 
was  received  by  the  Emperor,  was  taken  to  the  reviews,  and 
was  treated  with  great  consideration. 

In  spite  of  the  new  commercial  treaty,  however,  the  course 
of  matters  did  not  much  change  in  Kashgar  as  far  as  Russian 
merchants  were  concerned.  In  1873  Mr.  Pupyshef  fitted  out 
a  caravan  which  he  sent  to  Kashgar  under  the  charge  of  his 
clerk  Somof.  The  caravan  reached  the  town  of  Kashgar  in 
safety,  but  Somof  was  not  allowed  to  go  farther  than  the  cara- 
vanserai, and  his  trading  expeditions  to  Yarkand  and  Khokand 
were  entirely  forbidden.  Yakub  Khan  bought  the  greater  part 
of  the  goods  for  himself,  and  allowed  the  merchants  of  Kashgar 
to  buy  only  one-third.  Besides  this,  Somof  was  obliged  to  wait 
for  more  than  two  months  without  being  paid,  and  it  was  only 
in  the  middle  of  October  that  he  received  his  pay  in  Chinese 
yambs  (gold  coins),  at  the  rate  of  128  rubles  each,  while  the 
real  commercial  value  was  only  115  rubles.  In  this  way,  for 
goods  which  were  worth  48,000  rubles  he  received  only  33,000 
rubles,  besides  paying  the  duties  which  were  exacted  from  him. 

On  the  return  of  Somof  to  Tashkent  explanations  of  his 
conduct  were  demanded  from  Yakub  Khan,  who,  however,  denied 
all  the  allegations  of  Soinof,  maintaining  that  this  merchant 
had  not  in  any  way  been  opposed,  and  but  had  full  power  of 


COMMERCIAL  RELATIONS.  323 

going  where  he  pleased,  and  that  he  himself  did  not  buy  any  of 
the  goods,  but  that  one  of  the  custom-house  agents  had  bought 
them  in  his  own  name,  thinking  that  he  might  get  them  cheaper. 
At  the  same  time  the  Kashgarian  ruler  sent  four  merchants  to 
Tashkent  who  had  known  the  progress  of  the  whole  affair. 
The  commission  in  Tashkent,  after  having  made  an  investi- 
gation, found  that  the  loss  actually  sustained  by  Mr.  Pupyshef 
was  12,000  rubles,  and  Yakub  Khan  was  therefore  requested  to 
pay  this  sum.  He  immediately  expressed  his  willingness  to  pay 
not  only  the  1 2,000  rubles  but  even  ten  times  more.  '  Our 
Government,'  he  wrote,  '  is  young,  mistakes  are  possible,  and 
they  should  not  be  too  severely  punished.'  Months,  however, 
elapsed  before  the  money  arrived. 

In  the  meantime  the  English  mission  of  Mr.  Forsyth  had 
been  in  Kashgar,  and  Yakub  Khan  felt  that  he  could  take  even 
a  stronger  tone.  The  roads  leading  to  Russia  were  well  fortified, 
and  Bek  Kuli,  his  able  son,  had  returned  after  a  successful 
expedition  against  the  Chinese.  He  had  received  the  title  of 
Amir  from  the  Sultan  of  Turkey,  he  had  declared  himself  his 
vassal,  and  had  begun  coining  money  with  the  inscription  '  Saltan 
Abdul  Aziz.'  He  now  wrote  again  to  the  Russian  authorities, 
still  promising  to  send  the  money  soon,  but  adopting  a  very 
lofty  style  :  '  I  have  great  desire,'  he  wrote,  '  to  live  in  peace 
with  my  brother  the  Emperor  of  Russia,  and  as  I  have  heard 
that  his  daughter  is  married  to  an  English  prince,  I  desire 
to  send  a  mission  to  congratulate  him.' 

Notwithstanding  the  ill-success  of  Somof's  caravan,  the 
merchant  Morozof  sent  to  Kashgar  in  the  summer  of  1874 
a  caravan  with  goods  to  the  value  of  25,000  rubles.  As  if  to 
prove  what  the  Kashgarians  had  maintained,  that  Somof's"  com- 
plaints were  ill-founded,  the  caravan  of  Morozof  was  very  well 
received.  What  goods  were  not  sold  to  private  individuals 
were  bought  by  the  treasurer  of  Yakub  Khan.  The  members 
of  the  caravan,  both  Russian  and  Kirghiz,  were  allowed  during 
the  seventy  days  of  their  stay  to  go  freely  through  the  town  in 
their  own  costume.  They  suffered  not  the  slightest  hindrance 
and  all  of  their  complaints  were  immediately  redressed.1     In 

1  The  information  about  Morozof  s  caravan  is  taken  from  a  letter  in  the  '  Golos,' 
of  November  (12)  24,  187-4,  written  from  Semipalatinsk  on  October  (10)  22.  In 
a  previous  letter,  the  Semipalatinsk  correspondent  gives  currency  to  the  rumour 

y  2 


324  TURKISTAN. 

spite  of  this  the  relations  of  Kashgar  to  Russia  are  no  better, 
and  the  Russians  seem  determined  in  some  way  or  other  to  find 
an  excuse  for  attacking  the  country. 

The  troubles  about  trade  being  such  in  1874,  General  Kauf- 
mann  despatched  to  Kashgar  Colonel  Reinthal,  the  same  who  was 
there  in  1368,  nominally  to  take  Yakub  Khan  some  presents 
on  the  part  of  the  Governor-General,  but  really,  if  he  found 
it  possible,  to  discuss  the  question  of  appointing  a  resident 
commercial  agent  in  Kashgar,  he  being  the  person  fixed  upon 
for  the  permanent  appointment.  His  reception  there  was  such 
that  he  thought  it  imprudent  to  bring  up  the  question  in  official 
interviews  ;  while  in  private  conversations  with  the  Kashgar 
officials — who  had  full  information  from  Tashkent  of  his  in- 
tention— he  utterly  denied  that  any  such  purpose  was  intended. 
The  Russians  had  always  proposed  by  their  commercial  treaties 
to  secure  to  themselves  the  right  of  having  consuls  or  com- 
mercial agents  in  the  surrounding  countries,  but  unfortunately 
they  had  rendered  this  word  by  caravan-bashi,  which  really 
means  the  '  leader  of  the  caravan,'  a  man  of  no  more  real  im- 
portance than  the  conductor  of  a  railway  train.  The  Kash- 
garians,  however,  held  the  Russians  to  the  strict  letter  of  the 
treaty.  They  knew  what  caravan-bashi  meant,  and  they  were 
indisposed  to  let  a  merchant  or  political  agent  reside  there 
under  this  name.  Reinthal  therefore  returned  without  a  shadow 
of  success.  This  was  probably  the  reason  of  the  projected 
campaign  against  Kashgar  in  the  spring  of  1875,  which  cir- 
cumstances turned  into  a  war  against  Khokand. 

A  curious  incident  should  perhaps  be  mentioned  here.  In 
the  early  part  of  1875  a  woman  named  Satara  Patcha,  a  half- 
sister  or  cousin  of  Yakub  Khan,  who  had  been  living  for  some 
time  at  Constantinople,  where  she  had  been  received  with 
honour  by  the  Sultana  Valide,  went  through  Odessa  and  Russia 

that  the  complaints  of  Russian  merchants  in  Kashgar  and  other  countries  are 
frequently  unfounded,  the  pretended  losses  having  been  invented  by  the  clerks 
and  agents  to  conceal  their  own  peculations.  He  is  careful,  however,  not  to 
vouch  for  the  truth  of  this  statement,  and  in  the  case  of  the  caravan  of  Pupy- 
shef,  I  have  every  reason  to  believe  that  the  complaints  were  well  founded.  It 
may  be  remarked  that  the  news  in  regard  to  Central  Asia  given  in  the  '  Golos,' 
by  the  correspondent  at  Semipalatinsk,  never  agrees  with  the, statements  coming 
from  Tashkent.  In  both  cases  the  letters  are  written  by  officials,  but  Semipala- 
tinsk is  in  the  province  of  Western  Siberia,  and  the  correspondents  belong  to 
b)stile  camps. 


EFFORTS  TO   NEGOTIATE  AT  ST.  PETERSBURG.  325 

on  her  way  to  Kashgar.  By  the  permission  of  the  Ministry  of 
Finance  she  was  allowed  to  take  the  presents  from  the  Sultan  to 
Yakub  Khan  and  her  other  luggage  through  the  Custom-house 
without  duty.  She  went  through  Siberia  and  arrived  in  safetj 
as  far  as  Kopul,  where  she  was  arrested  by  Russian  officials  sent 
from  Yierny,  who  searched  her  baggage,  took  from  her  ail  her 
letters  and  papers,  and  detained  her  for  some  time  in  Vierny 
under  arrest. 

Both  in  1874  and  1875  strong  efforts  were  made  to  prove  the 
complicity  of  Yakub  Khan  in  the  disturbances  in  Khokand,  and 
Seid  Mahmud  Yakub  Khan,  who  had  been  for  some  time  a 
Kashgarian  envoy  at  Constantinople,  was  refused  an  official 
audience  until  a  telegram  could  be  obtained  from  General 
Kaufmann  that  nothing  compromising  had  been  discovered 
about  the  conduct  of  the  Kashgarian  Government.  This  envoy 
had  before  been  in  Constantinople  as  well  as  in  India,  and  was 
the  one  who  accompanied  Mr.  Forsyth's  party  from  India  to 
Kashgar.  He  professed  the  readiness  of  Yakub  Khan  to  make 
a  postal  treaty  and  to  accept  a  Russian  consul,  but  the  main 
object  of  his  mission  was  to  secure  the  freedom  of  a  young  girl, 
a  relative  of  the  Khan  living  in  Tashkent,  whom  a  great  partisan 
of  the  Russians,  Said  Azim,  had  endeavoured  to  marry  without 
her  parents'  consent.  The  Russians  endeavoured  to  put  him  off 
by  referring  him  to  General  Kaufmann,  but  it  was  only  after  the 
Emperor,  on  his  reception,  had  signified  his  wish  that  he  should 
go  to  Tashkent  to  meet  General  Kaufmann,  and  had  promised  him 
a  safe  conduct — for  he  was  originally  a  native  of  Tashkent — 
that  he  promised  to  go.  He  went,  met  General  Kaufmann  on 
the  road,  and  succeeded  in  obtaining  the  release  of  the  girl. 1 

During  the  last  few  years  the  idea  has  obtained  some  cur- 
rency in  Russia  that  it  would  be  well  to  aid  the  Chinese  to 
re-occupy  Kashgar,  or  even  to  conquer  it  by  Russian  troops  and 
hand  it  over  to  the  Chinese.  It  is  thought  that  it  would  be 
far  more  advantageous  to  have  as  a  neighbour  the  Chinese 
Government,  which  acknowledges  treaty  obligations  and  with 
which  negotiations  are  more  easily  managed,  than  the  small 
Uzbek  principality  under  Yakub  Khan.  Persons  who  think 
this,  believe  also  that  Russia  should  not  extend  her  frontiers 
beyond  the  Tian  Shan,  which   forms  a  natural  and  excellent 

1  See  vol.  i.  pp.  99,  100. 


326  TURKISTAN. 

boundary.  Against  this  opinion  some  objections  have  been 
raised,  chiefly  on  the  ground  that  for  many  reasons  it  would  be 
impolitic  to  introduce  Chinese  rule  again  into  that  region. 
When  Kashgar  is  taken,  therefore,  unless  there  be  a  strong 
Chinese  army  in  the  immediate  neighbourhood,  it  will  probably 
remain  in  Eussian  hands. 

FIFTH KTJLDJA    AND    TARBAGATAI. 

"With  regard  to  the  circumstances  which  led  to  the  occupa- 
tion of  Kuldja,  and  concerning  the  present  tenure  of  that 
country,  sufficient  has  been  said  in  Chapter  XII.  It  will  be 
remembered  that  the  province  is  only  held  temporarily  by 
the  Russians,  who  have  promised  to  restore  it  to  China  as 
soon  as  a  sufficient  Chinese  force  is  brought  to  restore  order. 
The  Chinese  force  has  not  yet  appeared,  although  the  rumours 
of  its  approach  have  been  frequent.  One  cause  of  its  delay,  it 
is  said,  has  been  that  it  has  been  obliged  to  stop  en  route  to 
sow  and  reap  sufficient  grain  to  support  it.  The  difficult  cir- 
cumstances under  which  the  inhabitants  of  the  province  are  now 
placed — owing  allegiance  to  the  Chinese  Government,  and  yet 
being  under  the  temporary  rule  of  the  Russians — together  with 
the  interests  of  Russia  itself,  have  compelled  the  administrators 
of  the  province  several  times  to  propose  that  the  status  of 
Kuldja  be  once  for  all  settled  ;  but  thus  far  their  propositions 
for  the  permanent  occupation  of  the  country  or  for  its  abandon- 
ment, have  been  rejected  by  the  Foreign  Office,  and  the  status 
of  indecision  has  been  maintained.  It  is  now,  however,  scarcely 
probable  that  Russia  will  relinquish  the  province,  as  her  interests 
are  greatly  against  such  a  step.  In  any  case  she  will  hardly  do 
so  until  Kashgar  shall  have  been  occupied  by  Chinese  troops. 

Between  Kuldja  and  Siberia  is  an  enclave  which  is  known  by 
the  name  of  Tarbagatai,  the  chief  town  of  which  is  Tchugutchak, 
close  to  the  Russian  frontier.  Here  the  Dungan  insurrection 
was  speedily  put  down,  and  the  Chinese  have  for  some  years 
been  in  full  possession.  A  new  Dzian-Bziun  Zhun  was  ap- 
pointed in  1871,  and  since  he  has  been  on  the  spot,  relations 
between  him  and  the  Russian  commanders  have  been  at  times 
somewhat  strained.  This  is  owing  in  part  to  his  claiming 
authority  over  Kuldja,  and  endeavouring  to  instil  into  the  minds 


THE  DZIAN-DZIUN.  327 

of  the  inhabitants  that  the  Kussians  will  soon  abandon  the 
country,  and  that  the  Chinese  will  return ;  and  in  part  to  the 
peculiar  conditions  under  which  diplomatic  relations  are  carried 
on.  The  province  of  Semiretch  is  annexed  to  Turkistan, 
although  neither  by  the  character  of  the  country  or  by  that  of 
the  inhabitants  has  it  anything  in  common  with  the  other  parts 
of  that  region.  General  Kaufmann,  as  Governor-General  of 
Turkistan,  has  full  powers  for  diplomatic  relations,  and  is  there- 
fore in  frequent  correspondence  with  the  Dzian-Dziun  from  the 
side  of  Vierny  and  Kuldja.  On  the  other  hand  the  Governor- 
General  of  Western  Siberia,  who  is  more  nearly  interested  in 
the  proceedings  of  the  Dzian-Dziun,  has  no  full  diplomatic 
powers  and  is  obliged  to  conduct  his  affairs — except  in  minor 
matters — through  the  Foreign  Office  and  the  ministers  atPekin. 
The  natural  result  of  this  is  that  a  state  of  confusion  arises, 
which  the  Dzian-Dziun  occasionally  turns  to  his  advantage. 


Sft  8  TURKISTAN. 


CHAPTER   XV. 

THE    KHIYAN    CAMPAIGN    AND    ITS    CONSEQUENCES. 

Early  relations  of  Eussia  -with  Khiva — Expedition  of  Bekovitch — That  of 
Perovsky — Embassies — Recent  relations-  -Expedition  of  1873 — Statement 
of  grievances — Eeal  reasons  for  the  expedition — Its  plan — The  Turkistan 
column — "Want  of  provisions — Attitude  of  Bukhara — Change  of  route — 
Khalata — Distress  in  the  desert — Passage  of  the  Amu — The  failure  of 
Colonel  Markozof — The  Mangyshlak  column — March  of  the  Orenburg 
column — It  takes  Khiva  by  storm — Simultaneous  surrender  to  General 
Kaufmann — The  Khan  reinstated  — The  Divan — Foraging  forbidden — 
Emancipation  of  the  Persian  slaves — Surveys — Reasons  for  the  Turkoman 
campaign — Butchery  of  the  Turkomans — Story  of  an  eye-witness — The 
treaty  of  peace — Official  explanation  of  it — The  Amu  Darya  district — 
Further  expeditious  against  the  Turkomans  in  1873,  187-1,  and  1875— 
Exploring  expeditions — Navigation  of  the  Amu  Darya — The  Trans-Caspian 
district — General  Lomakin's  expeditions — The  Turkomans — Affairs  with 
Persia — Caravans. 

The  Russians  came  into  communication  with  Khiva  in  the 
early  part  of  the  seventeenth  century.  As  early  as  1620  there 
were  diplomatic  relations,  and  about  the  same  time  the  Cossacks 
of  the  Yaik  or  Ural,  who  wrere  in  the  habit  of  robbing  every- 
body they  met,  plundered  some  Khivan  merchants,  and  having 
found  out  from  them  about  their  city  and  its  unguarded  state, 
o^iickly  went  through  the  steppe  and  actually  took  the  town  of 
Urgentch.  They  loaded  a  thousand  carts  with  spoils,  and 
carried  off  nearly  a  thousand  women.  Their  success  proved 
their  ruin,  for  on  their  way  home  they  were  attacked  and  cut 
off  from  water ;  they  were  compelled  to  abandon  everything, 
and  were  killed  nearly  to  a  man,  and  the  memory  of  their 
exploit  lives  only  in  tradition.  A  second  expedition  of  the 
Cossacks  had  the  same  fate,  and  a  third  fared  even  worse. 
Being  caught  by  a  severe  winter  the  Cossacks  lost  the  road, 
and  were  obliged  from  hunger  to  kill  and  eat  each  other,  while 
the  survivors  were  captured  and  enslaved  by  the  Khivans. 


EXPEDITION   OF  PRINCE   BEKOVITCH.  329 

The  fourth  campaign  is  the  well-known  one  of  Prince 
Bekovitch-Tcherkasski,  in  the  time  of  Peter  the  Great. 

It  seems  that  in  1700  an  ambassador  from  the  Khan  Sha- 
niaz  came  to  Peter  the  Great  and  begged  him  to  take  the 
Khivan  nation  under  Eussian  protection,  which  he  agreed  to 
do,  and  confirmed  this  consent  in  1703  to  the  new  Khan,  Aran 
Mohammed.  No  actual  result  however,  followed,  until  in  1713 
a  certain  Hadji  Nefes,  a  Turkoman,  came  to  Astrakhan,  where 
he  became  converted,  and  told  many  stories  of  the  gold  which 
was  to  be  found  along  the  valley  of  the  Amu  Darya,  and  how 
the  Uzbeks  had  closed  the  old  channel  of  the  stream  which  had 
flowed  into  the  Caspian,  and  suggested  to  the  Eussians  to  break 
down  the  dam  and  restore  the  river  to  its  former  channel.  At 
the  same  time,  Peter  the  Great  received  information  from 
Prince  Gagarin,  the  Governor  of  Siberia,  that  in  Little 
•Bukhara  there  was  gold  sand.  The  mines  in  the  Ural  and 
in  Siberia  had  not  yet  been  discovered,  and  this  information 
excited  at  once  the  interest  of  the  great  monarch,  who  ordered 
two  expeditions  to  be  fitted  out,  one  from  Siberia  into  Little 
Bukhara,  and  another  to  Khiva  under  Prince  Bekovitch. 

Prince  Bekovitch  occupied  three  years  with  surveys  of  the 
eastern  shore  of  the  Caspian  and  the  establishment  of  various 
fortified  positions,  and  it  was  not  until  June  1717  that  he 
moved  over  the  steppe  towards  Khiva  with  an  army  of  3,500 
men,  6  guns,  and  a  train  of  200  camels  and  300  horses. 
When  about  a  hundred  miles  from  that  city  on  the  banks  of 
the  Amu  Darya,  he  had  a  decisive  battle  with  the  Khivans, 
which  lasted  three  days  and  ended  in  their  complete  defeat. 
The  Khan  surrendered  himself  entirely  to  the  mercy  of  the 
Eussians,  and  after  obtaining  the  full  confidence  of  Prince 
Bekovitch,  proposed  to  him  to  go  and  take  actual  possession  of 
Khiva,  after  dividing  his  army  into  several  parts  for  the  greater 
convenience  of  provisioning  it.  This  was  no  sooner  done  than 
the  Khivans  treacherously  fell  upon  the  separate  portions  of 
the  expedition,  massacred  them  almost  without  exception,  and 
sent  the  head  of  Prince  Bekovitch  as  a  present  to  the  Amir  of 
Bukhara,  who,  however,  refused  to  accept  it. 

Even  this  disaster  did  not  prevent  an  ambassador  of  Peter's, 
the  Italian  Florio  Beneveni,  from  penetrating  to  Khiva  and 
being  well  received  there.     This  was  in  1725.  a  few  months 


330  TTJRKISTAK 

after  Peter's  death.  Subsequently  a  large  number  of  Eussian 
embassies  visited  the  country,  but  none  of  them  were  ever  able 
to  bring  the  Khivan  Khan  to  terms,  or  to  induce  him  to  stop 
capturing  and  enslaving  Eussians,  or  even  to  free  those  who 
were  already  in  bonds  there. 

The  disorderly  state  of  the  steppe  induced  General  Perov- 
sky  in  1829  to  undertake  a  new  expedition  against  Khiva,  with 
5.000  men,  22  guns,  and  a  train  in  which,  besides  horses,  there 
were  10,000  camels,  and  as  many  as  2,000  Kirghiz  to  take 
care  of  them.  This  expedition  was,  as  is  well-known,  a  com- 
plete failure,  in  consequence  of  the  ruinous  idea  that,  on 
account  of  the  want  of  water  in  the  steppe,  it  would  be  easier 
to  make  the  campaign  in  winter,  and  that  Eussian  soldiers  had 
nothing  to  fear  from  the  cold.1  The  march,  accordingly,  was 
begun  at  the  end  of  autumn,  but  unfortunately  winter  set  in 
sooner,  and  was  much  more  severe  than  usual.  There  was 
considerable  trouble  in  furnishing  the  camels,  and  those  that 
were  furnished  did  not  live,  so  t  at  Perovsky  was  obliged 
to  retreat  when  he  had  got  only  half-way.  The  retreat  was 
awful :  the  provision  supplies  had  not  arrived,  the  transports 
were  lost  in  the  constant  snowstorms  and  whirlwinds,  and  the 
expedition  returned  without  seeing  the  enemy,  but  beaten  by 
the  cold,  with  but  one-third  of  its  original  number  of  men,  and 
those  in  a  most  wretched  and  miserable  condition,  and  with 
only  1,000  of  the  10,000  camels  which  had  been  taken  with  it. 

Lest  the  Khivans  might  take  heart  by  the  failure  of 
Perovsky's  expedition,  it  was  resolved  at  once  to  send  another. 
Before,  however,  the  arrangements  for  it  had  been  completed, 
the  Khivans  saw  their  danger,  and  in  the  summer  of  1840  sent 
an  envoy  to  Eussia  with  418  Eussian  captives,  and  the  Khan 
issued  an  order  forbidding  the  capture  and  purchase  of  Eus- 
sians. The  next  year  Nikiforof  went  to  Khiva  as  Eussian 
envoy  ;  but,  although  he  awed  the  Khan  and  all  his  officials 
into  a  state  of  complete  deference,  he  was  obliged  to  depart 
without  accomplishing  anything.  In  1842  another  Eussian 
envoy — Danilefsky — was  sent  to  Khiva,  and  succeeded  in  in- 
ducing the  Khan  to  sign  a  treaty  promising  not  to  engage  in 

1  Some  Russian  accounts  ascribe  this  plan,  as  well  as  the  defective  arrange- 
ment?, to  a  settled  desire  on  the  part  of  the  chief  of  staff,  a  Pole,  to  ensure  the 
failure  of  the  expedition,  in  revenge  for  the  Russian  acts  in  Poland. 


KHIVAN  HOSTILITIES.  331 

hostilities  against  Eussia,  or  to  commit  acts  of  robbery  and 
piracy.  The  only  real  result,  however,  of  this  mission  was  the 
extension  of  the  geographical  knowledge  of  Central  Asia. 
Every  article  of  the  treaty  remained  a  dead  letter. 

The  very  next  year  Khiva  protected  the  famous  brigand 
Kenisar,  and  soon  after  sent  emissaries  among  the  Kirghiz,  and 
even  sent  forces  against  the  new  Kussian  forts  in  the  steppe ; 
and  in  1858  Colonel  Ignatief — now  General,  and  Ambassador  at 
Constantinople — on  speaking  of  the  treaty  made  with  Danilef- 
sky,  was  told  by  the  Khivans  that  nobody  believed  such  a  docu- 
ment, and  that  they  were  unable  to  find  it  in  their  archives. 
In  the  same  year  Captain  Butakof  suddenly  appeared  with  a 
steamer  in  front  of  Kungrad  and  excited  great  terror  among 
the  population. 

Although  the  Khivans  from  that  time  on  did  not  stop  their 
old  habit  of  capturing  and  enslaving  the  Russians  on  the  banks 
of  the  Caspian,  and  of  pillaging  and  enforcing  tribute  from  the 
Kirghiz  who  were  under  Russian  subjection,  and  stirring  them 
up  to  mutiny,  yet  the  attention  of  Russia  was  so  much  taken 
up  with  the  territory  on  the  Syr  Darya,  and  the  strengthen- 
ing of  their  position  in  that  region,  that  they  were  unable  to 
insist  on  the  Khan  of  Khiva  complying  with  their  demands. 

The  letters  of  the  Governor-General  were  either  un- 
answered, or  messages  were  returned  which  were  considered 
insolent,  and  when  in  1869  and  1870  the  Khivans  were  accused 
of  aiding  the  rebellion  of  the  Kirghiz,1  and  of  committing  many 
depredations  on  the  Russian  post  routes,   the  patience  of  the 

1  With  regard  to  this  accusation  General  Tchernaief,  in  the  '  EussH  Mir '  of 
February  (2)  14,  1875,  made  the  following  remark  :— '  The  Khivans  did  not  excite 
the  Kirghiz  to  rebellion,  on  the  contrary,  they  were  made  to  rebel  by  the  intro- 
duction of  the  new  regulations  composed  under  the  supervision  of  the  Ministry  of 
War,  the  liberal  and  humane  aims  of  which  somehow  always  meet  a  strange  fate. 
So  it  was  in  the  present  instance.  Instead  of  the  expected  gratitude  of  the  popu- 
lation for  the  introduction  of  the  humane  and  liberal  regulations,  the  only  reply 
was  rebellion. 

'  When  Cossack  detachments  were  sent  out  to  put  down  these  disturbances,  the 
Kirghiz  threw  the  blame  on  the  distant  Khivans,  and  the  officials  accepted  these 
excuses  to  cover  their  own  mistakes.  In  this  way  the  idea  grew  up  at  St.  Peters- 
burg of  the  instigation  of  the  Kirghiz  by  the  Khivans,  who  had  no  thought  for 
foreign  undertakings  when  they  could  scarcely  maintain  themselves  at  home 
against  the  Turkomans.  We  must  remember,  too,  this  fact,  that  when  we  are 
quiet  our  neighbours  are  quiet,  but  as  soon  as  we  excite  the  discontent  of  our  own 
Kirghiz,  some  of  our  neighbours  are  immediately  found  to  be  to  blame.' 


332  TURKISTAN. 

Government  became  exhausted.  It  was  resolved  that  some 
means  must  be  taken  to  put  an  end  to  this  state  of  things.  P\>r 
this,  however,  time  was  necessary,  and  owing  to  the  difficulties 
in  reaching  Khiva,  which  had  proved  so  formidable  to  other 
expeditions,  it  was  necessary  to  send  out  various  preliminary 
expeditions  to  survey  the  roads  over  the  steppe. 

During  the  summers  of  1871  and  1872  the  part  of  the 
-Kyzyl  Kum  lying  to  the  north  of  Bukhara  was  explored  by 
the  Eussian  surveying  parties  almost  to  the  Khivan  limits,  and 
for  some  years  also  small  detachments  were  sent  from  Kazala, 
and  the  country  as  far  as  Min  Bulak,  and  the  Bukan-Tau 
mountains  was  carefully  investigated.  The  Governor-General 
of  Orenburg  also  sent  detachments  to  explore  the  country 
south  of  the  Emba.  On  the  side  of  the  Caucasus  the  Eussians 
in  1869  established  a  fort  and  a  naval  station  on  the  bay  of 
Krasnovodsk,1  and  subsequently  another  at  Tchikishlar  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Attrek  ;  and  in  1871-2  expeditions  were  sent, 
nominally  to  explore  the  old  bed  of  the  Oxus,  but  really  to  in- 
vestigate the  road  to  Khiva  to  as  great  a  distance  as  possible. 

These  expeditions  brought  the  Khan  for  a  while  to  reason, 
and  in  the  beginning  of  1872  he  sent  embassies  to  Fort 
Alexandrofsky  and  to  Orenburg,  thinking  to  establish  good 
relations  with  the  Governor  of  Orenburg  and  with  the  Lieu- 
tenant of  the  Caucasus,  and  thus  gain  friends  against  the 
administration  of  Tashkent,  which  he  seemed  to  think  inde- 
pendent of  the  others.  The  Government  consented  to  deal 
with  him  on  two  conditions  :  first,  that  he  should  immediately 
free  all  Eussian  prisoners  in  Khiva,  as  well  as  the  Kirghiz  held 
there  ;  and  secondly,  that  he  should  give  satisfactory  explana- 
tions to  the  Governor-General  of  Turkistan  about  the  letters 
received  from  him.  These  conditions  were,  however,  refused 
by  the  Khan.  '  However  great,  therefore,'  says  the  '  Invalid,' 
in  its  official  explanation  of  the  causes  of  the  expedition, 
'  Eussia's  patience  and  love  of  peace,  they  must  have  their 
limits.     The  dignity  and  interests  of  the  State  do  not  allow 

For  another  Eussian  view  of  the  relations  of  the  Kirghiz  to  Khiva  see 
Appendix  V. 

The  disturbed  state  of  the  Kirghiz  steppe  seems  to  have  been  somewhat  ex- 
aggerated, at  least  in  1873.  Mr.  MacGahan  crossed  the  Kyzyl  Kum  without 
difficulty,  and  met  with  no  opposition  until  he  came  to  the  Russian  outposts. 

1  See  Appendix  V. 


EEAL  REASONS   OF  KHIVAN   CAMPAIGN.  333 

that  the  insignificant  ruler  of  a  half  barbarous  nation  should 
dare  with  impunity  to  disturb  the  peace  and  liberty  of  our 
subjects  and  the  safety  of  trade,  and  insolently  reject  all  our 
efforts  for  establishing  good  relations  with  him.  Mohammed 
Eahim  Khan,  by  his  weakness  and  by  the  obstinacy  of  his 
advisers,  has  himself  called  the  tempest  down  on  his  country. 
The  final  refusal  by  Khiva  to  fulfil  our  demands  renders  it 
necessary  to  enforce  them  by  other  means,  and  show  this 
Khanate  that  the  steppes  which  surround  it  cannot  protect  it 
from  deserved  punishment.' 

But  there  were  other  reasons  than  these  which  had  their 
influence  in  bringing  about  the  Khivan  expedition.1 

It  had  become  almost  impossible  to  conceal  the  maladmini- 
stration of  Turkistan  from  the  authorities  at  St.  Petersburg. 
Indiscreet  persons  sometimes  wrote  letters  to  St.  Petersburg 
newspapers  when  some  more  glaring  fact  came  to  the  public 
notice,  and  the  Ministry  of  War,  which  had  the  supervision 
of  the  Government  of  the  province,  occasionally  asked  questions 
which  were  exceedingly  awkward  to  answer.  At  the  same  time 
the  financial  condition  of  the  province  gave  rise  to  apprehensions 
at  St.  Petersburg.  People  were  beginning  to  say  that  Turkis- 
tan was  not  worth  the  money  that  was  spent  in  maintaining  it, 
and  especially  was  this  the  case  when  it  became  known  that 
the  deficits  in  the  budgets  were  constantly  increasing.  Attacks 
were  made  on  General  Kaufmann  in  high  circles  at  St.  Peters- 
burg, and  his  position  became  somewhat  wavering.  Indeed, 
a  paper  by  General  Tchernaief,  on  the  administration  and 
financial  condition  of  Turkistan,  was  considered  of  such  con- 
sequence that  it  was  shown  to  the  Emperor  by  the  Minister  of 
Finance,  and  created  such  a  strong  impression  on  him,  that 
General  Kaufmann  found  great  difficulty  in  replying  satisfac- 
torily to  it. 

It  was  desirable,  therefore,  to  do  something  which  would  in 
a  measure  divert  the  attention  of  the  public  from  the  adminis- 
tration of  Turkistan,  and  excite,  if  possible,  the  feeling  of  the 
country  in  support  of  General  Kaufmann.  Nothing  seemed 
easier  for  this  purpose  than  a  new  war,  and  though  an  expedi- 

1  After  the  vivid  picture  of  the  Khivan  expedition  given  by  Mr.  MacGahan,  I 
should  hesitate  to  speak  of  its  details,  were  it  not  that  being  in  the  country  at  the 
time,  and  not  accompanying  the  troops,  I  saw  it  under  a  somewhat  different  light. 


334  TUEKISTAN. 

tion  could  easily   have   been  made  against  Kashgar — in    fact 
the  idea  had  been  entertained,  and  stores  had  been  collected  for 
it — yet  the  apparent  submission  of  Yakub  Khan  put  this  out  of 
the  question.     At  the  same  time  Khiva  being  nearer  to  Kussia, 
there  being  so   many  scores  to  pay  off  against   that   country, 
and  it  being  possible  easily  to  arouse  the  patriotic  feeling  of 
the  country  by  the  tales  of  barbarity  exercised  towards  Eussian 
captives,   and  by  the    disturbance   of  Eussian   commerce  and 
communications,  a  war  in  that  direction  presented  much  greater 
advantages.     There  was  perhaps,  too,  in  the  Governor-General's 
mind  a  feeling  that  a  successful  Khivan  expedition,  while  beiug- 
in  itself  an   achievement  of  considerable   merit,   would    in  a 
satisfactory  way  round  off  his  whole  Asiatic  career.     He  had 
begun  as  a  general  in  the  conquest  of  Samarkand.     He  had 
succeeded    in    inducing    Khokand,  Bukhara,  and    Kashgar   to 
make  commercial  treaties  which  appeared  very  well  on  paper, 
no  matter  how  delusive  in  practice,  and  the  conquest  of  Khiva 
would   place   him  before   the  world    as    successful  in  the  role 
which    he    had    aspired    to    play — that    of   the    pacificator    of 
Central  Asia.     At  the  same  time  in  a  war  against  Khiva  he 
would  have  the   support  of  nearly  every  person  in  Tashkent. 
The  officers,  almost  without  exception — and   one  could  hardly 
blame  them  for  it — were  always  desirous  of  some  new  expedi- 
tion by  which  they  could  win  crosses  and  rewards.     The  'St. 
Anne's  fever,'  as  Mr.  Grant  Duff  aptly  expressed  it  in  the  House 
of  Commons,  is  very  prevalent  in   Turkistan,  and  more  than 
one  expedition  in  Central  Asia  has  been  undertaken,  with  really 
no  higher  aim  than  to   secure  decorations  for  the   men    who 
carried  it  on.1 

General  Kaufmann  came  to  St.  Petersburg,  and  with  his 
winning  manners  and  social  popularity — for  in  St.  Petersburg 
he  unbends  and  casts  off  the  dignity  which  oppresses  him  at 
Tashkent — succeeded,  after  a  struggle,  not  only  in  strengthening 
his  position,  but  in  obtaining  permission  for  the  expedition 
against  Khiva.  It  was,  however,  expected  that  the  expedition 
of  Colonel  Markozof  from  the  Attrek,  in  the  autumn  of  1872, 
would  probably  render  this  unnecessary,  as  with  some  good  luck 
he  might  have  captured  Khiva  by  a  coup-de-main,  and  it  was 

1  This  was  in  a  great  measure,  if  not  entirely,  the  case  with  the  expeditions 
against  Karshi,  Shahrisabs,  and  Kuldja. 


PLAN   OF  THE  CAMPAIGN.  335 

not  until  the  failure  of  this  expedition l  became  known  that  steps 
•were  taken  for  the  immediate  fitting  out  of  a  large  expedition. 

The  great  difficulty  in  an  expedition  against  Khiva — as 
General  Perovsky  found  out — is  that  of  getting  there.  The 
population  of  the  Khanate  was  small,  and  from  the  experience 
of  Russians  in  Asia  it  was  known  that,  however  warlike  they 
might  be,  the  undisciplined  forces  of  the  Khan  could  not  stand 
against  modern  cannon  and  breech-loading  rifles.  But  Khiva 
was  an  oasis  in  the  midst  of  a  desert  lying  600  miles  from 
Tashkent,  930  miles  from  Orenburg,  and  500  miles  from  Kras- 
novodsk  on  the  Caspian,  the  only  three  places  which,  it  was 
thought,  could  serve  as  bases  of  operations.  It  was  impossible 
to  send  troops  by  water,  partly  because  there  were  not  sufficient 
transports  at  Fort  No.  1,  and  partly  because  the  mouths  of  the 
Amu  Darya  were  shallow  and  unfit  for  navigation. 

General  Kaufmann  proposed,  therefore,  to  make  a  double 
attack  upon  Khiva  by  a  force  taken  from  the  army  of  the  Cau- 
casus, which  was  to  proceed  through  Krasnovodsk  or  Tchi- 
kishlar  on  the  Caspian,  and  by  another  from  Tashkent,  which 
was  to  proceed  by  way  of  Jizakh  through  the  desert  close  to 
the  northern  boundary  of  Bukhara,  hoping  by  diplomatic  means 
to  prevent  that  Khanate  from  attacking  them  in  the  flank. 
With  this  latter  was  to  be  united  a  small  force,  drawn  for  con- 
venience from  Orenburg,  which  was  to  start  from  Fort  No.  1  on 
the  Syr  Darya,  proceed  to  the  Amu  Darya,  and  along  the  right 
bank  of  that  river  until  it  met  the  detachment  from  Tashkent. 

General  Kryzhanofsky,  however,  the  Governor- General  of 
Orenburg,  who  had  been  called  to  St.  Petersburg  to  consult 
with  General  Kaufmann  and  the  Grand  Duke  Michael,  the 
Emperor's  Lieutenant  in  the  Caucasus,  on  the  subject  of  the 
expedition,  argued  that  this  plan  could  not  be  followed,  as  it 
left  open  the  steppes  between  Orenburg,  the  Caspian,  and 
Khiva.  This  region  had  always  served  as  a  shelter  for  depre- 
datory bands  of  Khivans,  and  it  might  be  expected  that 
either  the  Khivan  army  or  various  bands  of  Turkomans,  in 
order  to  escape  from  the  attacks  of  the  Russian  forces,  would 
march  into  the  Ust-Urt,  and  by  making  dissensions  among  the 
Kirghiz  create  much   disturbance  ;    they  even  might  possibly 

1  Colonel  Markozof  reached  Igdy,  but  was  obliged  to  retreat,  after  being 
attacked  by  the  Turkomans  and  losing  most  of  his  camels. 


336  TTJKKISTAK 

attack  the  post-road  and  Orenburg-  itself.  General  Kryzhan- 
ofsky,  therefore,  proposed  that  the  whole  expedition  should 
proceed  from  Orenburg- ;  or  that,  at  least,  in  case  of  the  accept- 
ance of  General  Kaufmann's  plan,  another  force  should  be  sent 
from  Orenburg  directly  south,  along1  the  Western  shore  of  the 
Aral  Sea,  which  might  meet  the  other  troops  in  front  of  Khiva. 
This  would  protect  the  steppe  against  the  Khivans,  and  in 
case,  on  account  of  the  floods  of  the  lower  Amu  Darya,  the 
Tashkent  expedition  should  find  it  impossible  to  reach  Khiva, 
it  would  be  able  to  render  effective  assistance  to  the  expedition 
of  the  Caucasus.  The  representations  of  General  Kryzhanofsky 
had  their  weight,  and  it  was  decided  to  allow  him  to  send  this 
detachment,  although  it  was  never  expected  that  it  would  reach 
Khiva,  but  that  it  would  confine  itself  to  keeping  communi- 
cations open.  Finally,  in  December,  1872,  the  plan  of  the 
expedition  received  the  Emperor's  sanction.  It  was  said  at  the 
time  that  the  vote  in  the  Council,  which  was  presided  over  by 
the  Emperor  in  person,  stood  35  for  the  capture  of  Khiva  to  9 
against  it,  and  that  Prince  Gortchakof  was  in  the  minority, 
believing  that  it  would  be  better  to  punish  Khiva  than  to 
take  it. 

The  whole  expedition  was  to  be  placed  under  the  immediate 
command  of  General  Kaufmann,  who  was  to  accompany  the 
detachment  sent  from  Tashkent,  and  who  was  desirous  of  re- 
taining for  himself  the  honour  of  capturing  Khiva.  Strict 
orders  were,  therefore,  given  to  all  the  detachments  that  in  case 
they  reached  the  frontiers  of  the  country  sooner  than  tne 
column  from  Tashkent,  they  should  halt,  fortify  themselves, 
and  be  ready  to  lend  assistance  to  the  Turkistan  column  as  soon 
as  they  heard  of  its  arrival.  In  no  case  were  they  to  attack  the 
city  or  to  enter  into  negotiations  with  the  Khan.  Minor 
changes  were  subsequently  introduced  into  the  scheme  on  ac- 
count of  the  difficulty  of  procuring  camels.  The  detachment 
of  the  Caucasus  was  divided  into  two  :  one,  under  Colonel 
Markozof,  was  to  start  from  Tchikishlar  on  the  Attrek,  and  ad- 
vance directly  to  Khiva  by  the  southern  ridge ;  the  other,  under 
Colonel  Lomakin,  was  to  start  from  Fort  Alexandrofsky  in  the 
peninsula  of  Mangyshlak,  joining  the  column  from  Orenburg 
about  Kungrad.  Four  steamers  of  the  Aral  flotilla,  with  barges 
of  provisions  in  tow,  were  to  pass  through  the  Sea  of  Aral  from 


STAET   OF  THE  EXPEDITION.  337 

Fort  No.  1  and  to  attempt  the  ascent  of  one  of  the  mouths  of 
the  Amu  Darya.  Preparations  of  all  kinds  were  proceeded 
with  as  fast  as  possible,  in  order  that  the  expedition  might 
be  ready  to  take  the  field  in  the  early  spring.  The  Turkistan 
detachment  was,  as  I  have  said,  divided  into  two  columns ;  one 
a  small  subsidiary  column  moving  southwards  from  Kazala  and 
Perovsky,  was  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Grolof ;  the  other, 
the  main  column,  which  was  to  rendezvous  at  Jizakh  and  then 
move  westward,  was  commanded  by  General  Golovatchef,  the 
military  governor  of  the  province  of  Syr  Darya.  The  Kazala 
column  was  accompanied  by  H.I.H.  the  Grand  Duke  Nicholas 
Constantinevitch,  and  the  Jizakh  column  by  H.I.H.  the  Duke 
Eugene  of  Leuehtenberg.  In  all,  the  forces  of  this  detach- 
ment comprised  3,420  infantry,  1,150  cavalry,  with  20  guns,  2 
mitrailleuses,  and  8  rocket-stands,  making  altogether  about 
5,500  men.  For  the  trains  it  became  necessary  to  obtain  a 
large  number  of  camels — 8,000  according  to  official  reports  l  — 
which  were  chiefly  hired  from  the  Kirghiz  of  the  province  of 
Syr  Darya,  with  a  promise  that  50  rubles  would  be  paid  for 
every  one  that  died. 

The  Jizakh  column  left  the  river  Kly  on  March  28,  and  on 
April  11  the  different  detachments  all  came  into  camp  at  the 
wells  of  Aristan  Bel  Kuduk,  a  distance  of  about  80  miles.  The 
troops,  in  spite  of  unseasonable  snowstorms,  had  not  much 
suffered,  and  the  number  of  sick  was  small.  Great  difficulties 
had,  however,  been  experienced,  for  the  Kirghiz  fearing  that 
they  never  Avould  receive  pay  for  the  camels — which  was, 
indeed,  actually  the  case  in  the  end — naturally  furnished  their 
poorest  and  weakest  animals.  In  consequence  of  this  the 
camels  perished  so  rapidly  from  exhaustion  and  insufficient  food 
that  it  was  found  impossible  to  move  from  the  bivouac  on  the 
Kly  with  all  the  provisions,  &c,  it  was  desired  to  take.  Many 
stores  were  therefore  left  there  under  charge  of  a  small  guard, 
and  more  were  soon  after  abandoned  en  route.  In  addition  to 
this  there  were  difficulties  about  the  provisions.  The  biscuits 
which  had  been  sent  with  the  expedition  had  been  stored  for 
several  years  at  Tashkent  and  Tchinaz,  and  had  become  entirely 
worm-eaten  and  mouldy,  so  that  they  were  uneatable  and  were 

1  Private  information  collected  in  the  various  districts  makes  this  as  many  aa 
14,000. 

VOL.    II.  Z 


338  TUKKISTAN, 

thrown  away.  It  was,  therefore,  necessary  to  obtain  from 
Samarkand  five  hundred  quarters  of  wheat,  which  was  hastily 
baked  into  biscuits,  while  a  large  quantity  more  was  ordered.1 

At  the  wells  of  Temyr  Kabuk  the  Beks  of  the  neighbouring 
Bukharan  provinces  of  Nurata  and  Ziaueddin  met  General 
Kaufmann  with  a  few  camels  and  some  supplies  of  fuel  and 
forage,  which  they  had  been  ordered  by  the  Amir  to  collect 
there.  These  supplies,  as  well  as  the  presents  sent  by  the 
Amir,  were  received  with  gratitude  and  as  a  mark  of  friendli- 
ness. General  Kaufmann  retained  both  Beks  with  him  to  the 
end  of  the  campaign,  though  whether  as  guests  or  as  hostages 
is  not  precisely  stated. 

The  Amir  of  Bukhara  had  taken  this  step  partly  because  he 
had  been  asked,  and  partly  from  a  desire  to  propitiate  General 
Kaufmann,  as  he  constantly  feared  that  the  troops  would  turn 
and  attack  Bukhara.2  However,  as  they  proceeded  further,  and 
the  difficulties  of  their  position  became  better  known  at  Buk- 
hara, the  Amir  somewhat  changed  his  tactics.  The  sutlers  and 
contractors  who  were  sent  from  the  expedition  into  the  Buk- 
haran provinces  to  purchase  grain  and  stores,  were  forbidden  by 
the  authorities  to  export  them,  and  orders  were  given  that  they 
should  receive  no  camels  for  their  caravans.  It  was  only  after 
a  melee,  in  which  one  of  the  Kussian  clerks  killed  a  Bukharan, 
and  on  threatening  that  the  troops  would  turn  against  Bukhara, 
that  the  caravans  were  finally  allowed  to  depart.  The  attitude 
at  Samarkand  of  General  Abramof,  who  was  always  ready  for 
a  march,  had  an  effect  upon  the  Amir,  and  finally  additional 
provisions  under  the  charge  of  Bukharan  officials  were  sent 
on  to  the  troops  at  Karak-ata.  According  to  the  official  report 
the  Amir  refused  to  receive  any  pay  for  these  provisions,  but 
other  information  makes  it  appear  that  most  of  the  supplies 
were  not  the  property  of  the  Amir  but  of  private  contractors, 
who  were  well  paid  for  what  they  furnished.  What  was  given 
in  the  way  of  presents  by  the  Amir  himself  was  very  little ; 
for  this,  however,  he  received  warm  thanks. 

The  Khan  of  Khiva,  meanwhile,  having  become  convinced 
that  the  Kussians  were  in  earnest  about  the  war,  repented,  and 
sent  an  embassy  to  Kazala  with  a  letter  and  excuses,  and  twenty- 

1  '  Golos,'  No.  148,  1873.     Letter  from  Samarkand  of  April  21  (May  3). 
*  See  page  309. 


CHANGE   OF  KOUTE.  339 

one  Eussian  slaves.1  The  expedition,  however,  had  already 
started,  and  the  letter  of  the  Khan,  with  the  information  of 
the  arrival  of  the  embassy,  was  forwarded  to  General  Kaufman n 
and  reached  him  on  his  march.  He  immediately  gave  orders 
that  the  ambassador  should  be  sent  on  to  him,  and  that  tho.se 
of  the  prisoners  wbo  desired  to  serve  in  the  expedition  could 
join  tbe  Kazala  column. 

During  the  halt  at  Aristan  Bel  Kuduk,  which  was  necessary 
to  refresh  the  troops,  it  was  decided  to  change  the  route  of 
march.  It  appears  that,  by  the  rules  of  the  order,  the  Cross  of 
St.  George  can  be  given  to  the  chief  of  staff  of  an  expedition 
only  when  the  route  successfully  followed  has  been  prepared  by 
him.  Now  Colonel  Trotzky,  who  was  the  chief  of  staff  of  the 
expedition,  had  not  personally  engaged  in  the  preparation  of 
the  route  which  was  to  be  followed,  it  having  been  drawn  up 
for  him  at  the  office  of  the  staff  at  Tashkent.  Therefore,  in 
order  to  render  him  eligible  for  the  military  decoration,  in  the 
event  of  the  success  of  the  expedition,  it  became  necessary  to 
make  a  considerable  change  in  the  route.  It  was  resolved, 
therefore,  that  instead  of  taking  the  route  first  proposed  by  a 
well-known  road  to  the  Bukan  mountains  and  the  wells  of 
Min-Bulak,  and  then  south-westerly  to  the  Amu  Darya  at 
Shura-khana,  to  follow  a  new  road  through  Khalata  to  Utch- 
Utchak,  which  seemed  to  be  shorter,  but  of  which  absolutely 
nothing  was  known.  Orders  were  therefore  sent  to  the  Kazala 
column  to  change  its  direction,  and  meet  the  rest  of  the 
expedition  at  Aristan  Bel  Kuduk.  That  column,  a  portion 
of  which  left  Kazala  on  March  21,  arrived  at  Irkibai  on  April  6, 
where  the  troops  erected  a  small  fort  which  they  named 
Blagovestchensky.  On  April  14  it  arrived  at  Bakali  in  the 
Bukan  mountains,  and  advanced  from  thence  to  Aristan  Bel 
Kuduk,  where  it  formed  the  rear-guard  of  the  whole  Turkistan 
detachment. 

After  obtaining  a  fresh  supply  of  800  camels  from  the 
Kirghiz  of  the  Kyzyl  Kum  tribes,  General  Kaufmann  set  out 
from  Aristan  Bel  Kuduk  on  April  23  and  24,  and  on  May  6 
the  troops  were  all  collected  at  Khalata  in  a  fair  condition, 
notwithstanding  the  long  marches,  the  intense  heat,  and  the 
violent  winds.  Here  it  was  considered  necessary  to  fortify  a 
1  See  vol.  i.,  p.  49 ;  and  also  Appendix  V. 
z  2 


340  TURKISTAN. 

mound,  on  -which  had  previously  been  the  tomb  of  the  saint 
Kbala-ata,  to  serve  both  as  a  defence  and  a  provision  depot. 
The  works  were  commenced  on  May  6,  the  day  of  St.  George, 
who  gave  his  name  to  the  fort,  and  three  days  later  the  fort 
was  finished  and  the  Eussian  flag  was  hoisted. 

Now  began  the  real  difficulties  of  the  campaign.  The 
eighty  miles  of  good  road  which  had  been  supposed  to  exist 
between  Khalata  and  the  Amu  Darya  turned  out  to  be  120 
miles  of  deep  and  shifting  sand,  about  which  little  information 
could  be  procured,  and  where,  as  far  as  could  be  ascertained, 
the  only  water  was  at  the  wells  of  Adam  Krylgan,  about 
twenty-four  miles  from  Khalata.  The  name,  Adam  Krylgan, 
meaning  '  man's  destruction,'  seemed  to  be  particularly  appli- 
cable to  the  region.  The  first  detachment  which  was  sent  out 
from  Khalata, '  after  going  a  short  distance,  was  attacked  by 
Turkomans,  and  two  officers  who,  almost  unattended,  were  in 
advance  of  the  troops  were  wounded.  After  a  slight  skirmish 
the  Turkomans  rode  off.  General  Kaufmann  arrived  at  Adam 
Krylgan  on  April  12  at  midnight.  The  place  was  an  utter 
desert,  with  a  few  bad  wells,  including  some  new  ones  which 
had  been  dug  by  the  first  Eussian  detachment,  and  without 
a  sign  of  vegetation. 

After  a  day's  rest  it  was  proposed  to  send  the  troops  on  by  a 
march  with  three  halts  of  six  hours  each  to  Utch-Utchak  on  the 
Amu  Darya.  The  advance-guard  started  shortly  after  mid- 
night and  marched  until  nine  o'clock  in  the  morning,  in  all 
about  thirteen  miles,  when  they  halted  for  their  first  rest.  It 
was  found,  however,  that  the  sands  were  so  heavy  and  the 
camels  so  weak,  that  the  rear  of  this  detachment  did  not  arrive 
at  the  rendezvous  until  rive  o'clock  in  the  evening.  The  heat 
was  so  intense,  and  both  horses  and  camels  were  so  worn  out, 
that  further  advance  was  impossible.  It  therefore  became 
necessary  for  some  of  the  troops  to  return  to  the  wells  of  Adam 
Krylgan  and  fetch  Water  for  the  rest. 

Affairs  were  now  desperate.  It  was  impossible  to  advance, 
and  it  seemed  shameful  to  retreat,  while  the  small  quantity  of 
water  at  Adam  Krylgan  rendered  it  ruin  to  remain,  for  the 
supply  which  had  been  brought  was  nearly  exhausted.  Even 
had  it  been  desirable  for  the  expedition  to  return  to  Khalata, 
and  then  retrace  its  steps  and  pursue  the  route  first  chosen 


DESPAIR  AND  SAFETY.  311 

to  Min  Bulak,  this  was  impossible  on  account  of  the  lack 
of  transports.  For  a  moment  it  seemed  as  if  the  army  would 
be  entirely  lost  in  the  desert.  General  Kaufman  n  despaired, 
and  gave  orders  that  should  anything  happen  to  him  the 
command  of  the  expedition  was  to  be  given,  not  to  General 
Golovatcbef,  but  to  Colonel  Trotzky,  his  chief  of  staff. 

Finally  a  hope  of  safety  appeared  in  the  shape  of  a  ragged 
Kirghiz  who  had  joined  the  Kazala  detachment  on  the  march 
from  Irkibai,  and  whose  excellent  qualities  the  Grand  Duke 
Nicholas  and  Colonel  Dreschern  had  been  the  first  to  discover. 
He  said  that  a  few  miles  to  the  right  of  the  road  were  the  wells 
of  Alty  Kuduk.  General  Kaufmann  handed  him  his  pocket 
flask  and  offered  him  a  hundred  rubles  reward  if  he  would 
bring  it  back  filled  with  water.  This  was  done,  and  a  portion 
of  the  troops  was  immediately  sent  to  Alty  Kuduk,  where  the 
wells  were  found  to  be  few,  and,  what  was  worse,  deep,  but  yet 
there  was  water.  The  pontoons  were  then  unloaded  and  filled 
with  water  to  serve  as  drinking  troughs  for  the  remaining 
horses  and  camels.  The  expedition  was  preserved,  and  after 
a  halt  of  several  days  pursued  its  way  in  small  detachments 
and  by  slow  stages  to  the  Amu  Darya,  which  it  reached  on 
May  23,  in  eleven  days  instead  of  two. 

Of  the  10,000  camels  with  which  the  expedition  had  been 
provided,  but  1,200  now  remained.  The  whole  road  from 
Khalata  was  strewn  with  camp  equipage,  with  officers'  baggage, 
and  with  munitions  of  war.  Ammunition  and  stores  had  in 
several  places  been  buried  in  the  sand,  with  the  expectation  that 
subsequent  detachments  would  be  sent  out  from  Khalata  for  the 
purpose  of  recovering  them.  An  officer  who  passed  over  the 
road  a  few  weeks  subsequently,  told  me  that  the  whole  distance 
was  covered  with  the  skeletons  and  decaying  bodies  of  camels 
and  horses,  the  stench  from  which  was  intolerable,  while  the 
articles  strewn  along  the  road  made  it  appear  almost  like  a 
bazaar.  Nevertheless  the  expedition  was  safe.  Water  had 
been  reached,  and  the  troops,  in  spite  of  their  sufferings  from 
heat  and  from  thirst,  were  in  fair  health  and  in  good  spirits, 
which  they  soon  had  occasion  to  prove,  for  near  Utch-U tchak 
there  was  a  skirmish  with  a  small  body  of  Turkomans  under 
Sadyk. 

Pursuing  its  way  down  the  right  bank  of  the  river,  on  May 


342  TURKISTAN. 

28  and  29,  the  expedition  came  in  sight  of  a  fortified  camp  on 
the  opposite  shore,  guarding  the  ferry  of  Sheikh-aryk,from  which 
they  were  greeted  with  a  heavy  artillery  fire.  The  Eussian 
guns  were  immediately  put  into  position,  the  camp  shelled,  and 
the  Khivans,  who  were  supposed  to  number  about  4,000  men, 
under  the  command  of  the  Divan  Begi  Mat  Murad,  abandoned 
their  camp  and  retreated.  The  Eussian  loss  was  only  two 
horses  killed,  which  in  two  hours  were  eaten  by  the  hungry 
troops.  The  two  pontoons  which  could  alone  be  brought  from 
Khalata  had  before  this  been  put  together  and  were  going 
down  the  river,  and  together  with  the  cavalry  succeeded  in 
capturing  eleven  boats  belonging  to  the  enemy,  a  lucky  acqui- 
sition, as  otherwise  it  would  have  been  difficult  if  not  impos- 
sible to  cross  the  river. 

The  passage  of  the  Amu  was  begun  on  May  30  and  ended 
on  June  3. 

On  May  28  a  deputation  from  the  town  of  Shura-khana,  on 
the  right  bank,  had  appeared  at  General  Kaufmann's  camp, 
offering  the  submission  of  that  city,  and  a  detachment  of 
cavalry  was  therefore  sent  there,  remaining  four  days.  Here 
the  army  succeeded  for  the  first  time  in  finding  sufficient 
forage  and  fresh  provisions  (although  the  soldiers  were  reduced 
to  rags  frum  the  loss  of  their  baggage)  ;  for  in  consequence  of  a 
proclamation  issued  by  General  Kaufmann,  the  inhabitants  of 
the  villages,  feeling  that  their  lives  would  be  safe,  had  begun 
to  appear  in  the  camp  bringing  articles  for  sale. 

The  town  of  Hazarasp  was  occupied  on  June  4,  after  being 
abandoned  by  the  enemy.  Here  General  Kaufmann  received  a 
letter  from  the  Khan  Seid  Mohammed  Eahim,  informing  him 
that  the  Eussian  prisoners  had  been  sent  back,  and  declaring 
his  readiness  to  comply  with  all  the  Eussian  demands,  but 
asking  that  the  movements  of  troops  should  be  stopped.1 
General  Kaufmann    replied,    calling   attention  to   the  hostile 

1  Here  is  an  extract  from  this  letter.  '  In  your  letter  you  speak  of  freeing  the 
prisoners.  In  fact,  we  have  from  five  to  ten  Russian  men,  but  they  are  not  at  all 
prisoners,  as  they  were  not  captured  by  my  troops,  but  they  were  bought  with 
money  from  the  Kirghiz  and  the  Adaef  tribes,  and  we  from  friendship  to  you 
only  keep  them. 

'You  ask  us  to  send  back  with  the  prisoners  an  envoy  to  talk  about  the  con- 
clusion of  a  peace  which  would  still  further  strengthen  our  friendly  relations.  With 
that  purpose  we  sent  you  Murtaza  Hodja  Bii,  who,  however,  was  unable  to  go  to 


THE  KHAN  PEOTESTS.  343 

disposition  of  the  Khan  for  the  last  six  years,  and  said  that 
although  he  was  ready  to  conclude  a  treaty  of  peace  and  friend- 
ship, he  should  yet  continue  to  advance,  and  counselled  him  to 
disband  his  troops  in  order  to  save  his  country  from  devastation. 
Here  he  also  received  a  despatch  from  General  Verevkin,  saying 
that  the  Orenburg  detachment  expected  to  be  at  Yangy  Ur- 
gentch,  and  would  meet  him  if  necessary  at  Hanki.  Informa- 
tion received  from  the  inhabitants  gave  further  news  of  General 
Verevkin's  movements,  and  showed  that  he  had  already  arrived 
at  Kosh-kupyr,  twelve  miles  from  Khiva.  Of  the  1,200  camels 
which  had  arrived  with  the  expedition,  700  had  been  sent 
back  to  Alty-Kuduk  to  bring  on  as  much  as  possible  of  the 
baggage  with  the  detachment  of  Colonel  Novomlynsky  which 
had  been  left  there.  Of  those  which  remained  only  300  were 
serviceable,  and  it  became  necessary  to  find  carts,  500  of  which 
in  the  course  of  a  few  days  were  taken  from  the  inhabitants,  and 
formed  the  train  of  the  army. 

On  June  8,  after  leaving  a  small  garrison  in  Hazarasp 
General  Kaufmann  and  the  troops  set  off  on  the  road  to  Khiva, 
a  distance  of  forty-five  miles.  The  night  before  the  march 
another  envoy  from  the  Khan  arrived  bringing  to  General 
Kaufmann  a  renewal  of  the  former  desire  for  peace,  and  stating 
that  he  had  sent  back  the  Eussian  prisoners  who  had  been  in 
captivity  in  Khiva,  and  therefore  he  did  not  understand  why 
the  Eussians  had  invaded  his  territory  from   different  sides. 

Tashkent  through  Bukhara.  At  that  time  a  letter  wis  sent  from  the  Governor  of 
Orenburg  to  the  Kirghiz  Zagyr  Bii  with  a  request  to  free  the  Russians.  A  similar 
letter  was  brought  from  Tcheleken  by  the  Tchudor  Sary  Ishan  from  the  commander 
of  the  troops  there.  Learning  that  Murtaza  Bii  could  not  go  through  Bukhara 
we  sent  with  the  messenger  who  had  left  two  of  our  own  people  to  Orenburg  and 
Tcheleken,  and  promised  to  send  back  the  men  that  we  had  detained,  but  neither  in 
Orenburg  nor  in  Tcheleken  did  they  receive  our  envoys  or  enter  into  communication 
with  them,  declaring  that  all  that  was  entrusted  to  you.  On  the  return  of  these 
envoys  we  confided  the  Russians  who  were  with  us  to  Murtaza  Bii,  and  sent  them 
through  Kazala,  and  ourselves  waited  in  peace  and  quiet.  We  hear  our  envoy  has 
had  an  interview  with  you,  and  has  given  up  your  people,  but  up  to  this  time  we 
have  received  no  news  directly  from  you.  Meanwhile  your  armies  began  to  appear 
in  various  parts  of  our  possessions.  Then  the  inhabitants  began  to  defend  their 
families,  went  out  to  meet  you,  and,  as  far  as  possible,  tried  to  keep  you  back.  .  .  . 
'If  your  wish  was  to  receive  the  return  of  your  prisoners,  you  have  it  already. 
If  you  want  anything  else,  say  so;  according  to  our  ability  we  will  fulfil  it.  If 
you  desire  to  conclude  a  treaty,  then  remain  where  you  are,  and  do  not  come 
through  the  inhabited  districts.' 


344  TURKISTAN. 

He  asked  General  Kaufmarm  to  reply,  and  explain  to  him 
his  conditions.  The  envoy  was  ordered  to  return  to  Khiva  and 
declare  to  the  Khan  that  the  General  would  make  conditions 
with  him  in  Khiva  only. 

Owing  to  the  constant  raids  of  the  Persian  Turkomans 
across  the  Attrek,  and  to  the  report  that  many  of  them  had 
gone  to  Khiva  to  take  part  in  the  hostilities  against  Russia, 
Colonel  Markozof,  the  commandant  of  Tchikishlar,  felt  it 
necessary  to  give  them  a  severe  lesson  before  he  began  his  march 
to  Khiva.  Accordingly,  on  March  12,  he  crossed  the  Attrek,  and 
on  reaching  the  banks  of  the  Grurgan,  he  found  large  masses,  of 
Turkoman  horsemen  assembled,  but  these  quickly  dispersed  and 
fled  in  disorder  across  the  river.  In  pursuing  them  Colonel 
Markozof  even  crossed  the  Grurgan  and  entered  what  was 
certainly  Persian  territory ;  but  he  reported  that  he  was 
received  in  a  friendly  way  by  the  commandant  of  the  Persian 
fort  of  Ak-kala,  who  thanked  him  for  the  punishment  he  had 
inflicted  upon  the  rebels.  He  returned  across  the  Attrek  on 
March  8. 

It  was  now  time  for  the  expedition  to  start  for  Khiva,  but 
Colonel  Markozof  had  only  2,600  camels,  part  of  them  furnished 
by  the  Turkomans,  and  part  captured  in  the  late  raid  across 
the  Attrek.  It  was  therefore  impossible  to  send  the  number  of 
troops  at  first  proposed,  and  it  was  rendered  necessary  to  limit 
the  column  to  20  compauies  of  infantry,  4  sotnias  of  Cossacks, 
and  16  guns,  together  with  sappers  and  rockets,  in  all  2,200 
men,  with  provisions  for  two  and  a  half  months. 

The  proposed  route  was  by  Bugdaili  and  Aidin  to  the  Uzboi 
— the  old  bed  of  the  Amu  Darya — and  thence  by  Topatian,  Igdy, 
Ortakuya,  and  Dandur  to  the  ruined  fort  of  Zmukshir,  forty 
miles  west  of  Khiva,  where  he  was  ordered  to  await  the  arrival 
of  the  Turkistan  detachment.  The  distance  from  Tchikishlar  to 
Khiva  was  estimated  at  523  miles.  The  detachment  set  out  on 
March  31,  and  on  April  29  reached  the  wells  of  Igdy,  about  half 
way.  The  condition  of  the  troops  was  much  affected  by  the 
severe  heat,  which  most  inopportunely  and  unexpectedly  came 
on,  and  by  the  long  forced  marches  they  were  compelled  to 
make,  it  being  Colonel  Markozof's  desire  to  reach  Khiva  and 
if  possible  capture  it  before  the  arrival  of  the  other  detachments. 

Near  Igdy  the  advanced  guard  was  attacked  by  some  Tekke 


FAILURE  OF  MARKOZOF.  34.5 

Turkomans,  but  the  Cossacks  soon  put  them  to  flight  and 
captured  267  men,  as  well  as  1,000  camels,  5,000  sheep,  and 
many  arms.  From  Igdy  to  Ortakuya  was  supposed  to  be  three 
marches,  or  over  fifty  miles,  through  deep  sand  and  with  no 
wells.  The  troops  were  therefore  provided  at  Igdy  with 
sufficient  water  for  double  that  distance,  and  they  were  to 
move  from  Igdy  by  four  small  detachments  from  April  30  to 
May  3.  The  weather  was  now  intensely  hot,  and  on  May  1  a 
Reaumur  thermometer,  adjusted  for  marking  up  to  55°,  showed 
52°  (149°  Fahr.)  at  ten  in  the  morning,  and  about  mid-day 
burst.  When  but  a  short  distance  from  Igdy,  the  troops  were 
so  overcome  by  heat,  many  having  had  sunstrokes,  and  the 
supply  of  water  was  even  then  so  nearly  exhausted,  that  it  was 
proposed  by  the  guides  to  turn  off  to  the  wells  of  Bala  Ishem, 
but  Colonel  Markozof  refused,  on  the  ground  that  to  do  so 
would  be  wasting  time  and  making  the  actual  route  longer. 
He  pressed  on  therefore  until  he  had  advanced  fifty  miles 
from  Igdy,  but  the  position  of  Ortakuya  could  not  yet  be 
ascertained.  The  detachments  were  now  all  separated  from 
one  another,  and  each  one  was  in  the  same  desperate  pre- 
dicament. It  became  necessary  to  send  scouts  to  search  for 
the  wells  of  Bala  Ishem,  and  then  to  bring  water  from  them 
by  camels  to  refresh  the  troops.  The  losses  became  at  last  so 
great,  that  the  impossibility  of  advancing  was  evident  even 
to  Colonel  Markozof.  They  had  not  yet  reached  Ortakuya, 
and  from  there  to  Dandur  and  Zmukshir  were  waterless  deserts 
of  still  greater  extent.  A  council  of  war  was  called,  and  it  was 
resolved  to  return  to  Krasnovodsk.  The  retreat  from  Igdy 
began  on  May  4,  many  of  the  troops  from  illness  and  weakness 
having  to  be  carried  on  camels,  and  on  May  26  the  last  of 
the  detachment  reached  Krasnovodsk,  having  been  followed 
for  nearly  the  whole  distance  by  bands  of  Turkomans,  who 
from  time  to  time  attacked  them.  '  Almost  the  whole  expe- 
dition was  ill.  Sixty  men  died  of  sunstroke.  The  troops 
returned  to  Krasnovodsk  without  their  arms.  The  camels, 
the  booty  of  the  Turkomans,  and  various  provisions,  were 
abandoned  in  the  steppe.  One  staff  officer  threw  away  a  full 
service  of  silver  plate  and  all  his  conserves.  The  expedition 
returned  in  a  most  miserable  state.'  '      Some  of  the  cannon 

1  From  a  letter  in  the  'Exchange  Gazette,'  June  10  (22),  ) 873,  for  publishing 
•which  the  newspaper  immediately  received  a  -warning. 


346  TURKISTAN. 

had  to  be  buried  in  the  sand,  but  were  afterwards  recovered, 
and  many  rifles  were  brought  in  subsequently  by  the  Kirghiz 
and  friendly  Turkomans. 

In  addition  to  the  other  difficulties  the  expedition  had  been 
put  to  the  greatest  straits  on  account  of  the  scarcity  and  bad 
quality  of  the  provisions,  the  supplying  of  the  troops  having 
been  entrusted  by  favour  to  a  rascally  Armenian  contractor. 

Although  the  expedition  of  Markozof  was  in  this  way  a 
complete  failure  so  far  as  any  direct  influence  on  the  success  of 
the  Kbivan  campaign,  yet  his  previous  movements  on  the  Attrek 
had  no  doubt  somewhat  hindered  the  resistance  of  the  Khivans 
by  keeping  back  the  Tekke  Turkomans  from  sharing  in  the 
contest.  There  could  be  no  doubt  that  apart  from  the  bad 
provisions  the  failure  of  the  expedition  was  directly  due  to  the 
bad  management  of  Markozof,  who  was  ambitious  of  winning 
for  the  army  of  the  Caucasus  the  glory  of  taking  Khiva.  The 
officials  of  the  Caucasus  shielded  him  as  far  as  possible,  and 
in  the  official  reports  he  was  absolved  from  blame ;  but  not- 
withstanding this,  he  soon  afterwards  felt  himself  obliged  to 
resign. 

The  formation  of  the  Mangyshlak  column  had  been  caused 
by  the  disturbances  among  the  Adaef  Kirghiz  in  January,  1873, 
— which  had  been  started,  it  was  said,  by  Khivan  emissaries — 
who  refused  to  furnish  camels  for  the  expedition.  The  dis- 
turbances were  soon  repressed,  but  it  was  thought  best  to 
send  troops  to  Khiva  through  that  district  for  the  moral  effect 
which  would  be  thereby  produced  both  on  the  Kirghiz  and  on 
the  Khivans.  The  order  for  the  formation  of  the  column  was 
only  received  in  the  Caucasus  on  March  12,  but  preparations 
were  immediately  begun,  and  on  April  26  the  expedition,  under 
the  command  of  Colonel  Lomakin,  composed  of  12  companies 
of  infantry,  6  sotnias  of  Cossacks,  6  guns,  rockets  and  sappers, 
amounting  to  about  2,000  men,  set  out  for  Kinderli,  south  of 
Mangyshlak,  which  had  been 'agreed  upon  as  the  rendezvous. 
Owing  to  the  careful  disposition  of  Colonel  Lomakin  the  column 
arrived  on  May  24  at  Kungracl,  having  accomplished  in  twenty- 
nine  days  a  march  of  400  miles  through  a  desert  country,  the 
greater  portion  of  which  had  been  hitherto  unexplored  and  was 
scantily  supplied  with  water.     The  forced  marches  of  the  last 


THE  ORENBURG  COLUMN.  347 

seven  days,  which  were  rendered  necessary  to  join  the  Orenburg 
detachment,  had  severely  tried  the  troops,  but  still  they  arrived 
in  Kungrad  in  excellent  condition.  Here  Colonel  Lomakin 
came  under  the  orders  of  his  superior,  General  Verevkin. 

The  Orenburg  column,  although  not  the  most  numerous, 
was  perhaps  the  best  prepared  to  encounter  the  difficulties  of 
the  route.  It  was  well  fitted  out  and  provided  with  everything 
necessary,  and  as  far  as  the  Emba  the  men,  who  were  warmly 
dressed,  were  conveyed  in  sledges,  while  kibitkas  were  erected  at 
night  to  shelter  them.  The  different  parts  of  the  column  were 
sent  from  Uralsk  and  Orenburg  between  February  25  and  March 
9,  and  met  at  the  fort  on  the  Emba.  The  forces  amounted  in 
all  to  3,461  men,  1,797  horses,  12  guns  and  mortars,  and 
6  rocket-stands,  and  were  placed  under  the  command  of  Lieu- 
tenant-General  Verevkin,  an  officer  experienced  in  steppe  cam- 
paigns, who  in  1864  had  taken  Turkistan,  and  had  since  that 
time  been  Governor  of  the  Ural  Cossacks.  For  their  transport 
10,391  camels  were  provided. 

By  March  30,  the  troops  had  all  collected  on  the  Emba,  but 
were  obliged  to  wait  some  days  for  the  transports,  which  had 
been  delayed  in  consequence  of  the  severe  snow-storms.  On 
April  11,  the  main  forces  of  the  troops  left  the  Emba,  the 
advanced  guard  having  started  four  days  before.  As  far  as 
the  Aral  Sea  the  country  had  been  thoroughly  explored  by  the 
yearly  expeditions  sent  out  into  the  steppe  for  a  long  time 
previous,  and  it  may  even  be  said  that  the  whole  route  was 
well  known.  The  troops,  therefore,  after  suffering  no  privations, 
and  after  no  marches  of  great  difficulty,  following  the  western 
shore  of  the  Aral  Sea,  arrived  at  Kungrad  on  May  20. 

Kungrad,  which  had  been  deserted  by  its  inhabitants,  was 
occupied  without  opposition,  and  General  Verevkin  was  there 
joined  by  the  detachment  under  the  command  of  Colonel 
Lomakin.  Here  General  Verevkin  learned  of  the  sad  fate  of  the 
detachment  sent  from  the  Aral  flotilla,  which  had  penetrated  up 
to  Ulkun  Darya,  one  of  the  mouths  of  the  Amu  Darya,  nearly 
to  Kungrad.  On  May  19  a  small  detachment  of  ten  men,  a 
lieutenant,  and  a  topographer,  was  sent  out  to  examine  the  dam 
of  the  Ulkun  Darya,  and  to  report  to  General  Verevkin.  They 
were  betrayed  by  their  Kirghiz  guide  and  were  attacked  and 


348  TUKKI3TAN. 

killed,  and  their  headless  bodies  were  found  six  miles  beiow 
Kungrad. 

Leaving'  Kungrad  on  May  4,  the  now  united  columns  of 
Orenburg  and  Mangyshlak  pursued  their  march  up  the  river, 
having,  on  May  27,  a  sharp  skirmish  with  Khivan  troops  before 
Hodjeili  on  June  1,  and  another  near  Mangyt;  and,  after  some 
further  skirmishes  on  June  2  and  3,  having  been  obliged  to 
build  a  bridge  189  feet  long  over  the  canal  at  Klytch  Niaz  Bai, 
they  encamped  on  June  7  in  a  pleasure  garden  of  the  Khan, 
called  Tchanaktchik,  scarcely  three  miles  from  the  northern 
gate  of  Khiva. 

On  June  5  General  Verevkin  received  an  envoy  from  the 
Khan,  with  a  letter  asking  for  a  truce  of  three  or  four  days, 
sa}?ing  that  he  had  sent  a  similar  letter  to  General  Kaufmann, 
and  that  he  desired  nothing  so  much  as  to  live  in  peace  with 
the  Russians.  At  the  same  time  he  urged  the  Greneral  not  to 
change  his  conduct  towards  the  Turkomans,  whom  he  regarded 
as  unruly  subjects,  and  as  really  his  worst  enemies.  General 
Verevkin  considering  that  this  letter  was  written  with  a  view 
of  gaining  time  paid  no  attention  to  it,  but  proceeded  with 
his  march.  The  same  day  General  Verevkin  received  his 
first  direct  communication  from  General  Kaufmann  in  a 
note  (written  in  German  to  avoid  being  intercepted)  dated 
June  2  from  the  left  bank  of  the  Amu  Darya.  For  some  days 
no  further  intelligence  was  received,  but,  on  the  contrary, 
rumours  were  prevalent  that  General  Kaufmann,  after  crossing, 
had  been  obliged  to  retreat  again  to  the  river,  in  consequence 
of  the  lack  of  provisions  and  transports,  so  that  he  was  'still 
seventy  miles  from  Khiva. 

The  constant  attacks  from  small  bodies  of  the  enemy,  and 
reports  that  the  Khan  was  determined  to  make  a  last  stand 
before  the  walls,  brought  General  Verevkin  to  the  belief  that  it 
would  be  unsafe  to  wait  any  longer  for  General  Kaufmann,  and 
that  it  was  necessary  to  take  energetic  measures.  At  mid-day 
on  the  9th  a  reconnaissance  in  force  was  made  close  to  the 
walls,  for  the  purpose  of  placing  a  breaching  battery  and 
beginning  the  bombardment  of  the  city.  The  troops  were 
obliged  to  march  along  the  road,  which  was  cut  with  canals, 
where  they  were  attacked  by  sorties  of  the  enemy  ;  and  as 
they  approached  the  walls,  they  were  exposed  to  the  full  fire  of 


ATTACK   OX   THE   CITY.  349 

the  guns  mounted  over  the  gate,  which  were  well  aimed.  The 
cannonade  on  both  sides  continued  for  some  time  and  General 
Verevkin,  who  had  come  out  to  inspect  the  works,  was  severely 
wounded  in  the  head.  At  four  o'clock  a  deputation  came  out 
from  the  city,  to  ask  for  a  cessation  of  the  cannonade  and  for 
conditions  of  peace.  Colonel  Sarantchef,  who  bad  taken  the 
command  after  Verevkin  had  been  wounded,  replied  that  the 
artillery  would  cease  provided  no  further  shot  should  be  fired 
from  the  walls,  but  that  conditions  of  peace  could  only  be 
made  with  General  Kaufmann,  and  that  if  the  firing-  from  the 
walls  continued,  the  bombardment  would  go  on  until  the  city 
was  reduced  to  ashes. 

The  first  attack  upon  the  walls  before  General  Verevkin  was 
wounded  was  made  with  such  vigour  that  it  would  have  been 
very  easy  then  to  have  stormed  the  place,  and  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Payarof  asked  General  Verevkin  for  ladders  for  the 
purpose.  Verevkin  refused,  and  ordered  the  troops  to  retire 
from  the  walls,  but  still  kept  up  the  cannonade. 

No  sooner  had  the  deputation  departed  than  the  Khivans  on 
the  walls  again  began  their  fire,  and  a  second  envoy  then 
appeared,  saying  that  the  Khan  should  not  be  held  responsible 
for  the  firing,  as  this  was  done  by  the  Yomud  Turkomans,  over 
whom  the  peaceful  inhabitants  of  the  city  and  the  Government 
had  no  control,  and  that  the  Khan  himself  had  fled,  leaving  the 
Government  for  the  present  in  the  hands  of  his  uncle  Seid 
Amir  Ul  Umar,  an  imbecile  old  man,  and  that  he  had  sent  an 
embassy  to  General  Kaufmann  to  place  himself  and  the  city 
entirely  in  his  hands.  Of  course  no  reply  could  be  given, 
except  that  it  was  a  matter  of  indifference  from  whom  the 
firing  came;  and  that  as  long  as  it  was  continued  the  bombard- 
ment would  be  kept  up. 

In  the  evening  a  letter  was  received  from  General  Kauf- 
mann, saying  that  the  Tashkent  column  was  seven  miles  east 
of  Khiva,  asking  General  Verevkin  to  join  him  at  eight  o'clock 
the  next  morning  at  a  bridge  three  miles  from  the  east  gate 
of  the  town,  and  adding  that  the  uncle  of  the  Khan,  who  was 
charged  with  the  Government,  had  promised  at  that  time  to 
surrender  to  him  the  city.  The  Eussian  loss  on  that  day  was 
4  killed  and  36  wounded. 

The  next  morning  (June   10)   General  Verevkin,  who   per- 


350  TURKISTAN. 

sonally  was  unable  to  move  on  account  of  his  wound,  sent 
Colonels  Lomakin  and  Sarantchef  with  a  portion  of  the  troops 
to  the  rendezvous  appointed  by  Gfeneral  Kaufmann.  They  had 
no  soner  gone  there  than  the  firing  again  began  from  the 
north  gate,  against  the  troops  left  in  the  camp.  Colonel 
Scobelef  therefore  was  obliged  to  renew  the  bombardment  and 
silence  the  hostile  fire,  and  finally  stormed  and  captured  the 
north  gate  with  a  loss  of  15  killed  and  wounded. 

At  the  moment  this  was  taking  place,  Greneral  Kaufmann 
was  receiving  the  peaceable  submission  of  the  city  on  the  other 
side.  The  uncle  of  the  Khan  had  come  out  with  the  Khan's- 
younger  brother  Ata  Jan,  the  Inak  Irtagali,  a  cousin  of  the 
Khan,  and  other  persons  of  distinction,  with  presents,  and  had 
given  themselves  entirely  into  the  hands  of  the  Kussians. 
The  gate  was  thrown  open,  and  orders  were  sent  to  Colonel 
Scobelef  to  cease  firing,  as  the  city  was  already  occupied.  As 
soon  as  the  noise  of  the  cannonade  was  no  longer  heard,  the 
troops,  with  colours  flying  and  music  playing,  made  their  trium- 
phal entry  into  the  city.  When  the  music  of  the  advancing 
column  was  heard,  Colonel  Scobelef,  who  by  means  of  a  rocket 
fire  had  cleared  the  streets  and  penetrated  to  the  palace,  judged 
it  best  to  retire  to  his  camp. 

Gfeneral  Kaufmann  occupied  the  Khan's  palace,  and  placed 
a  guard  there  to  preserve  the  property  and  the  safety  of  the 
harem,  the  inmates  of  which  had  remained,  and  orders  were 
given  to  disarm  the  inhabitants.  He  then  visited  the  camp  of 
the  Orenburg  detachment,  although  without  seeing  Greneral 
Verevkin,  and  returned  to  his  own.  On  June  11,  the  anniver- 
sary of  the  birth  of  the  Emperor  Peter  the  Great,  a  Te  Deum 
was  said,  as  well  as  a  mass  for  the  repose  of  the  souls  of  Peter 
and  of  those  of  the  men  who  in  his  time  had  died  in  the  war 
against  Khiva.  The  troops,  under  the  command  of  Greneral 
Gfolovatchef,  remained  in  the  city  until  June  13,  and  on  the 
day  following  went  to  their  camps,  after  occupying  with  a  slight 
force  three  of  the  gates. 

The  great  object  of  the  exjjedition  was  now  accomplished. 
Khiva  at  last  had  been  punished,  and  was  in  the  hands  of  the 
Russians.  But  in  spite  of  the  precautions  which  had  been 
taken  that  Gfeneral  Kaufmann  should  have  all  the  glory  of  the 
expedition,  circumstances  brought  it  about  that  the  troops  of 


THE  HONOUR  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN.  351 

another  detachment  entered  the  city  first.  In  fact  the  whole 
honour  of  the  expedition  belongs  to  the  Orenburg  detachment, 
and  the  views  of  the  Orenburg  authorities  before  the  organisa- 
tion of  the  expedition  were  completely  justified.  The  detach- 
ment of  the  Caucasus  under  Markozof  had  been  unable  to  corje 
with  the  desert,  and  had  been  obliged  to  turn  back.  The 
Turkistan  detachment  had  nearly  shared  a  similar  fate,  and  if 
it  succeeded  in  reaching  the  Amu  Darya,  in  crossing  it,  and 
in  advancing  to  the  capital,  it  was  owing  to  the  fact  that  no 
troops  of  importance  were  sent  against  it,  the  whole  attention 
of  the  enemy  being  directed  to  resist  the  advance  of  Greneral 
Verevkin.  The  Khivans  supposed  that  the  desert  would  be 
sufficient  to  prevent  General  Kaufmann  from  reaching  the 
Amu  Darya,  and  the  small  bands  of  Turkomans  who  met  him 
at  Utch-Utchak,  and  were  encamped  at  Sheikh-aryk,  were 
hastily  collected  and  sent  there.  It  is  the  opinion  of  many 
who  took  part  in  the  campaign,  that  if  the  whole  force  of 
Turkomans  had  tried  to  prevent  Greneral  Kaufmann  from 
crossing  the  Amu  Darya,  and  if  they  had  displayed  the  same 
spirit  as  they  did  during  the  Turkoman  campaign,  they  would 
have  greatly  impeded  his  crossing,  and  perhaps  ha^e  prevented 
him  from  marching  to  Khiva.  The  crossing  at  Sheikh-aryk 
then  occupied  five  days,  while  on  the  homeward  way,  in  crossing 
at  Hanki  with  much  greater  facilities,  ten  days  were  consumed. 
The  Orenburg  detachment,  to  the  formation  of  which  Greneral 
Kaufmann  had  given  a  reluctant  consent,  in  order  to  protect 
the  steppe  against  Khivan  and  Kirghiz  marauders  and  the 
Mangyshlak  detachment  which  joined  it,  and  which  had  been 
formed  by  mere  accident,  were  the  only  ones  which  were  well 
organised,  which  found  a  good  road,  which  met  with  few 
disasters,  which  encountered  the  enemy  in  force  and  suffered 
considerable  loss,1  which  arrived  safely,  and  which  captured 
the  city.  Had  the  advice  of  the  authorities  at  Orenburg  been 
followed  at  first,  no  other  expedition  would  have  been  neces- 
sary, and  Khiva  could  have  been  taken  quietly,  without  dis- 
cussion, and  without  the  consequent  diplomatic  unpleasantness. 

1  The  combined  Orenburg  and  Mangyshlak  detachments  lost  during  the  whole 
campaign  30  killed  and  101  severely  wounded.  The  total  loss  of  the  Turkistan 
detachment  up  to  the  capture  of  Khiva  was  one  killed  and  four  wounded  in  the 
skirmish  near  Khalata. 


352  TTJKKISTAJN. 

It  now  became  necessary  to  put  a  stop  to  the  anarchy  which 
prevailed  in  the  country,  and  to  take  some  measures  to  provide 
it  with  a  Government.  Ata  Jan,1  the  brother  of  the  Khan,  who 
had  been  elected  to  fill  the  place  of  the  fugitive  Seid  Mo- 
hammed Rahim,  was  temporarily  confirmed  in  this  office  ;  but 
Greneral  Kaufmann,  hearing  that  the  former  Khan  was  among 
the  Yomuds,  wrote  him  a  letter  advising  him  to  return.  This 
was  sent  on  the  morning  of  June  13,  and  on  the  evening  of 
the  next  day  the  Khan,  without  going  to  Khiva,  came  to 
the  Russian  camp  and  gave  himself  up.  As  he  seemed  to 
be  a  young  man  of  good  capacities,  although  he  had  never 
applied  himself  to  business,  and  was  the  lawful  sovereig-n,  he 
was  retained  by  General  Kaufmann  as  Khan,  under  the  guidance 
of  a  special  council  or  divan,  composed  in  part  of  Russians 
appointed  by  the  Commander-in-Chief,  and  in  part  of  Khivan 
magnates,  the  chief  of  whom  was  the  Divan  Begi  Mat  Niaz,  who 
was  considered  to  be  the  only  man  in  Khiva  who  had  shown 
good  sense  and  used  his  judgment  during  the  struggle.2  Mat 
Murad,  the  former  chief  councillor  of  the  Khan,  who  always 
exerted  a  hostile  influence  to  Russians,  together  with  his  con- 
fidant, Rahmet  Ullah,  was  sent  under  arrest  to  Kazala  and 
subsequently  to  Russia. 

These  arrangements  being  made,  Greneral  Kaufmann  declared 
to  the  population  of  the  Khanate  the  mercy  of  the  Emperor,  on 
condition  that  they  should  live  quietly  and  peaceably,  and 
occupy  themselves  with  their  business  and  with  agricultural 
labour.  The  excitement  ot  the  population  gradually  ceased, 
the  streets  again  filled  with  people,  and  the  bazaars  were  re- 
opened. Strict  orders  were  given  at  the  same  time  to  the 
soldiers  to  send  out  no  foraging  parties  and  to  take  nothing 
from  the  inhabitants,  but  to  pay  cash  for  everything  at  the 
bazaars.  This  was  a  mercy  which  the  inhabitants  had 
scarcely  expected,  and  to  which  they  were  not  accustomed ; 
and  not  only  were  they  not  thankful  for  it,  but  they  began  to 
abuse  it,  for  frequent  complaints  were  made  of  the  marauding 
propensities  of  the   soldiers,  in  many  cases   unjustly.     In   one 

1  He  subsequently  entered  the  Kussian  service  as  a  cornet  of  cayabry  in  the 
Caucasus. 

2  Mat  Niaz  afterwards  came  to  St.  Petersburg  to  submit  to  an  operation  of 
lithotomy,  in  consequence  of  which  he  died  in  March,  1875. 


ABOLITION   OF  SLAVERY.  3£3 

case  a  soldier  was  sentenced  to  be  hung  for  stealing  a  cow 
The  evidence  of  the  native  accuser  had  been  accepted  without 
other  proof,  and  he  was  only  able  to  escape  because  his  com- 
rades and  the  officers  of  his  company  proved  that  the  cow  had 
followed  the  company  ever  since  crossing  the  Amu  Darya.  At 
another  time  six  soldiers  were  ordered  to  be  shot ;  but  these 
severities  were  exciting  such  discontent  among  the  troops— 
officers  as  well  as  soldiers — that  at  the  personal  request  of  the 
two  Grand  Dukes  the  men  were  pardoned.  There  was  certainly 
some  excuse  for  the  soldiers,  for  owing  to  the  hardships  of  the 
march  and  to  the  loss  of  their  baggage  they  were  almost  naked 
and  without  their  usual  comforts. 

The  question  of  the  liberation  of  the  Persian  slaves,  which 
was  next  to  be  considered,  seems  to  have  been  first  raised  by 
General  Verevkin,  who  had  freed  those  Persians  who  joined 
the  troops,  and  on  June  12  had  telegraphed  concerning  them 
to  the  Governor  of  Astrakhan.  Two  days  afterwards  he  wrote 
to  General  Kaufmann  upon  the  subject,  and  received  a  reply 
that  this  question  would  be  proposed  to  the  new  divan.  It 
was  considered  that  it  would  be  unbecoming  of  the  Russian 
armies  to  allow  the  institution  of  slavery  to  exist  in  Khiva, 
even  though  the  whole  of  that  country  had  not  come  under 
Russian  dominion,  but  the  most  impelling  reason  for  the  eman- 
cipation was,  that  slaves  who  had  run  away  from  their  masters 
had  begun  to  rob,  pillage,  and  murder  ;  and  the  masters,  fearing 
to  be  deprived  of  their  slaves,  were  imprisoning  and  torturing 
those  who  remained  to  prevent  them  from  running  away. 

On  June  24,  therefore,  by  the  direction  of  General  Kauf- 
mann, the  Khan  issued  an  order  to  his  people  abolishing  slavery, 
and  commanding  them  to  free  their  slaves  under  penalty  of 
severe  punishment.  The  slaves  were  to  be  allowed  to  remain 
in  Khiva  or  to  return  to  Persia,  as  they  chose.  Those  Persians 
wh  o  desired  to  return  to  their  country  were  ordered  to  collect 
at  the  bazaars — of  which  there  were  thirty-seven  in  the  Khan- 
ate— where  their  names  would  be  recorded  by  an  officer,  and 
then  they  could  choose  their  elders  and  go  to  the  village  of 
Naiman,  which  was  the  point  of  assembly.  From  thence,  in 
parties  of  five  or  six  hundred,  they  were  to  be  sent  to  Krasno- 
vodsk,  and  thence  on  Russian  steamers  to  Persia.  Some  of  them, 
however,  preferred  to  go  by  way  of  Mashad  ;  but  in  consequence 

VOL.    II.  A     A 


354  IURKISTAN. 

of  the  dangers  to  which  they  would  be  exposed  by  this  route 
from  Turkomans,  they  were  ordered  to  go  by  the  way  of  Kras- 
novodsk.  We  have  accounts  of  but  two  parties  actually  sent 
to  Krasnovodsk,  one  of  which  was  attacked  by  Turkomans,  when 
the  Persians  were  either  killed  or  reinslaved.1  There  were 
estimated  to  be  30,000  slaves  in  the  Khanate,  but  it  is  supposed 
that  not  more  than  5,000  of  these  were  actually  freed  before 
the  departure  of  the  Russians. 

During  the  encampment  of  the  troops  at  Khiva,  opportunity 
was  taken  to  make  surveys  of  the  country  lying  between  Khiva 
and  the  river,  as  well  as  of  the  chief  canals,  and  officers  were 
sent  to  study  the  resources  of  the  Khanate. 

In  order  to  collect  information  about  the  Turkomans  living 
within  the  Khivan  boundaries,  the  Orenburg  detachment  was 
despatched  on  July  1  to  Kunya  Urgentch,  and  from  thence 
to  Hodjeili,  while  Colonel  Grlukhofsky,  with  the  cavalry,  made 
an  expedition  to  Lake  Sary-Kamysh,  a  salt  lake  about  200  miles 
to  the  south-west,  in  order  to  investigate  the  old  channel  of  the 
Amu  Darya,  and  to  connect  the  surveys  of  Khiva  with  those  made 
in  the  preceding  years  by  topographers  sent  out  from  the 
Caucasus. 

On  both  these  expeditions  the  troops  were  everywhere  well 
received  by  the  natives,  who  not  only  professed  their  entire 
submission  but  showed  it  in  deeds,  as  they  provided  lodging 
and  provisions  for  the  troops  at  every  station  free  of  cost. 

In  spite  of  the  fact  that  the  guns  taken  by  the  Orenburg 
detachment  were  by  order  of  General  Kaufmann  delivered  up 
partly  to  him  and  partly  to  the  Khivans,  the  officers  of  the 
Tashkent  detachment  were  not  satisfied.  They  had  started  on 
the  campaign  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  decorations  and  in- 
creased rank.     There  had  been  great  intrigues  before  the  cam- 

1  A  letter  in  the  '  Moscow  Gazette  '  quoted  in  the  '  Journal  tie  St.  Petersbonrg,' 
October  12  (24),  1873,  says  a  courier  sent  from  Petro-Alexandrofsk,  in  coining  from 
Tashaur  to  Iliali,  saw  the  bodies  of  hundreds  of  Persians  who  had  been  massacred 
after  the  Russians  left  the  country. 

A  letter  from  Khiva  in  the  '  St.  Petersburg  Viedomosti,'  of  the  same  date,  says 
1,600  slaves  were  killed  since  the  departure  of  the  Russians. 

The  same  statement  is  repeated  in  the  '  Russki  Mir.' 

The  '  Moscow  Gazette  '  of  October  16  (28),  1873  says  a  courier  from  Shura-khaua 
to  Mangyshlak  saw  hundreds  of  corpses  of  Persians  by  the  roadside. 


THE   TURKOMAN   CAMPAIGN.  355 

paign  began  as  to  the  persons  who  should  accompany  it,  and 
further  intrigues  during  the  course  of  it  for  prominent  and 
advantageous  commands.  Decorations,  it  is  true,  had  been 
distributed  with  a  lavish  hand  for  the  skirmish  near  Khalata, 
as  well  as  for  all  those  on  the  banks  of  the  Amu  Darya.  Nearly 
every  officer  had,  three  times  at  least,  been  presented  for  reward 
— for  having  safely  made  the  march  over  the  desert,  for  having 
crossed  the  Amu  Darya,  and  for  having  reached  and  entered 
Khiva.  Still  there  had  been  no  actual  fight,  and  the  Cross  of 
St.  George — the  highest  esteemed  reward — could  not  be  given 
without  that.  Something  had  to  be  done,  and  it  was  suggested 
to  make  a  campaign  against  the  Turkomans.  Now  the  Turko- 
mans had  not  only  been  pardoned  equally  with  the  other  in- 
habitants of  the  Khanate  by  the  proclamation  of  General  Kauf- 
mann,  but  immediately  after  the  capture  of  Khiva,  and  before 
June  16,  the  Yomuds  had  sent  to  the  Eussian  camp  their  elders, 
whose  rank  and  importance  had  been  confirmed  by  the  assurance 
of  the  Khan,  with  proffers  of  submission.  These  proffers  had 
been  received,  and  they  had  been  promised  that  they  shoidd 
be  untouched  as  long  as  they  lived  quietly  and  neither  robbed 
nor  pillaged.  More  than  this,  the  expedition  of  Colonel 
Grlukhofsky  to  Sary-Karnish  had  been  in  the  very  midst  of  the 
Turkomans ;  the  officers  of  the  surveying  parties  had  lived 
among  them,  had  shared  their  hospitality,  and  had  been  treated 
with  the  greatest  kindness.  The  officers  of  the  Turkistan 
detachment,  on  their  march  back  to  Kunya  Urgentch  and 
Hodjeili,  spoke  in  the  highest  terms  of  the  honesty  and  straight- 
forwardness of  the  Turkomans  in  their  dealings,  and  considered 
them  as  faithful  friends  in  time  of  peace,  as  they  had  found 
them  bitter  and  brave  enemies  in  time  of  war. 

Still  it  was  not  difficult  to  find  reasons.  The  Turkomans, 
and  especially  the  Yomuds,  had  never  been  obedient  subjects 
of  the  Khan  ;  on  the  contrary,  they  had  exercised  control  over 
him.  When  the  Eussian  troops  retired  they  might  again 
assume  this  control,  and  excite  him  to  hostile  acts  against  the 
Russians.  It  was  said  that  peace  would  be  impossible  unless 
the  Turkomans  were  made  thoroughly  to  feel  the  Russian 
power,  and  that  the  Khan  even  would  not  be  able  to  pay  the 
money  obligations  which  he  was  entering  into  with  the  Eus- 
sians,  unless  he  succeeded  in  collecting  some  tribute  from  the 

A  A  2 


356  TURKISTAN. 

Turkomans — a  thing  which  before  had  been  of  very  rare  oc- 
currence. 

'  With  these  views  General  Kaufmann  decided  that,  profiting' 
by  the  presence  of  the  Kussian  troops  in  the  Khanate,  it  was 
necessary  in  some  degree  to  change  the  order  of  things  regarding 
the  Turkomans,  materially  and  morally,  by  subduing  their 
pride  and  their  license.' 1  It  was,  therefore,  determined  to  lay 
upon  the  Turkomans  a  penalty  of  300,000  rubles,  which  was  to 
be  their  share  of  the  indemnity  to  be  paid  by  the  Khan. 
General  Kaufmann  then  invited  to  Khiva  the  elders  of  the 
Yomud  Turkomans.  Within  a  week,  on  July  17,  seventeen  of 
the  twenty-five  elders  who  had  been  invited  presented  them- 
selves. '  This  delay  served  as  a  new  proof  how  strange  and 
unintelligible  it  was  to  the  Turkomans  to  be  obedient  and  to 
fulfil  the  orders  or  demands  of  anyone.' 2  When  they  were 
assembled  General  Kaufmann  informed  them  that  he  had  de- 
cided to  place  a  contribution  of  300,000  rubles  (41,000?.)  upon 
the  Yomuds,  of  which  one-third  must  be  paid  within  ten  days 
from  July  19,  and  the  remaining  200,000  rubles,  within  five 
days  more,  and  that  all  must  absolutely  be  paid  by  Sunday, 
August  3.  The  elders  declared  '  after  some  hesitation,'  as  the 
official  report  puts  it,  that  the  contribution  would  be  paid. 
It  was  no  wonder  that  they  hesitated.  The  Yomuds  were  a 
nomad  people,  whose  sole  wealth  consisted  in  their  flocks 
and  herds,  and  they  had  no  ready  cash.  It  was  impossible 
even  to  raise  it  by  the  sale  of  their  cattle  or  their  corn,  or 
even  of  the  jewels  and  ornaments  of  their  wives  and  daughters, 
for  where  were  the  purchasers  to  come  from  ?  And  what  was 
worse,  it  was  obligatory  to  pay  the  contribution  in  money  and 
not  in  kind. 

Then  followed  an  evident  breach  of  faith.  The  next  day,  July 
18,  five  of  the  elders  were  sent  back  to  their  families  and  tribes 
to  declare  the  necessity  of  paying  the  contribution,  while  the  re- 
maining twelve  were  retained  as  hostages  until  the  money  should 
all  be  paid.  As  if  to  make  it  still  more  evident  that  his  real 
meaning  was  war,  on  that  very  day  Greneral  Kaufmann,  by  a 
written  order  to   Greneral  Golovatchef,3  directed  the  forces  to 

1  Official  report.     '  Military  Journal,'  December,  1873. 

2  Ibid. 

3  No.  1167  dated  at  Khiva,  July  6  (18),  1873. 


ORDERS   FOR   BUTCHERY.  357 

inarch  and  attack  the  Turkomans  without  even  waiting1  for  the 
fifteen  days  to  expire.  After  stating  the  fact  that  the  contribution 
had  been  laid,  General  Kaufmann  went  on  to  say :  '  To  follow 
more  closely  the  payment  of  the  contribution  by  the  Yomuds, 
I  ask  your  Excellency  to  start  with  your  detachment  for  Hazavat 
on  July  7  (19),  and  to  encamp  in  a  suitable  place.  If  your 
Excellency  '  sees  that  the  Yomuds  are  not  occupying  them- 
selves with  getting  together  money,  but  are  assembling  for 
the  purpose  of  opposing  our  troops,  or  perhaps  even  for  leaving 
the  country,  I  order  you  immediately  to  move  upon  the 
settlements  of  the  Yomuds  which  are  placed  along  the  Hazavat 
canal  and  its  branches,  and  to  give  over  the  settlements  of  the 
Yomuds  and  their  families  to  complete  destruction,  and  their 
herds  and  property  to  confiscation.'' 

The  disposition  of  the  troops  was  to  be  such  as  to  cut  off 
the  Turkomans  from  the  steppe  and  to  surround  them,  so  that 
in  case  of  disobedience  they  should  have  no  hope  of  escape. 
Orders  were  the  same  day  sent  to  the  Commander  of  the  Oren- 
burg detachment,  directing  him  to  go  to  Kyzyl-takyr  and 
watch  the  Turkomans  there,  and  if  he  saw  the  least  sign  of 
opposition  to  the  troops,  or  a  desire  to  migrate  into  the  steppe, 

1  The  style  of  the  Russian  orders  is  worthy  of  remark.  The  amount  of  orders, 
despatches,  and  reports  written  during  a  short  campaign — for  the  rule  seems  to  be 
that  every  order  must  be  in  'writing — is  astonishing,  and  every  paper  is  written 
with  the  greatest  formality,  the  appellation  of  Excellency  and  the  full  official  rank 
being  used  in   every  possible  place.     As  a  consequence,   each  commander  of   a  ,JJ 

detachment  is  obliged  to  carry  with  him  a  large  staff  of  clerks  and  writers,  which  .'  J? 
seriously  impede  his  movements.  The  present  Minister  of  War,  seeing  the  diffi-  p\y 
culties  arising  from  this  system,  made  an  effort  to  change  it,  but  of  late  the  bureau- 
cratic formalities  seem  to  have  become  worse  than  ever.  Unfortunately  I  have 
lost  my  note  of  the  number  of  huge  volumes  filled  with  the  correspondence  of  the 
different  detachments  which  took  part  in  the  Khivan  campaign,  but  I  remember 
that  the  sight  of  them  both  astonished  and  amused  me.  As  an  example  of  this, 
in  the  official  report  published  in  the  '  Military  Journal,' November  and  December, 
1873,  the  first  report  mentioned  of  General  Kaufmann,  dated  March  21  (April  2), 
is  No.  76.  The  last,  of  September  3  (15),  is  2,309.  To  take  other  examples  at 
random,  the  report  of  General  Golovatchef,  dated  July  26  (August  7),  1873, 
is  No.  1,376.  That  of  Colonel  Sarantchef,  then  commanding  the  Turkislan 
detachment,  on  July  28  (August  0),  is  No.  1,321.  About  eighteen  days  later, 
on  August  15  (28),  he  had  reached  No.  1,495.  Colonel  Lomakin,  the  commander 
of  the  Mangyshlak  detachment,  on  September  1  (13),  issued  No.  416;  and  on 
September  19  (October  1),  No.  498.  These,  however,  are  nothing  to  what  the 
commander-in-chief  of  a  military  district  writes,  for  we  find  that  on  October  24 
(November  5),  1873,  the  commander  of  the  forces  in  the  Orenburg  military 
district  had  already  reached  No.  10,475  during  that  year. 


358  TUEKISTAN. 

or  assist  their  fellows  at  Hazavat  canal,  or  make  common  cause 
with  them,  to  proceed  at  once  to  the  work  of  slaughter. 

Greneral  Grolovatchef  set  out  on  July  19,  and  matters  went 
so  fast,  that  on  the  20th  and  21st  he  was  already  able  to  report 
that  the  Turkomans  showed  yet  no  signs  of  collecting  the  money, 
but,  on  the  contrary,  were  assembling  together  with  the  evident 
intention  either  of  running  away  or  of  attacking  the  troops,  and 
he  had  therefore,  owing  to  the  strict  orders  of  the  Commander- 
in-Chief,  felt  the  necessity  of  punishing  them,  and  had  burned 
their  villages  along  the  road.  These  reports  brought  out  another 
order  from  Greneral  Kaufmann,  July  10  (22),  No.  1,217, 
approving  of  his  conduct,  but  advising  him  to  preserve  the 
grain  rather  than  burn  it,  as  it  might  be  sold  or  used  by  the 
troops.  He  informed  him  also  that  he  had  allowed  the  hostages 
to  go  in  order  that  they  might  influence  their  tribes  and  save 
them  from  ruin.  He  further  added  :  '  If  the  Yomuds  become 
submissive,  stop  ravaging  them,  but  keep  watch  of  what  is 
being  done  among  them,  and  at  the  least  attempt  to  migrate, 
carry  out  my  order  for  the  final  extermination  of  the  disobe- 
dient tribe.'' 

Greneral  Grolovatchef  s  campaign  against  the  Turkomans 
lasted  until  July  30,  when  he  returned  to  Ilyali,  and  met  there 
the  Orenburg  detachment  under  Colonel  Sarantchef.  On  the 
25th,  27th,  28th,  and  29th,  there  was  some  hard  fighting  with 
the  enemy.  On  the  27th,  at  night,  Greneral  Grolovatchef  had 
intended  to  make  an  attack  upon  the  Turkoman  camp,  but 
just  as  he  was  about  starting,  his  own  camp  was  attacked  by 
the  Turkomans,  and  had  it  not  been  for  the  presence  of  mind 
of  the  commander  of  the  sharpshooters,  the  Eussians  would 
probably  have  all  been  massacred. 

In  the  meantime  the  Turkomans  had  cut  off  communication 
between  Greneral  Grolovatchef  and  Khiva,  and  for  five  days 
Greneral  Kaufmann  received  no  reports.  He  therefore  decided 
to  advance  to  the  assistance  of  Grolovatchef,  and  left  Khiva  on 
July  27,  reaching  Ilyali  on  the  31st. 

The  butchery  and  the  destruction  by  the  troops  had  been  so 
great  that  the  Turkomans  now  showed  signs  of  yielding,  and 
on  August  1  Greneral  Kaufmann  received  deputations  asking  for 
mercy,  and  promising  to  return  to  their  former  habitations. 
The  next  day  he  assembled  the  elders  of  several  tribes,  and 


ACCOUNT   OF  AN  EYE-WITNESS.  359 

insisted  on  receiving  in  twelve  days'  time  a  contribution  to  the 
amount  of  310,000  rubles.  Finding-  out,  however,  that  they 
had  little  ready  money,  he  proposed  to  them  to  pay  half  the 
sum  in  camels.  To  help  in  raising  this  sum  the  Turkoman 
women  had  to  strip  themselves  of  all  their  ornaments,  and 
bring  them  into  the  Russian  camp  for  sale  at  whatever  prices 
could  be  obtained.  Every  necklace  and  bracelet  thus  given 
up  will  leave  a  long  legacy  of  hatred.1 

At  the  end  of  the  appointed  time,  August  14,  the  Turko- 
mans had  succeeded  in  paying  only  one-third  of  the  sum 
demanded,  and  as  General  Kaufmann  thought  it  unwise  to  forgive 
the  remainder,  he  retained  twenty-seven  influential  Turkomans  as 
hostages  until  the  whole  amount  should  be  paid.  The  next  day 
he  returned  from  Ilyali  with  the  Tashkent  detachment  to  Khiva, 
and  in  passing  through  the  lands  of  the  Yomud  tribe  of  Bairam- 
Shaly,  he  demanded  of  them  a  further  contribution  of  108,000 
rubles,  and  took  fourteen  of  their  elders  and  influential  chiefs  as 
hostages. 

It  is  impossible  here  to  enter  into  the  details,  interesting  as 
they  may  be,  of  the  Turkoman  campaign,  which  indeed  were 
excellently  set  out  by  Mr.  MacGahan,  who  accompanied  the  ex- 
pedition.2 In  addition  to  his  account,  the  report  of  another 
eye-witness  may  perhaps  be  interesting.  It  was  taken  down 
from  his  own  lips  : — 

'  When  we  had  gone  about  twenty-five  miles  from  Khiva, 
General  Golovatchef  said  before  a  large  number  of  officers  in  my 
presence  :  "  I  have  received  an  order  from  the  Commander-in- 
Chief  -  I  hope  you  will  remember  it  and  give  it  to  your  soldiers. 
This  expedition  does  not  spare  either  sex  or  age.  Kill  all  of 
them."  After  this  the  officers  delivered  this  command  to  their 
several  detachments.  The  detachment  of  the  Caucasus  army 
had  not  then  arrived,  but  came  that  evening.  Golovatchef 
called  together  the  officers  of  the  Caucasus  and  said :  "  I  hope 
you  will  fulfil  all  these  commands  strictly  in  the  Circassian 
style,  without  a  question.  You  are  not  to  spare  either  sex  or 
age.  Kill  all  of  them."  The  old  Colonel  of  the  Caucasus  said, 
"  Certainly,  we  will  do  exactly  as  you  say." 

1  These  Turkoman  ornaments  were  subsequently  exhibited  at  St.  Petersburg, 
and  at  the  Geographical  Congress  at  Paris  in  1875. 

2  'Campaigning  on  the  Oxus.'     London,  1874. 


360  TUEKISTAN. 

*  On  the  7th,  when  we  began  to  meet  the  Turkomans,  these 
orders  were  again  brought  to  mind,  and  nearly  everyone  whom 
we  met  was  killed.  The  Cossacks  seemed  to  get  quite  furious, 
and  rushed  on  them  with  their  sabres,  cuttiug  everybody  down, 
whether  a  small  child  or  an  old  man.  I  saw  several  such  cases. 
I  remember  one  case  in  particular  which  I  could  not  look  at 
for  more  than  a  moment,  and  rode  hastily  by.  A  mother,  who 
had  been  riding  on  horseback  with  three  children,  was  lying 
dead.  The  eldest  child  was  dead  also.  The  youngest  had  a 
sabre  cut  through  its  arm,  and  while  crying  was  wiping  off  the 
blood.  The  other  child,  a  little  older,  who  was  trying  to  wake  up 
the  dead  mother,  said  to  me  uTiura — stop."  The  Turkomans 
were  much  enraged  at  these  things,  and  cut  one  Cossack  into 
pieces  before  our  eyes. 

'  On  the  1 3th  we  were  in  camp,  and  the  camp  of  the  enemy 
was  ail  about  us.  We  saw  them  on  every  side.  They  seemed 
to  be  numberless.  We  had  a  picket  of  eight  men  with  an 
officer  stationed  on  a  little  mound  in  front  of  the  camp.  Of 
course  on  the  attack  of  the  enemy  the  pickets  are  at  once 
withdrawn.  This  was  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon.  Suddenly 
we  saw  all  the  soldiers  raise  their  muskets  to  fire,  and  an  officer 
raise  his  sabre.  A  sotnia  of  Cossacks  was  ready  on  horseback, 
but  the  Greneral  did  not  seem  to  understand,  and  did  not  order 
them  to  advance. 

'  Suddenly  we  saw  some  Turkomans  creeping  up  from  the 
reeds  on  one  side.  A  number  of  Cossacks,  without  order,  at  once 
started  forth,  but  before  they  could  ride  200  paces,  the  men  in 
the  picket  were  entirely  cut  to  pieces  without  having  had  the 
chance  to  fire  a  shot,  the  Turkomans  having  stolen  in  the  mean- 
time sixty  camels  from  different  parts  of  the  camp,  where  they 
were  out  of  reach.  The  men  were  frightfully  mutilated.  We 
ouried  them  the  same  day.  The  Cossacks  were  greatly  enraged 
at  this. 

'The  next  day  we  stayed  in  camp  waiting  for  the  Turkomans, 
but  none  came.  On  the  1 5th  we  were  constantly  on  our  guard. 
At  midnight  the  Greneral  ordered  a  wagenbury  to  be  constructed 
at  once.  My  men  aroused  me  and  told  me  of  this,  but  I  went 
to  sleep,  and  told  them  to  go  on  and  take  my  tilings  there  as 
last  as  possible,  but  let  me  sleep.  Everybody  was  working 
as  hard   as   possible,  for  an    attack    on  the    enemy    had  been 


A  NIGHT   ATTACK.  36. 

ordered  for  early  dawn,  before  they  had  made  their  morning 
prayers  and  ablutions.  The  wagenburg  was  only  half  done 
when  the  order  was  given  to  advance,  and  contrary  to  all  rules 
the  cavalry  was  sent  out  first.  They  went  along  a  narrow  road 
intersected  with  canals,  not  noticing  that  many  Turkomans 
were  lying  hidden  in  the  grass  on  each  side.  After  going- 
some  distance  they  suddenly  found  themselves  face  to  face  with 
a  large  body  of  Turkoman  cavalry  across  the  road,  whose  inten- 
tion was  to  take  the  camp.  The  Cossacks  turned  face  and  fled, 
followed  by  the  Turkomans,  and  all  hurried  in  one  mass  into  the 
camp.  The  utmost  confusion  ensued,  and  for  twenty  minutes  I 
did  not  hear  a  single  command  or  see  any  order,  and  we  thought 
that  the  whole  affair  was  lost,  until  the  commander  of  the 
rocket-battery  brought  his  rockets  into  play.  The  rockets 
were  damp,  and  for  a  time  did  not  explode.  At  last  two  went  off 
well,  and  the  Turkomans  who  were  coming  on  were  much 
frightened,  thinking  it  some  new  form  of  warfare.  While  the 
Turkomans  were  still  in  confusion,  the  commander  of  the  sharp- 
shooters brought  his  men  up  and  put  in  line  one  company  after 
another,  who  immediately  opened  fire  on  the  enemy.  The 
Turkomans  made  several  charges,  and  each  time  were  repulsed 
by  the  steady  fire  of  the  sharpshooters.  Several  hundred  bodies 
were  left  on  the  ground.  Grolovatchef  was  not  wounded  until 
after  the  affair  was  quite  over.  When  the  enemy  were  re- 
treating, and  though  still  in  sight,  Golovatchef  came  up  and 
rode  along  the  line,  thanking  the  soldiers  for  their  valiant  con- 
duct. As  he  rode  along  the  line  of  the  sharpshooters  near  the 
end,  a  single  Turkoman  lay  in  ambush  in  the  grass.  He  sud- 
denly rushed  out,  and  with  a  cry  attacked  Grolovatchef  with 
uplifted  sabre  and  wounded  him  on  the  wrist.  He  again  raised 
his  sabre  and  would  undoubtedly  have  killed  him  had  not  a 
soldier  in  the  line  pierced  him  with  his  bayonet.  The  soldier 
received  the  thanks  of  the  General  and  a  cross. 

'That  same  day  and  the  next  we  began  to  pursue  the  Turko- 
mans, who  were  very  much  disheartened  by  the  result  of  their 
attack.  We  burned — as  we  had  done  before — graiu,  houses, 
and  everything  which  we  met,  and  the  cavalry,  which  was  in 
advance,  cut  down  every  person,  man,  woman,  or  child.  Many 
of  the  men  had  gone,  although  a  few  of  them  got  up  and  fired 
at  us.    They  were  generally  women  and  children  whom  we  met. 


362  TUEKISTAN. 

I  saw  much  cruelty.     The  infantry  came   at  a  run  behind, 
running  fully  eighteen  miles,  and  continued  the  work  of  murder. 

'This  continued  on  the  16th  and  17th.  On  the  night  of  the 
16th  we  had  a  severe  fright.  We  took  care  to  be  far  enough 
off  from  the  camp  of  the  Turkomans,  and  we  posted  extra 
guards,  besides  throwing  up  a  small  fortification.  As  an  extra 
precaution  the  soldiers  were  commanded  to  sleep  with  their 
rifles,  and  not  to  stack  them,  lest  the  Turkomans  should  make  a 
sudden  rush  and  carry  them  off.  In  the  middle  of  the  night 
nine  Persians  ran  away  from  the  Turkomans  and  came  to  us. 
Two  soldiers  on  guard  saw  their  tall  caps  in  the  dark,  and  taking 
them  for  Turkomans  they  fired  at  them,  killing  one.  This 
caused  instant  alarm  in  the  camp,  and  much  worse  confusion 
prevailed  than  on  the  loth.  The  soldiers  rushed  for  their 
muskets,  and  not  finding  them  stacked — forgetting  entirely  that 
they  had  them  on  the  ground  with  them — were  in  the  wildest 
disorder,  all  exclaiming  in  one  voice  that  the  Turkomans  had 
made  an  attack  and  carried  off  the  muskets.  It  was  some  time 
before  they  recollected  that  they  had  slept  with  them  instead  of 
stacking  them  as  usual.  I  saw  Grolovatchef  in  his  shirt  sur- 
rounded by  a  lot  of  soldiers  with  their  bayonets  presented.  He 
asked  me  what  I  had  seen,  and  I  told  him  "Nothing,"  that  I 
found  it  was  only  a  false  alarm.  He  waited  some  little  while, 
and  soon  everybody  was  laughing  over  the  adventures  of  the 
night.  Colonel  N. — a  very  nervous  man — went  crying  before 
the  regiment,  saying  that  the  Turkomans  had  cut  his  throat, 
and  continually  spat,  saying  that  it  was  blood,  and  it  was 
some  time  before  he  got  over  the  delusion. 

'  The  rest  of  the  night  passed  quietly.  The  next  day  we 
continued  burning  carts  and  grain,  and  this  was  the  time  when 
the  Duke  of  Leuchtenberg  was  nearly  killed.  He  was  com- 
manding four  sotnias  of  Cossacks,  and  imprudently  went  on  in 
advp^nce.  Four  Cossacks  went  ahead  of  him,  and  crossed  a  little 
bridge  over  a  canal ;  a  Turkoman  rushed  out,  holding  his  pike 
by  both  hands,  knocked  over  two  of  them  at  once,  and  wounded 
the  other  two.  The  Duke  of  Leuchtenberg  went  on  apparently 
without  noticing  this.  "We  were  all  on  the  roadside,  I  was  close 
behind  him.  He  pulled  up  to  one  side  to  allow  the  Cossacks  to 
cross  the  bridge.  Seeing  the  Turkoman,  I  thought  that  the 
Duke  would  certain!  v  be  killed;  I  rushed  behind  him,  took  out 


THE  TREATY  OF  PEACE.  363 

my  excellent  American  rifle  with  explosive  bullets,  and  aiming 
from  behind  him  I  fired  at  the  Turkoman  at  a  distance  of  about 
thirty  feet,  and  fortunately  killed  him.  I  thought  at  first  I 
had  shot  the  Duke,  for  he  put  up  his  hand  to  his  head  and  came 
near  falling1  from  his  horse.  The  ball  must  have  passed  within 
three  inches  of  his  ear.  He  immediately  asked  who  it  was,  and 
the  soldiers  all  called  out  "  Grromof !  "  and  then  he  jumped  to 
the  ground,  kissed  me,  and  thanked  me.' 

Notwithstanding  the  facts  stated  by  Mr.  Gromof,  from  all 
the  information  I  have  been  able  to  collect,  I  quite  agree  with 
Mr.  MacGahan,  that  General  Golovatchef  personally  is  innocent 
of  the  savagery  which  accompanied  the  Turkoman  campaign. 
He  did  nothing  but  unwillingly  obey  imperative  orders,  and 
tried  rather  to  mitigate  than  to  increase  their  effect. 

Before  the  departure  of  the  troops  from  Ilyali,  General 
Kaufmann  sent  Colonel  Scobelef  to  investigate  the  road  from 
Zmukshir  to  Ortakuya,  the  place  which  the  detachment  of 
Markozof  had  not  been  able  to  reach.  Leaving  Zmukshir  on 
August  16,  Colonel  Scobelef  went  south-west  as  far  as  the  wells 
of  Nefes-guli,  six  miles  from  Ortakuya,  and  returned  on 
August  23  to  Khiva,  having  ridden  373  miles  in  seven  days. 

His  reports  and  propositions  having  been  approved  by  the 
Emperor,  on  August  24,  the  day  after  his  return  from  the 
expedition,  General  Kaufmann  signed  a  treaty  of  peace  with 
the  Khan  of  Khiva,  the  main  provisions  of  which  were  as 
follows : — The  Khan  acknowledged  himself  as  the  faithful 
servant  of  the  Emperor  of  Eussia,  and  renounced  all  direct 
friendly  communications  with  the  neighbouring  Sovereigns  and 
Khans,  and  the  closing  of  any  treaties  witli  them,  engaging 
himself  at  the  same  time  to  undertake  no  military  expedition 
without  the  knowledge  and  consent  of  the  Kussian  authorities. 
The  frontier  between  the  two  countries  was  to  be  the  Amu 
Darya,  following  its  westernmost  branch  to  the  Sea  of  Aral, 
thence  along  the  shore  of  that  sea  to  Cape  Urgu,  and  thence 
along  the  southern  slope  of  the  Ust-urt  to  the  supposed  former 
old  bed  of  the  Amu  Darya.  All  the  right  bank  of  the  Amu  Darya 
and  the  territory  on  that  side  previously  belonging  to  Khiva 
was  annexed  to  Kussia.  The  navigation  of  the  Amu  Darya  was 
exclusively  reserved  for  Kussian  boats,  but  Khivan  and  Buk- 
haran  barges  could  have  the  right  of  navigating  it  bv  special 


364  TURKESTAN. 

permission  from  the  Eussian  authorities.  The  Eussians  gained 
the  right  to  establish  ports,  factories,  and  depots  on  the  left 
bank  wherever  they  wished,  the  safety  of  which  was  to  be 
guaranteed  by  the  Khan.  The  towns  and  villages  of  the  Khan- 
ate were  to  be  opened  to  Eussian  commerce,  and  Eussian  mer- 
chants and  caravans  could  travel  freely  through  the  country. 
Eussian  merchants  who  carried  on  trade  with  the  Khanate 
were  to  be  exempt  from  zekat,  or  any  trade  duty,  and  were  to 
enjoy  the  right  of  gratuitous  transport  for  their  merchandise 
from  Khiva  into  the  neighbouring  countries.  They  coidd  also 
have  resident  agents,  could  acquire  landed  property,  and  could 
be  taxed  only  by  agreement  with  the  Eussian  authorities. 
Commercial  engagements  between  Eussians  and  Khivans  were 
to  be  strictly  respected,  and  all  complaints  of  Eussians  against 
Khivans  were  to  be  at  once  examined  and  satisfied.  Eussians 
were  to  have  priority  over  Khivans  for  the  settlement  of  their 
accounts.  Complaints  of  Khivans  against  Eussian  subjects  were 
to  be  submitted  to  the  nearest  Eussian  authorities.  No  persons 
of  any  nationality  coming  from  Eussia  were  to  be  admitted 
without  a  proper  Eussian  passport,  and  criminals  were  to  be 
immediately  returned.  Slavery  was  to  remain  abolished. 
Finally,  an  indemnity  of  2,200,000  rubles  (274,000^.)  was 
imposed  on  the  Khanate  to  cover  the  expenses  of  the  war,  but 
as  the  revenues  of  the  Amir  were  insufficient  to  cover  this 
amount,  it  was  to  be  paid  by  terms  with  interest  at  five  per 
cent.  These  payments  were  fixed  at  100,000  rubles  for  the  first 
two  years,  and  gradually  increased  until  1881,  when  they  were 
to  be  200,000  rubles  a  year,  and  were  to  be  paid  either  in 
Eussian  paper  money  or  in  silver.  The  first  payment  was  to 
be  made  on  December  1  (13),  1873,  and  the  last  payment  on 
November  1  (13),  1893. 

By  the  strictness  of  these  conditions,  and  especially  by  that 
which  agreed  to  annual  payments  of  large  sums  out  of  a  very 
meagre  revenue  for  twenty  years,  Eussia  secured  the  right  of 
intervening  in  the  Khanate  at  the  slightest  provocation.  As 
if  to  render  it  impossible  for  the  Foreign  Office  at  St.  Peters- 
burg to  reject  the  treaty,  it  was  published  in  the  '  Turkistan 
Gazette  '  at  Tashkent  before  the  authorities  at  St.  Petersburg 
had  had  time  to  consider  it.  The  annexation  of  the  right  bank 
of  the  Amu  Darya  called  out  many  expressions  of  discontent  in 


OFFICIAL  EXPLANATIONS.  365 

the  English  newspapers,  as  it  seemed  in  disaccord  with  the 
promise  of  Count  Schouvalof  when  he  was  in  London  in  1873 
previous  to  the  Khivan  expedition.1  The  reproaches  of  the 
English  press  had,  perhaps,  some  foundation,  and  certainly 
touched  a  sore  spot  at  St.  Petersburg.  The  official  journal, 
therefore,  in  printing  the  treaty,  published  an  account  of  the 
reasons  which  had  forced  Russia  to  take  this  step.2 

After  speaking  of  the  various  attempts  to  bring  the  Khan 
to  reason,  the  article  goes  on  to  say :  '  After  the  want  of  success 
of  these  reiterated  attempts,  an  expedition  was  decided  upon. 
Its  aim  was  first  to  chastise  the  Khan  for  the  past,  and  then 
to  create  such  a  state  of  things  as  would  protect  our  subjects 
from  the  Khivan s  and  Turkomans,  and  render  possible  the 
development  of  pacific  commercial  relations.  The  special 
difficulty  of  this  problem  was  that  the  fundamental  bases  of  all 
the  states  of  Central  Asia  are  so  precarious  and  so  unstable, 
that  it  was  to  be  feared  that  in  inflicting  a  merited  chastise- 
ment upon  Khiva  that  country  would  cease  to  exist  as  an 
independent  state.  Such  a  result  would  have  in  no  way 
coincided  with  the  views  of  our  Grovernment,  which  hitherto 
has  used  its  constant  efforts  to  sustain  and  consolidate  the 
autonomous  existence  of  the  other  states  bordering  on  us  in 
Central  Asia,  as,  for  instance,  Bukhara  and  Khokand.  When 
Khiva  had  been  occupied,  and  we  were  able  to  study  the 
conditions  of  the  life  of  the  country,  we  became  convinced 
that  even  with  the  best  will  on  the  part  of  the  Khan  and  his 
counsellors  to  keep  up  good  and  neighbourly  relations  with  us 

1  The  Eussians  knew  very  well  the  English  opinion  about  an  expedition  to 
Khiva  from  the  questions  which  had  been  put  to  them  before  it  was  mooted.  It 
■wis  understood  at  the  time  in  St.  Petersburg  that  up  to  this  point  the  English 
had  been  careful  to  say  nothing  about  the  expedition  proposed  at  that  time,  in 
order  not  to  complicate  the  question  of  the  Afghan  boundary.  The  statement  of 
Count  Schouvalof  was  consequently  in  a  measure  unasked  for.  It  -was  believed, 
therefore,  that  he  was  unauthorised  to  make  it  in  its  fullest  extent  as  a  promise  on 
the  part  of  the  Emperor,  but  merely  as  an  expression  of  the  Emperor's  inten- 
tions at  the  time.  It  was  seen  that  Khiva  was  an  indefinite  term,  that  could  apply 
either  to  the  city  or  to  the  Khanate.  The  city,  indeed,  was  not  by  the  treaty 
to  be  occupied  by  the  Russians.  Unfortunately,  the  intentions  of  the  Emperor 
and  of  the  Government  at  St.  Petersburg  in  this,  as  in  other  cases,  were  over- 
ridden by  the  inexorable  logic  of  facts.  Circumstances  arose  which  made  it 
impossible  to  carry  out  these  intentions.  For  a  strong  opinion  on  this  subject 
see  Sir  H.  Rawlinson's  '  England  and  Russia  in  the  East,'  p.  381.     London,  1875. 

2  '  Government  Messenger,'  November  30    December  12),  1873. 


366  TTJKKISTAN. 

he  lacked  the  force  necessary  for  the  purpose,  for  his  influence 
over  the  nomad  and  semi-nomad  Turkomans  was  intermittent. 
Often  it  is  null,  and  it  sometimes  happens  that  he,  as  well  as" 
his  subjects,  have  to  submit  to  the  ascendency  of  these  brigands 
of  the  steppes. 

'  Thus  after  the  departure  of  the  troops  of  our  expedition 
the  same  depredations  and  incursions  would  infallibly  have 
begun  again  and  would  have  demanded  a  new  punishment,  and 
then  no  effort  of  ours  would  have  succeeded  in  preserving  the 
autonomous  existence  of  Khiva. 

'  It  became,  therefore,  necessary  to  provide  against  a  contin- 
gency so  little  to  be  desired,  which  would  have  exposed  us  to 
great  sacrifices  and  to  a  grave  deviation  from  the  programme 
of  our  policy  in  Central  Asia. 

'  For  this  reason  it  was  judged  indispensable  to  establish  a 
fortified  point  provided  with  a  sufficient  garrison,  in  order  to 
guard  our  frontier  against  the  attacks  of  the  brigands,  to  pro- 
tect our  caravans  and  those  of  the  Khivans,  and  at  the  same 
time  to  support  the  Khan  if  he  were  threatened  by  the  Turko- 
mans. The  best  point  to  choose  for  the  establishment  of  this 
fort  would  have  been  the  southern  coast  of  the  Sea  of  Aral, 
which  would  have  ensured  us  a  communication  by  water  with 
the  mouths  of  the  Syr  Darya.  Unfortunately  this  coast  was 
covered  with  continuous  marshes,  presenting  no  locality  favour- 
able to  the  erection  of  a  fortified  station.  It  therefore  became 
necessary  to  construct  this  fort  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Amu 
Darya.  Besides  this,  it  was  necessary  to  assure  the  communi- 
cations of  the  fort  and  its  garrison  with  the  province  of  Tur- 
kistan.  Without  speaking  of  the  difficulties  of  navigation  of 
the  Lower  Amu  Darya—  in  winter  it  becomes  entirely  im- 
passable, and  there  is  no  other  way  than  the  Steppe — it  was 
judged  indispensable  to  annex  to  our  possessions  the  arid  desert 
which  extends  between  this  fort  and  the  province  of  Turkistan. 
Certainly,  if  any  other  guarantee  could  have  been  found  which 
would  have  effectually  assured  us  for  the  future,  the  preference 
would  have  been  given  to  it.  But  sterile  and  burdensome  as 
such  acquisition  is  to  us,  it  was  inevitable,  seeing  the  Khan  of 
Khiva  had  declared  he  would  be  able  to  fulfil  his  obligations 
towards  us  only  upon  the  absolute  condition  of  having  a  Kussian 
fort  near  him  as  well  as  a  body  of  Kussian  troops.     His  wishes 


THE  RUSSIANS  WITHDRAW.  367 

went  even  further.  He  asked  again  and  again  that  Russian 
troops  should  in  future  be  maintained  in  the  very  city  of  Khiva. 
Besides,  as  has  been  said  above,  this  solution  was  the  only  one 
to  guarantee  our  frontiers  and  commerce,  and  thus  avoid  in 
future  the  necessity  of  a  new  expedition  with  all  the  conse- 
quences that  would  follow,  that  is,  the  definitive  destruction 
of  the  Khanate  of  Khiva,  a  consequence  which  would  be 
entirely  contrary  to  our  political  principles  and  our  views  upon 
Central  Asia.' 

Two  months  having  elapsed  since  the  capture  of  the  city  of 
Khiva,  and  arrangements  having  been  made,  as  it  was  supposed, 
for  the  settled  government  of  the  Khanate,  the  troops  took 
their  departure.  The  Mangyshlak  detachment  left  Khiva  on 
August  21,  arriving  on  the  30th  at  Kungrad,  and  pursuing  a 
more  favourable  route  than  they  had  taken  on  the  advance, 
they  reached  Kinderli  on  September  24,  having  marched  in 
going  and  returning  1,120  miles.  Ey  October  18  the  troops 
had  returned  to  Petrofsk  in  the  Caucasus. 

The  Orenburg  detachment,  after  the  Turkoman  campaign, 
remained  at  Kyzyl-Takyr,  and  subsequently  had  been  stationed 
for  some  days  at  Kunya  Urgentch.  Starting  from  there  on 
August  13,  they  arrived  at  Emba  on  October  6,  where  they 
separated,  returning  to  their  old  quarters  at  Uralsk,  Orenburg, 
and  Orsk.  Without  counting  the  moves  made  against  the 
Turkomans  at  Sary  Kamysh,  this  detachment  had  marched  over 
1,800  miles.  The  Turkistan  detachment  arrived  at  Hanki  on 
August  24,  and  spent  ten  days  in  crossing  the  Amu  Darya — a 
work  of  some  difficulty,  as  the  river  there  was  divided  into 
three  branches,  and  it  was  necessary  to  cross  two  islands, 
changing  the  baggage  each  time  from  the  boats  to  carts. 
Remaining  some  time  on  the  other  side  of  the  river  Shura- 
khana,  where  they  were  occupied  in  building  the  new  fortress 
of  Petro-Alexandrofsk,  the  troops  finally  started  from  that  point 
on  September  17,  the  cavalry  being  directed  to  go  across  the 
Kyzyl  Kum  to  Perovsky,  and  the  rest  of  the  forces  taking  the 
former  route  by  way  of  Khalata  and  Jizakh,  and  by  October 
25,  the  last  echelon  had  arrived  in  Tashkent.  The  whole 
march,  there  and  back,  was  1,190  miles. 

General  Kaufmann's  reward  for  the  Khivan  campaign  con- 
sisted in  the  Cross  of  St.  George  of  the  second  class,  given  for 


368  TURKISTAN. 

the  defeat  in  a  pitched  battle  of  the  enemy's  army,  consisting 
of  at  least  50,000  men,  or  for  the  capture  of  an  enemy's 
country.  Although  this  was  not  exactly  what  he  desired,  as  he 
had  expected  to  be  made  Count  of  Khiva  in  the  event  of  the  suc- 
cessful termination  of  the  campaign,  yet  it  placed  him  in  the 
first  rank  of  Eussian  Generals,  since  there  were  only  four  or  five 
others  who  had  received  similar  decorations,  and  of  the  cavaliers 
of  the  first  class  there  were  none,  except  the  Emperor  of 
Germany,  who  had  received  it  for  the  battle  of  Konigsgratz. 

The  other  officers  were  suitably  rewarded,  and  the  men 
received  each  a  medal  to  be  worn  in  memory  of  their  participa- 
tion in  the  campaign  and  a  ruble  each  extra  pay.1 

The  officials  in  Turkistan,  however,  took  care  that  other 
honours  should  be  in  store  for  the  troops  on  their  return. 
Orders  were  issued  that  voluntary  subscriptions  should  be  made 
for  a  memorial  to  General  Kaufmann  and  the  Khivan  cam- 
paign, which  was  to  take  the  form  of  a  scholarship  at  some 
university.  As  these  orders  were  issued  by  their  superiors,  no 
officer  felt  at  liberty  to  decline  a  subscription.  In  addition  to 
this  the  inhabitants  at  Tashkent  raised  triumphal  arches  and 
spent  a  large  sum  of  money  for  General  Kaufmann's  reception. 
The  sum  taken  from  the  native  population  of  Tashkent  for  this 
purpose,  under  the  head  of  '  general  expenditure,'  was  at  one 
time  15,000  rubles,  and  at  another  time  a  sum  of  nearly 
an  equal  amount.  Seeing  what  was  being  done  in  other 
places,  Colonel  Golof,  the  Prefect  of  Perovsky,  had  so  far  pre- 
vailed upon  the  Kirghiz  that  they  in  the  same  voluntary 
way  subscribed  3,000  rubles  for  the  Khivan  memorial. 

The  cost  of  the  expedition  it  is  impossible  to  estimate  with 
accuracy.  When  the  campaign  was  decided  upon  General 
Kaufmann  asked  the  ministry  of  finance  for  300,000  rubles,  but 
this  sum  was  expended  long  before  the  troops  had  actually  left 
Tashkent.  The  only  data  that  have  yet  been  published  are 
those  for  the  expenses  of  provisions  and  transport  of  the 
Orenburg  detachment,  which  amount  to  1,423,735  rubles 
(nearly  208,000/-.).  On  this  basis  the  expedition  must  have 
cost  at  least  7,000,000  rubles  (nearly  a  million  sterling).  The 
expenses  of  the  expedition  were,  however,  in  a  slight  degree 

1  The  best  paid  private  soldier  in   tlio  Russian   army  receives,  besides   rations 
and  uniform,  only  3r.  60k.  (or  about  ten  shillings)  per  annum. 


THE  AMU   DARYA   RAYON.'  369 

lessened  by  not  paying  for  the   camels  which   had  been  used, 
although  unfortunately  the  loss  fell  upon  the  poor  Kirghiz. 

The  Tashkent  detachment,  as  I  have  already  stated,  took 
8,800  camels  from  the  various  districts,  for  which  they  agreed 
to  pay  50  rubles  each  in  case  the  animals  died.  As  the 
camels  nearly  all  perished,  it  became  necessary  to  pay  400,000 
rubles.  The  Prefect  of  Perovsky,  thinking  this  a  good  occasion 
for  showing  his  zeal,  and  the  good  feeling  of  the  Kirghiz  popu- 
lation of  his  district,  informed  the  people  that  the  Eussian 
Government  would  never  pay  for  these  camels,  and  that  it 
would  be  much  better  to  make  a  present  of  them  to  the 
Eussians.  By  the  use  of  threats  and  proper  persuasions,  he 
succeeded  in  getting  them  to  sign  an  address  to  General  Kauf- 
mann  to  that  effect.  His  example  was  followed  in  some  of  the 
other  districts,  and  the  result  is  that  most  of  the  inhabitants 
feel  that  they  have  been  actually  robbed  of  the  camels  by  the 
Government.  The  action  of  the  Kirghiz  was  reported  to  the 
authorities  at  St.  Petersburg,  and  before  the  real  explanation 
of  the  matter  had  become  known  there — although  as  late  as  June 
4  (16),  1874 — General  Kaufmann  succeeded  in  obtaining  a 
rescript  signed  by  the  Emperor  thanking  the  inhabitants  of  the 
province  of  Turkistan  for  their  noble  conduct,  and  their  loyalty 
expressed  by  such  a  great  sacrifice. 

The  newly  annexed  territory  at  the  mouth  of  the  Amu 
Darya,  to  which  was  given  the  name  of  Amu  Darya  Eayon,  con- 
tained about  216,000  inhabitants,  the  majority  of  whom  were 
nomad  Kirghiz,  Karakalpaks,  and  Turkomans-  and  five  towns, 
the  chief  of  which  were  Shura-khana  and  Tchimbai. 

The  region  was  not  very  productive,  but  it  was  thought 
that  by  putting  a  tax  of  3  rubles  60  kopeks  on  each  of  the 
6,000  settled  population,  and  a  tax  of  3  rubles  per  head  on  the 
others,  that,  together  with  the  bazaar  and  trade  duties,  a 
revenue  of  200,000  rubles  per  annum  could  be  obtained.  To 
keep  the  province  in  order,  a  fort  was  built  in  the  garden 
belonging  to  the  Vizier  Mat  Niaz,  six  miles  from  the  ferry  at 
Hanki,  and  two  from  Shura-khana.  This  was  garrisoned  by 
nine  companies  of  infantry  and  four  sotnias  of  Cossacks,  while 
the  works  themselves  were  defended  by  four  guns,  four  mortars, 
and  several  cannon  taken  at  Khiva.     The  chief  command  of 

VOL.  II.  B  B 


370  TURKISTAN. 

the  troops,   as  well  as  of  the  district,  was  given  to  Colonel 
Ivariof. 

It  had  been  foreseen  by  many  persons  acquainted  with 
affairs  of  Central  Asia,  that  the  campaign  against  the  Turko- 
mans would  excite  them  against  Eussian  rule,  would  cause 
them  to  take  the  first  opportunity  of  attacking  the  Khan  as 
well  as  the  Eussian  troops,  and  would  lead  to  serious  results. 
The  Grovernor-Greneral  of  Orenburg  stated  with  regard  to  this, 
that  it  would  be  necessary  to  repeat  expeditions  against  the 
Turkomans  for  many  years,  that  the  region  of  Khiva  would 
become  a  second  Caucasus,  and  that  in  the  end  the  Eussians 
would  probably  be  obliged  to  take  Merv. 

This  prediction  was  not  long  in  being  partly  realised.  In 
October  1873,  the  Yomuds,  out  of  revenge  against  the  Khan 
and  the  Uzbeks  and  the  Kirghiz  who  had  favoured  the  Eussians, 
began  plundering  the  towns  and  villages,  and  compelled  the 
Kirghiz  to  seek  shelter  on  the  Eussian  or  right  bank  of  the  Amu 
Darya.  A  little  before,  a  caravan  of  100  camels,  transporting 
stores  to  Petro-Alexandrofsk  from  Khalata,  was  attacked  and 
pillaged  by  a  band  of  Tekke  Turkomans.  Another  caravan 
coming  down  the  river  from  Bukhara  to  Khiva,  was  attacked  by 
Turkomans,  who  fired  upon  it,  and  forced  the  men  to  abandon 
their  boats. 

The  Eussian  troops  were  immediately  ordered  to  descend 
the  river  as  far  as  Utch-Utchak,  where  the  Tekkes  had  crossed 
the  Amu  Darya.  On  October  8,  after  having  proceeded  133 
miles,  they  came  upon  them  on  the  banks  of  the  Amu  Darya 
and  completely  routed  them.  Nearly  all  those  who  were  not 
killed  were  drowned,  as  only  eight  succeeded  in  reaching  the 
opposite  shore,  while  five  were  made  prisoners.  The  various 
bands  of  Tekke  Turkomans  then  retreated  to  Merv.  Colonel 
Ivanof  next  proceeded  down  the  Amu  Darya  to  the  Kuvansh- 
Jarma  branch  and  to  Daukara.  This  movement  had  the  effect 
of  causing  the  Turkomans,  who  were  ignorant  of  its  object,  to 
cease  for  a  time  from  their  depredations,  so  that  the  Eussians 
would  need  no  excuse  for  crossing  to  their  side  of  the  river. 

As  the  result  of  his  explorations,  Colonel  Ivanof  thought  it 
best  to  remove  the  greater  portion  of  the  garrison  of  Petro- 
Alexandrofsk  to  Nukus,  a  point  of  considerable  strategical  im- 
portance, situated  at  the  beginning  of  the  Delta.  Here  was 
the  best  passage  over  the  river,  and  here  also   was  the  terminus 


IVANOFS   RAID.  371 

of  a  good  road  going  to  Kazala  and  the  Syr  Darya.  Besides 
this,  near  Nukus  there  was  abundance  of  saksaul  and  other 
shrubs  suitable  for  fuel,  and  the  proximity  of  the  large  town  of 
Tchimbai  assured  the  troops  of  a  sufficiency  of  provisions.  It 
was  found  that  the  fort  of  Petro-Alexandrofsk  had  been  con- 
structed in  a  very  unhealthy  locality,  so  that  a  large  number  of 
soldiers  were  constantly  in  the  hospital. 

About  this  time  the  Khan  of  Khiva  sent  a  mission  to 
Colonel  Tvanof  with  70,000  rubles  as  part  of  the  tribute  which 
he  was  to  pay  to  Eussia  for  that  year.  He  also,  at  the  sugges- 
tion of  a  Kussian  officer,  assembled  the  Turkoman  elders  and 
made  them  promise  to  live  in  peace,  to  return  all  the  property 
seized  from  the  Kirghiz  and  the  Uzbegs,  and  to  send  to  Khiva 
all  the  Turkomans  who  had  been  guilty  of  pillage. 

Although  the  Turkomans  had  been  frightened  into  quiet  by 
Colonel  Ivanof's  march,  yet  they  immediately  broke  out  again 
as  soon  as  he  returned  to  the  fort.  They  again  began  to  pillage, 
plundered  the  inhabitants  all  along  the  bank  of  the  Amu 
Darya,  and  even  crossed  over  to  the  right  bank,  with  the  inten- 
tion of  attacking  the  Kirghiz  about  Daukara,  and  burned 
forage  and  tents  that  had  been  prepared  for  the  use  of  the 
Eussians  by  the  inhabitants.  Colonel  Ivanof  was  therefore 
obliged  to  set  out  with  another  expedition,  which  left  the  fort 
of  Petro-Alexandrofsk  on  January  4,  1874. 

He  advanced  to  Nukus  without  meeting  the  enemy,  and 
then  hearing  that  they  were  collected  in  large  numbers  on  the 
Laudan  canal,  called  out  the  reserve  troops  from  the  fort, 
returned  up  the  river  to  Kiptchak,  and  crossed  it  on  the  ice. 
The  left  bank  of  the  river  for  several  miles  was  lined  with 
large  bodies  of  Turkomans  who  followed  the  movements  of  the 
Eussians,  and  occasionally  fired  at  them. 

After  informing  the  Khan  of  the  reasons  of  his  presence  on 
Khivan  territory,  and  asking  him  to  send  a  Khivan  agent  to 
him,  he  marched  to  Kazi  Murad,  a  Turkoman  encampment. 
The  Cossacks  were  sent  in  front  to  ravage  the  country,  and  so 
well  did  they  perform  their  duty,  that  when  the  main  body 
arrived  there  was  nothing  to  be  seen  but  smoking  ruins. 

Colonel  Ivanof  had  proceeded  but  a  few  miles  further, 
when,  to  his  great  surprise,  the  country  was  found  to  be  entirely 
under  water,  which  was  the  more  astonishing  as  in  winter  the 

B  B  2 


372  TURKISTAN. 

canals  are  all  dry.  It  was  found,  however,  that  the  Turkomans 
had  cut  the  dykes  of  the  canals.  As  the  water  was  rising 
rapidly,  it  was  necessary  to  recall  the  Cossacks  who  were  burning 
houses  and  encampments  in  all  directions,  and  to  return  to 
Kazi  Murad.  Thence  the  column  marched  south  to  the  town 
of  Mangyt,  where  was  the  only  remaining  bridge  over  the 
canal,  and  came  upon  the  winter  encampment  of  the  (xultcha 
Turkomans,  which  they  at  once  demolished,  the  Cossacks  per- 
forming the  work  of  destruction  at  a  distance  of  a  few  versts 
off,  while  the  infantry  did  it  in  an  equally  effective  manner 
along  the  line  of  march. 

At  Mangyt  Colonel  Ivanof  was  informed  by  the  Khan  that 
the  Yomuds  of  Hazavat  had  submitted.  Although  he  did  not 
fully  believe  this,  he  agreed  to  respect  their  lands  and  turned 
southward.  The  Tchaudurs,  warned  by  the  fate  of  the  Grul- 
tchas,  at  once  gave  in  their  submission,  and  agreed  to  pay  the 
contribution  demanded  of  them  and  restore  the  booty  they  had 
taken.  After  reaching  Old  Porsu,  where  Prince  Bekovitch  and 
the  Russians  were  murdered  in  1717,  the  troops  returned  to 
Kiptchak  and  waited  until  the  river  was  free  from  ice,  when,  on 
February  5,  they  crossed  over  to  the  right  bank.  The  Bek  of 
Kiptchak  being  suspected  of  complicity  in  the  Turkoman  raid, 
was  removed  by  the  Khan  at  Ivanofs  request. 

The  raid  of  Colonel  Ivanof  had  such  an  effect  on  the 
Turkomans  that,  during  the  summer  of  1874,  they  remained 
tolerably  quiet,  and  the  Russians  had  leisure  to  occupy  them- 
selves with  the  construction  of  the  fort  at  Nukus.  But  the  site 
selected,  which  had  been  surveyed  in  winter,  was  no  healthier 
than  Petro-Alexandrofsk,  and  had  the  disadvantage  of  being 
sometimes  overflowed.  In  addition  to  this,  work  had  been 
commenced  in  a  place  where  building  material — i.e.  clay  for 
making  bricks — was  not  to  be  found,  and  had  to  be  brought 
some  distance  at  considerable  expense.  It  was  therefore 
decided  to  leave  the  main  body  of  troops  at  Petro-Alexandrofsk, 
and  to  erect  only  a  small  fortified  post  at  Nukus,  which  would 
accommodate  350  men.     This  was  ready  by  October. 

During  the  summer  new  troops  came  from  Kazala,  and,  at 
the  same  time,  those  soldiers  whose  term  of  service  had  expired 
were  sent  back.  These  movements  were  interpreted  by  the 
Turkomans  to   mean  that  the  Russians  were  weak,  and  were 


EXPLOKING  EXPEDITIONS.  373 

endeavouring  to  make  a  great  display  of  their  forces  by  sending 
out  soldiers  in  boats  to  Kitchkine-ata,  then  across  the  Tchimbai, 
and  back  again  in  carts  to  Nukus.  There  were  rumours,  also, 
of  a  league  being  entered  into  with  the  Karakalpaks  who  up  to 
this  time  had  been  comparatively  peaceable.  Colonel  Ivanof, 
therefore,  summoned  the  Biis  of  the  Karakalpaks  to  meet  him 
at  Tchimbai.  The  Biis  were  so  frightened  at  being  called, 
that  they  assembled  the  next  day,  when  they  were  told  that 
they  must  furnish  lists  of  the  population.  This,  upon  various 
pretexts,  all  but  two  declined  to  do,  whereupon  they  were 
immediately  surrounded  with  Cossacks  and  arrested.  Being 
told  they  would  not  be  freed  until  the  lists  had  been  presented, 
they  agreed  to  furnish  them,  and,  on  the  next  day,  handed 
them  in.  Colonel  Ivanof  informed  them  that  the  lists  repre- 
sented less  than  the  actual  population,  and  then  the  Biis — 
expecting  death,  as  the  Cossacks  had  their  rifles  pointed  at  them 
— immediately  added  more  names.  Unquestionably  they  would 
have  made  additions  as  long  as  the  Russian  officer  desired.  '  By 
this  arrest  we  not  only  did  not  attain  our  purpose,  but  we  ex- 
cited the  ill-feeling  of  the  population  against  us,  as  they  greatly 
reverence  their  Biis.'  1 

^Notwithstanding  the  peaceful  aspect  of  affairs,  Colonel 
Ivanof  did  not  consider  it  wise  for  the  Amii  Darya  exploring 
expedition  sent  out  by  the  Imperial  Geographical  Society  to 
ascend  the  Amu  Darya  further  than  Petro-Alexandrofsk,2  nor 
to  cross  to  the  left  bank  of  the  river,  as  the  chief  problems  to 
be  settled  by  the  expedition  were  on  the  left  bank  of  the  river, 
i.e.  the  former  channel  of  the  Oxus,  and  the  irrigation  system. 
The  expedition,  therefore,  did  not  accomplish  as  much  as  was 
expected.  It  was  under  the  leadership  of  Colonel  Stoletof,  and 
consisted  of  Severtsof,  the  naturalist ;  Smirnof,  the  botanist ; 
Sobolef,  for  ethnological  and  historical  research  ;  Karazin,  the 
artist  of  the  party ;  and  of  several  topographers  and  lesser 
officers.  It  was  also  accompanied  by  Major  Herbert  Wood, 
an  English  officer  of  the  Eoyal  Engineers.3 

1  Golos  No.  231,  1874.     Letter  from  Tchimbai,  July  25  (August  6). 

2  It  had  been  the  original  intention  to  proceed  to  the  Bukharan  boundary  and 
perhaps  even  further. 

3  The  book  of  Major  Wood,  '  The  Shores  of  Lake  Aral,'  his  articles  in  the 
'Geographical   Magazine.'  and   his  papers  read  before  the  Eoyal  Geographical 


374  TUEEISTAN. 

At  about  the  same  time  with  this  expedition,  another  one, 
under  the  auspices  of  the  Society  of  the  Lovers  of  Natural 
History  at  Moscow,  called  the  Aralo-Caspian  expedition,  was 
sent  out  to  make  surveys  and  explorations  in  the  Ust-Urt,  and 
to  investigate  the  level  of  the  Aral  Sea,  as  well  as  to  make 
geological  and  zoological  researches. 

In  connection  with  the  Amu  Darya  exploring  expedition 
the  steamer  '  Perovsky,'  a  vessel  drawing  three  and  a  half  feet 
of  water,  succeeded  in  ascending  the  river  as  far  as  Nukus, 
which  it  reached  on  August  6,  and  subsequently  went  up  as  far 
as  Petro-Alexandrofok.1  The  trip  to  Nukus  was  accomplished 
by  a  new  route.  Vain  efforts  had  been  made  to  ascend  the 
Ulkun  and  Kitchkine ;  finally,  the  steamer  went  to  the  Grulf 
of  Tustche-bas,  ascended  the  Yany-su,  although  with  some 
difficulty  on  account  of  the  shoals,  to  the  Lake  Daukara,  and 
then  went  up  the  Kuvansh-Jarma  to  Nukus.  It  is  considered, 
however,  that  the  question  as  to  the  feasibility  of  steam  navi- 
gation on  the  Amu  Darya  cannot  be  settled  by  the  observations 
made  during  this  one  trip,  and  that  further  explorations  of 
the  channel  are  necessary. 

In  the  autumn  of  1874  the  disorders  of  the  Turkomans  on 
the  left  bank  of  the  Amu  Darya  again  began.  The  Tekkes 
from  Merv  sent  down  a  band  and  committed  some  depredations 
to  the  south  of  Pitniak.  Merchants  with  caravans  coming  from 
Bukhara  were  also  attacked  and  pillaged,  and  a  party  of  Persians 
returning  to  their  country  from  Bukharan  territory  were  attacked. 
A  troop  of  Cossacks  with  a  rocket  battery  was  therefore  sent 
up  the  river  as  far  as  Meshekli,  and  produced  for  the  moment 
good  results. 

During  the  course  of  December  the  Khan  of  Khiva  sent 
the  last  payment  of  100,000  rubles  due  from  him  for  that  year, 
and  promised  to  collect  if  possible  something  from  the  Turko- 
mans. He  professed,  however,  his  inability  to  do  anything 
with  these  unruly  subjects,  feeling  the  necessity  of  Kussian  aid. 

It  was  finally  thought  best  by  Colonel  Ivanof  to  repeat  the 

Society  and  Geographical  Society  of  Geneva  contain  so  far  the  best  account  that 
has  been  published  of  the  expedition.  Articles  by  Stoletof  and  Sobolef  relating  to 
special  points  of  the  expedition  have  appeared  in  the  bulletin  of  the  Imperial 
Russian  Geographical  Society. 

1  Several   interesting   papers  on   this   expedition  have   appeared  by  Colonel 
Thilo,  Mr.  Barbotte  de  Marny,  and  Mr.  Bogdanof. 


THE  TURKOMANS  AGAIN    PUNISHED.  375 

lesson  he  had  given  the  Turkomans  the  year  before ;  and  there- 
fore starting  from  Petro-Alexandrofsk  on  January  19,  and 
crossing  the  river  near  Hodjeili  on  the  28th,  he  made  an  excur- 
sion over  the  whole  of  the  Turkoman  territory,  recrossing  the 
river  at  Hanki  on  February  13.  He  visited  in  succession  all 
the  tribes  of  the  Turkomans,  except  the  Tchaudurs  and  Kara- 
jengeldi,  who  had  been  punished  in  1874.  The  detachment 
met  with  no  resistance  and  did  not  fire  a  single  shot,  although 
during  its  march  through  the  encampments  of  the  Kill  Yomuds 
it  destroyed  everything  within  its  reach.  Every  tribe  was 
so  frightened  by  this  that  they  at  once  sent  their  elders  to 
proffer  their  submissiou,  asking  for  peace,  and  offering  to  pay 
the  war  indemnity  which  had  previously  been  levied  upon  them. 
It  was,  therefore,  necessary  to  punish  only  the  few  villages  of 
the  Imral  tribe  which  sent  no  deputation.  As  to  the  punish- 
ment inflicted  upon  the  Kid  Yomuds  I  quote  from  an  official 
report,  'Invalid,'  No.  55,  1875:— 

'  On  January  29,  after  crossing  to  the  right  bank,  the  detach- 
ment marched  upon  Kunya  Urgentch.  From  his  place  of 
crossing  Colonel  Ivanof  sent  Murtaza  Bii,  the  Bek  of  Hodjeili, 
to  all  the  Turkoman  tribes  with  proclamations  calling  them  to 
order  and  obedience.  Giving  out  that  from  Kunya  Urgentch 
he  would  move  to  Kyzyl  Takyr,  Colonel  Ivanof  on  the  29th 
marched  thirty-three  versts  and  encamped  at  the  canal  of 
Esaul  Bashi  near  Kunya  Urgentch.  On  the  13th  the  column 
passing  through  Kunya  Urgentch,  instead  of  moving  south, 
turned  to' the  north-west  and  made  for  the  Kul  Yomud  settle- 
ments, which  began  eight  versts  from  the  town  and  extended  on 
both  sides  of  the  Khan-ab  canal.  The  appearance  of  the  column 
in  these  encampments  was  entirely  unexpected  ;  the  settlements 
next  to  Kunya  Urgentch  were  more  especially  taken  by  sur- 
prise, and  no  one  had  time  to  leave.  The  Kul  Yomuds, 
numbering  about  1,000  kibitkas,  had  taken  an  even  more  active 
part  than  the  other  tribes  in  the  recent  disorders  ;  they  had  pre- 
vented compliance  with  our  demands,  had  attacked  the  Persians 
on  their  way  home  in  August  1874,  had  refused  to  obey  the 
Khan,  and  had  assaulted  Mat  Niaz  and  other  dignitaries  of  the 
Khan  who  visited  them  in  June  1874  to  warn  them  of  the  con- 
sequences of  their  conduct.  For  these  reasons  Colonel  Ivanof 
determined  to  punish  the  Kul  Yomuds  severely,  so  as  to  induce 


376  TUKKISTAN. 

the  other  tribes  to  submit  and  fulfil  our  demands.  Stationing 
his  troops  in  the  grounds  of  Boyandur,  he  detached  150  Cos- 
sacks under  Colonel  Novotreshtshenof  with  orders  to  fire  all 
the  villages  within  five  versts  of  the  camp.  The  troops  were 
especially  enjoined  to  confine  themselves  to  the  destruction  of 
houses  and  movables  and  the  seizure  of  cattle,  without  touching 
the  inhabitants.  The  Cossacks  rapidly  carried  out  the  task  set 
them,  and  within  two  hours  the  country  traversed  was  laid 
waste  ;  fire  and  smoke  rising  in  every  direction  indicated  that 
the  threatened  punishment  had  overtaken  the  guilty.  The 
first  hut  destroyed  by  the  Cossacks  belonged  to  Bakar,  who  led 
the  Kul  Yomud  bands  in  their  attack  on  the  Persians ;  Bakar 
himself  was  taken  prisoner  and  handed  over  to  the  Khivan 
authorities.  To  give  the  Kul  Yomuds,  who  were  said  to  be 
gathering  for  defence  at  a  medresse  fifteen  versts  further  on, 
no  time  to  recover,  Colonel  Ivanof,  leaving  the  greater  part  of 
the  detachment  at  Boyandur  under  the  command  of  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Komarof,  put  himself  at  the  head  of  three  companies, 
two  sotnias,  two  guns,  and  a  rocket  division,  and  in  the  night 
of  the  30th  marched  to  the  remoter  settlements.  The  rumour 
of  a  hostile  gathering  proved  unfounded  ;  on  the  contrary,  all 
the  aids  were  found  deserted,  and  there  were  signs  that  the  in- 
habitants had  left  in  a  hurry  and  taken  with  them  only 
their  cattle  and  most  valuable  property.  Successively  traversing 
and  destroying  all  the  various  settlements  of  the  Kul  Yomuds, 
the  medresse  and  encampment  of  Ata  Murad  and  Avas  Turdi 
alone  excepted,  the  column  returned  to  Boyandur  on  the  31st. 
The  Kul  Yomuds  migrated  further  west  in  the  direction  of  Sary 
Kamish. 

When  near  Khiva  Colonel  Ivanof  received  a  visit  from  the 
Khan,  which  he  subsequently  returned  in  the  capital  himself, 
where  he  and  his  escort  were  well  received  by  all  the  Uzbeg 
population.  In  these  interviews  Colonel  Ivanof  gave  the  Khan 
to  understand  that  the  Eussian  troops  could  not  always  come 
to  his  assistance,  and  that  it  was  time  for  him  to  take  some 
means  for  keeping  the  Turkomans  in  check  without  Eussian 
aid.  He  urged  him  immediately  to  send  troops  to  arrest  the 
originators  of  the  disorders,  and  recommended  him  no  longer  to 
treat  the  Turkomans  like  a  privileged  part  of  the  population 
but  to  place  them  on  an  equality  with  the  rest  of  his  subjects. 


TURKOMAN   CONTRIBUTIONS.  377 

Not  approving  of  the  idea  of  the  Khan  to  cut  off  the  water 
supply  from  the  Turkomans,  he  counselled  him  on  the  contrary 
to  provide  them  with  water  on  condition  that  any  new  canals 
they  should  require  should  be  dug  by  themselves  and  not  by 
the  Uzbeks  as  before.  Colonel  Ivanof  also  insisted  that  the 
Khan  should  immediately  impose  some  tax,  even  though  a 
slight  one,  upon  the  Turkomans,  for  only  on  payment  of  a  tax 
■vould  they  begin  to  consider  themselves  the  Khan's  subjects. 
He  recommended  the  removal  of  the  more  troublesome  elders, 
and  said  that  it  would  be  well  not  always  to  use  harsh  measures 
but  sometimes  to  employ  mildness  and  flattery,  as  the  majority 
of  the  inhabitants  now  showed  themselves  to  be  really  desirous 
of  living  in  obedience. 

The  Khan  then  proposed  to  make  a  personal  visit  to  the 
Turkomans,  an  idea  which  was  warmly  approved  of  by  Colonel 
Ivanof,  who  thought  that  a  personal  visit  would  acquaint  him 
with  the  real  state  of  affairs,  and  procure  for  him  the  goodwill 
of  the  other  inhabitants. 

During  the  expedition  the  Turkomans  paid  26,000  rubles 
of  the  penalties  imposed  upon  them  in  1873  and  1874,  and 
soon  after  the  return  of  the  troops  they  sent  10,000  more.1 
Subsequently  a  further  sum  was  received  from  the  Khan  on 
the  part  of  the  Turkomans,  as  well  as  2,278  rubles  as  an 
indemnity  from  the  Bukharans  for  the  sheep  stolen  at  Kabakli, 
and  a  further  indemnity  of  661  rubles  to  the  merchant  Dukof, 
whose  caravan  was  robbed  by  the  Turkomans  in  January  1874. 

In  accordance  with  the  advice  of  Colonel  Ivanof  the  Khan 
did  make  a  tour  through  the  Turkoman  country,  where  he  was 
very  well  received,  and  imposed  upon  them  a  tax  amounting 
altogether  to  40,770  tillas,  i.e.  about  73,000  rubles. 

In  November  1873  after  the  Khivan  expedition,  the  Grand 
Duke  Michael,  the  Lieutenant  of  the  Caucasus,  presented  to 
the  Emperor  a  project  for  forming  all  the  Steppe  region  between 
the  Caspian  and  the  Sea  of  Aral  into  a  military  district  sub- 
ordinate to  the  Caucasus.  General  Lomakin  was  at  once 
sent  to  Krasnovodsk  to  draw  up  a  memorandum  on  the  measures 

1  Up  to  the  end  of  March,  1875,  the  Turkomms  had  paid  67,287  rubles.  The 
"whole  sum  imposed  upon  them  in  1873  was  418,500  rubles,  of  which  261,837 
rubles  were  paid,  leaving  a  balance  of  156,663  rubles  still  due  from  them. 


378  TUKKISTAST. 

which  might  develop  the  whole  region  and  bring  proper  Rus- 
sian influence  to  bear  there.  While  there  he  had  a  conference 
with  some  of  the  elders  of  the  Turkomans  and  engaged  thern 
as  well  as  the  leaders  of  the  other  tribes  to  come  to  Krasnoyodsk 
in  the  spring  of  the  next  year,  1874. 

By  the  regulations  for  the  government  of  the  new  Trans- 
Caspian  district  which  were  signed  by  the  Emperor  on  March 
21,  1874, —  although  the  project  had  just  been  rejected  by  an 
Imperial  Commission,  in  consequence  of  the  objections  of  the 
Foreign  Office  and  of  the  Finance  Ministry — the  boundaries 
were  stated  to  be  from  Mertvii  Kultuk  on  the  north  to  the  river 
Attrek,  the  boundary  between  Eussia  and  Persia,  on  the  south, 
and  from  the  eastern  shore  of  the  Caspian  Sea  to  the  western 
boundary  of  the  Khanate  of  Khiva,  including  in  it  also  the 
islands  near  the  coast.  The  region  was  divided  into  two 
prefectures,  that  of  Mangyshlak  with  the  fort  of  Alexandrofsky, 
and  that  of  Krasnovodsk,  which  was  temporarily  under  the 
personal  supervision  of  the  Governor. 

The  regulations  were  in  nearly  all  respects  similar  to  those 
established  for  the  Kirghiz  in  the  provinces  of  Orenburg  and 
Turkistan.  Taxes  were  to  be  levied  on  the  Kirghiz  at  the 
rate  of  three  rubles  a  kibitka,  but  upon  the  Turkomans  at 
half  that  rate.  The  regulations,  however,  contained  an  expla- 
natory clause  that  this  kibitka  tax  would  be  imposed  pro- 
portionately to  their  degree  of  submission  to  the  Kussian 
protection  and  authority.  Further  taxes  for  the  purpose  of 
native  administration  were  also  to  be  imposed  at  rates  to  be 
decided  upon  by  the  inhabitants  themselves,  as  in  Turkistan. 

General  Lomakin  was  at  once  appointed  Governor  of  this 
district.  The  chief  reason  for  the  formation  of  the  Trans-Caspian 
district  was  probably  not  so  much  for  the  purpose  of  intro- 
ducing order  among  the  nomads  as  to  give  the  large  army 
stationed  in  the  Caucasus  something  to  do.  With  this  view 
both  the  Grand  Duke  and  General  Lomakin  occasionally  make 
proposals  for  new  expeditions,  which  sometimes  even  involve 
an  increase  of  territory. 

In  1874  a  reconnaissance  was  made  up  the  Attrek  and  a  small 
fortification  established  there.  In  1875  propositions  were  made 
for  another  and  a  much  stronger  reconnaissance  in  the  same 
direction,  with  the  idea  of  establishing  a  strong  fortified  post 


EXPLORATION  OF  THE  UZBOI.  379 

about  sixty  miles  from  the  mouth  of  the  Attrek  which  would  be 
of  use  as  a  sanitarium  for  the  troops,  and  would,  at  the  same 
time,  be  of  service  in  keeping  the  Turkomans  quiet,  or  '  for  au  j 
ulterior  movement.' 

This  plan,  however,  required  a  great  expenditure  of  money, 
and  when  proposed  to  the  Emperor  was  forbidden.  Permission 
was  given  to  send  out  the  ordinary  reconnaissance  parties  only  as 
is  customary  at  all  frontier  posts  during  the  summer  months. 

In  accordance  with  this  permission  General  Lomakin 
started  out  with  several  companies  of  infantry,  one  sotnia  of 
Cossacks,  four  guns  and  a  rocket  battery — in  all  about  1,000 
men— for  the  exploration  of  the  Uzboi,  the  old  bed  of  the  Oxus, 
as  far  as  Sary  Kamysh,  which,  it  will  be  remembered,  was  the 
farthest  point  reached  by  Colonel  Glukhofsky  from  the  Khivan 
side,  in  the  explorations  during  the  summer  of  1873.  The 
pack-camels  for  the  expedition,  574  in  number,  were  brought 
to  Krasnovodsk  from  Fort  Alexandrofsky,  Mangyshlak,  under 
the  convoy  of  one  company  of  infantry,  and  a  sotnia  of 
Cossacks.  The  route  followed  was  along  the  east  coast  of  the 
Caspian  to  Kinderli,  and  thence  along  the  narrow  neck  of 
the  land  separating  Kara  Bugaz  bay  from  the  sea.  It  was 
necessary  for  the  camels  to  swim  over  a  strait  of  164  yards, 
and,  in  spite  of  the  strong  current,  only  two  were  lost.  The 
whole  march  was  of  more  than  400  miles,  and  was  accom- 
plished in  twenty-three  days,  although  in  one  part  for  fifty- 
seven  miles  no  water  was  found,  and  the  soldiers  were  mostly 
young  men  on  their  first  campaign.  From  Krasnovodsk  part  of 
the  troops  were  taken  in  boats  over  the  Michailovsky  Gulf 
and  part  marched  round  by  land  to  the  rendezvous  at  the  wells 
at  Mula  Kari,  which  the  whole  expedition  left  on  June  8, 
reaching  the  Uzboi  on  the  11th.  The  Uzboi  presented  the 
plainly  marked  bed  of  a  vast  river.  The  road  along  it  was 
constantly  cut  up  by  great  sandy  hills  sometimes  seventy  feet 
high,  and  it  was  besides  frequently  necessary  to  cross  from  one 
side  of  the  Uzboi  to  the  other,  descending  and  climbing  the 
steep  and  almost  perpendicular  banks.  In  the  bed  there  were 
many  lakes  of  salt  and  fresh  water,  and  many  wells,  in  which, 
however,  the  water  was  generally  salt  and  bitter,  or  sulphurous. 
The  march  through  the  sand  was  very  difficult,  especially  from 
the  wells  at  Arvatu  to  Igdy  where  for  forty  miles  there  was 


380  TUKKISTAN. 

no  water.  Igdy  was  reached  on  June  20,  the  soldiers  bearing 
the  march  well,  having"  constantly  a  three  days'  supply  of  water, 
as  well  as  pressed  vegetables  and  extract  of  meat.  They  were 
obliged  twice  a  day  to  drink  tea.  On  June  22,  a  small  party 
consisting  of  a  topographer,  a  technician,  and  a  commercial 
agent  were  sent  out  under  an  escort  to  Bala  Ishem  and  thence 
to  Sary  Kamysh,  where  in  accordance  with  a  previous  agreement 
they  were  met  by  an  escort  from  the  Khan  of  Khiva.  The  main 
body  of  the  expedition  meanwhile,  remained  for  ten  days  at 
Igdy,  waiting  for  news,  and  sending  out  every  day  eastward  to 
cover  the  reconnaissance.  This  camp  life  was  very  painful 
as  the  heat  sometimes  rose  to  110°  Fahr.  in  the  shade  and  to 
more  than  122°  in  the  sun,  and  the  constant  wind  covered 
the  men  with  sand  and  dust,  while  much  suffering  was  caused 
by  the  bad  water.  On  receiving  news  of  the  safe  arrival  of  the 
topographical  party  at  Sary  Kamysh  the  expedition  started 
back  from  Igdy  on  July  1,  and  on  the  15th  arrived  at  its  starting 
place,  Mula  Kari,  with  thirteen  men  ill  in  consequence  of  the 
heat,  two  having  died  on  the  road. 

The  surveying  party  met  at  Tcharishli  supplies  of  water 
sent  by  the  Khivan  authorities,  made  a  complete  survey  of 
Sary  Kamysh,  and  then  returned  by  a  more  direct  way  and 
reached  Krasnovodsk  even  before  the  main  detachment  of 
Lomakin. 

The  expedition  was  put  to  no  trouble  by  the  Turkomans ; 
on  the  contrary  General  Lomakin  several  times  received  depu- 
tations from  them.  The  first  party,  consisting  of  several  Tekke 
Turkomans,  came  to  him  at  Igdy,  with  declarations  of  submission 
and  proffers  of  service.  Others  joined  the  detachment  on  the 
return  journey,  bringing  for  sale  carpets,  flour,  and  even  sheep, 
with  other  provisions. 

The  impression  produced  by  this  expedition  resulted  in  the 
whole  steppe  becoming  quiet,  and  500  Persian  slaves  freed 
at  Khiva  passed  safely  through  the  Turkoman  steppe  on  their 
way  home. 

After  giving  his  troops  a  short  rest,  General  Lomakin  set 
out  again  for  Tchikishlar,  and  from  there  pursued  the  recon- 
naissance of  the  Attrek  as  far  as  Tchat.  About  100  miles  to 
the  south  of  Mula  Kari  are  the  great  fresh  lakes  of  Tchairdy  and 
Bugdaiby.     Here  were  found  to  be  great  encampments  of  the 


THE  ATTEEK  EXPEDITION.  381 

Yomuds  of  the  Attrek  and  the  Gfurgan,  who  had  come  there  for 
the  second  time  that  year,  after  having  finished  their  harvests. 
There  were  as  many  as  2,000  kibitkas,  and  it  was  remarkable 
that  these  were  belonging  to  two  colonies  formerly  hostile,  the 
Jafarbai  and  Ak  Atabai.  They  had  been  reconciled  by  the 
Eussians  in  1874,  and  since  that  time  had  agreed  to  camp  to- 
gether, and  to  organise  a  mounted  force  of  500  men  to  watch 
the  movements  of  the  Tekkes. 

On  the  Attrek  also  Greneral  Lomakin  met  with  many  en- 
campments of  the  Tcharva  or  nomad  Yomuds  of  different  tribes, 
having  fully  4,000  kibitkas.  These, — the  most  savage  and  rudest 
of  all  the  Tcharva  nomads  acknowledging  Eussian  authority, 
and  the  terror  of  the  Persians  at  Astrabad, — were  up  to  1873 
implacably  hostile  to  the  Eussians.  Greneral  Lomakin  reported 
that  all  had  now  changed,  for  not  only  did  they  show  no  un- 
easiness at  the  presence  of  the  Eussians,  but  they  even  met  them 
with  the  greatest  good  will. 

Twenty-five  miles  south  east  of  Bugdaili,  the  Eussians  found 
the  ruined  town  of  Mest-devran  (Mestorian),  which,  from  its 
size  and  from  the  remains  of  aqueducts,  must  have  been  at  one 
time  a  very  large  and  important  town.  Masjid,  a  few  miles 
further  on,  appears  to  have  been  an  ancient  necropolis,  being 
full  of  temples  and  mortuary  mosques.  All  of  this  region  was 
watered  by  means  of  aqueducts  brought  from  the  Attrek, 
which  Crossed  the  river  Sumbar  in  large  brick  pipes  over  two 
large  bridges.  The  traces  of  these  conduits  were  clearly  seen 
on  the  banks  of  the  Sumbar,  and  the  direction  of  the  aqueduct 
was  traced  for  nearly  its  whole  length.  A  range  of  mounds 
crowned  with  small  forts,  extends  all  the  way  from  Tchat  to 
Mest-devran,  and  from  there  on  to  Kara-tepe  on  the  Caspian, 
south  of  the  Gfreen  Mound.  These  forts  were  in  all  probability 
intended  to  protect  the  aqueducts  and  the  tilled  land  from 
incursions  of  nomads. 

The  expeditions  of  Colonel  Stebnitzky,  Colonel  Markozof, 
and  Greneral  Lomakin,  have  acquainted  us  somewhat  with  the 
Turkomans  inhabiting  the  steppe  eastward  of  the  Caspian. 
The  three  branches  to  be  found  there  are  the  Yomuds,  the 
Gfoklans,  and  the  Tekkes.  The  Yomuds  on  the  Caspian  belong 
to  the  tribe  Kara-tchuka,  and  are  divided  according  to  their 
kind  of  life — settled  or  nomad, — into  Tchomura  and  Tcharva. 


382  TUBKISTAN. 

The  Tcharva  Yomuds  live  in  the  valley  of  the  lower  Attrek, 
fishing  in  the  mouths  of  the  rivers  and  planting  the  fertile 
lands.  Pasture  is  easily  found  along-  the  banks  of  the  Grurgan 
for  their  cattle.  They  have  but  few  camels.  The  Tcharva 
Yomuds  remain  between  the  Gurgan  and  the  Attrek  during 
the  winter  months.  In  March  they  migrate  to  the  north 
of  the  Attrek,  and  encamp  there  on  the  right  bank,  or  near 
lakes  Tchairdy  and  Bugdaily,  along  the  Uzboi  or  even  near 
the  Balkan  mountains,  extending  north  as  far  as  the  Grulf 
of  Kara  Bugaz,  and  east  as  far  as  the  wells  of  Igdy.  The 
Tchomura  and  Tcharva  are  closely  connected.  Sometimes 
a  father  will  be  settled  and  his  sons  nomads ;  and  sometimes  a 
nomad  will  become  settled  or  a  settler  will  turn  nomad.  Alto- 
gether they  are  estimated  to  number  15,500  kibitkas,  or  about 
80,000  souls.  East  of  the  Yomuds  live  the  Groklans,  of  whom 
we  have  as  yet  but  vague  information.  Nearly  all  that  is 
known  is  that  their  encampments  extend  as  far  as  the  source  of 
the  Grurgan  and  the  country  of  the  Kurds.  There  are  also  some 
of  them  on  the  upper  Sumbar  and  the  Tchandyr.  They  number 
but  3,000  kibitkas,  or  about  15,000  souls.  They  were  formerly 
much  more  numerous,  but  many  of  them  were  taken  by  force 
to  Khiva,  and  others  went  there  of  their  own  accord  to  fight 
the  Persians  at  the  time  of  the  campaign  of  Mahmud  Shah  on 
the  Grurgan.  Nearly  all  are  agriculturists  and  some  cultivate 
silkworms.  As  they  are  not  nomads  they  have  but  few  camels. 
The  Tekke  Turkomans  occupy  a  long  narrow  oasis  extending 
from  north-west  to  south-east  between  the  chain  of  the  Kuren 
Dag  and  a  series  of  sandy  hills  about  20  miles  from  the  moun- 
tains. It  is  said  that  the  constant  northern  winds  are  removing 
these  hills  further  to  the  south  and  thus  diminishing  the  area 
of  the  oasis.  This  valley,  which  is  chiefly  known  by  the  name 
of  Arkatch,  is  watered  by  numerous  streams  descending  from 
the  Kuren  Dag,  and  is  excellent  for  agriculture.  A  series  of 
43  small  forts  extends  the  whole  length  of  this  valley  from 
Kyzyl-arvat,  45  miles  south-east  of  Igdy,  to  the  south-west  of 
Merv. 

The  Tekkes  can  be  considered  as  half  sedentary.  Their 
villages  are  large  and  they  submit  to  a  certain  point  to  the 
authority  of  their  elders,  thus  constituting  a  society  in  some 
measure  organised.     The  result  of  this  is  that  among  the  othei 


THE  TEKKES.  383 

tribes  who  are  scattered  and  have  no  internal  organisation,  the 
Tekkes  are  considered  the  strongest.  With  their  excellent 
horses  they  have  become  the  terror  of  their  Persian  neighbours 
on  account  of  their  raids  or  alaman  which  sometimes  extend 
to  Mashad  and  even  to  Herat. 

In  1872  Colonel  Markozof  and  Colonel  Stoletof  made  a  re- 
connaissance of  a  part  of  the  Tekke  oasis  and  visited  some  of 
the  forts,  which  were  abandoned  by  the  inhabitants  at  their 
approach.  These  circumstances  permitted  the  Russians  to  see 
a  Tekke  aul  in  its  ordinary  state.  The  kibitkas  were  arranged 
on  the  two  sides  of  the  fort.  In  the  kibitkas  were  found  bags  of 
lice,  wheat,  and  sorghum,  carpets,  felts,  and  household  articles. 
In  one  was  an  apparatus  for  melting  copper,  and  in  others  were 
agricultural  tools  of  primitive  forms,  and  looms  for  weaving 
carpets.  Horses,  cattle,  pigs  and  fowls  wandered  about  the 
kibitkas.  Near  the  forts  were  small  gardens  planted  with  poplars 
and  sown  with  cotton.  Small  water-mills  were  also  established 
near  each  fort.  The  inhabitants  of  the  Tekke  oasis,  as  far  as  the 
fortress  of  Anev,  called  themselves  Akhal  to  distinguish  them 
from  the  other  Tekkes  further  south  near  Merv.  The  Tekkes 
are  nominally  under  the  Khan  of  Khiva.  Formerly  they  paid 
annually  one  camel  for  each  fortress,  which  has  now  been  re- 
placed by  about  12  rubles  a  year  for  each  canal.  About  seven 
years  ago  the  Akhal  Tekkes  were  governed  by  an  independent 
Khan  named  Nur  Verdy  Khan.  He  enjoyed  absolute  authority, 
but  at  last,  tired  of  the  constant  quarrels  of  his  tribe,  he  abdi- 
cated and  retired  to  Merv.  Since  then  there  has  been  com- 
plete anarchy.  The  Akhal  Tekkes  are  divided  into  two  distinct 
families,  the  Tokhtamish  and  Utamish,  who  are  always  rivals. 
The  Tokhtamish,  who  are  three  times  more  numerous  than  the 
Utamish,  usually  have  the  upper  hand,  but  the  others  have 
always  obeyed  with  bad  grace.  They  all  feel  themselves 
menaced  on  one  side  by  Russia,  on  another  by  the  Persian 
Kurds,  and  on  the  third  by  the  Khivan  Yomuds.  They  felt 
the  necessity  of  unity,  and  at  the  end  of  January  1875,  a  council 
was  held,  at  which  several  thousands  of  persons  were  present 
from  the  fortresses  and  tribes,  and  after  a  long  debate  they 
elected  Berdy  Murad  Khan,  the  son  of  the  former  Khan  Nur 
Verdy.  He  refused  the  position  unless  they  conferred  upon 
him  the  right  of  life  and  death,  and  gave  him  the  heads  of  four 


384  TTJRKISTAN. 

brigands  who  had  ieen  guilty  of  many  murders  and  robberies 
shortly  before.  This  was  refused  by  the  assembly,  and  the 
fortresses  in  small  groups  elected  separate  chiefs  for  themselves, 
the  five  nearest  the  Eussian  frontier  known  as  Besh  Kala  and 
peopled  by  Tokhtamish,  being  placed  under  the  rule  of  Son 
Khan. 

Most  of  these  Turkomans  have  been  brought  into  some 
kind  of  relations  with  the  Eussians  since  the  formation  of  the 
Trans-Caspian  district.  The  friendly  intercourse  was  begun 
with  the  Jafarbai  and  Atabai  Yoinuds  in  1873-4,  and  assist- 
ance was  promised  them  against  the  Tekkes,  and  it  was  sug- 
gested that  the  Eussians  should  undertake  to  obtain  the  release 
from  the  Tekkes  of  500  prisoners  in  the  hands  of  the  Kurds. 
In  1874  also  General  Lomakin  addressed  letters  to  the  Tekke 
Khans  and  Aksakals  advising  them  to  be  at  peace  with  Eussia. 
A  month  later  an  answer  was  received  from  Son  Khan  and  two 
others  in  the  name  of  the  Tekkes,  declaring  their  readiness  to 
obey  orders  of  the  Eussian  Government,  and  protect  Eussian 
and  KM  van  caravans  passing  between  Krasnovodsk  and  Sary 
Kamysh.  They  also  solicited  Eussian  protection  against  the 
Persian  Kurds  and  Goklans,  desiring  at  the  same  time  to  enter 
into  communication  with  the  Khan  of  Khiva  and  the  Eussians 
on  the  Amu  Darya,  in  order  to  restrain  the  Khivans  from 
molesting  them  on  their  camping  ground. 

In  answer  General  Lomakin  demanded  the  release  of  the 
artillery  soldier  who  was  a  prisoner  at  Merv,  but  neither  he 
nor  Colonel  Ivanof  has  been  able  to  obtain  it,  and  the  soldier  is 
said  to  be  still  in  the  hands  of  the  Turkomans. 

This  beginning  of  friendly  relations  with  the  Turkomans  did 
not  prevent  a  band  of  500  strong  of  the  Aral  Turkomans  in 
October  1874  from  falling  upon  and  pillaging  the  village  of 
Dashly,  25  miles  from  Krasnovodsk,  carrying  off  150  prisoners 
and  leaving  80  killed.  Letters  were  sent  to  Sofi  Khan  demand- 
ing the  return  of  the  inhabitants  and  of  the  booty,  but  this 
apparently  has  been  followed  by  no  result. 

This  action  of  the  Turkomans  led  some  of  the  Eussian 
newspapers  to  insist  upon  the  necessity  of  bringing  all  the 
Turkomans  under  control,  and  for  that  purpose  fortifying  the  line 
of  the  Attrek,  which  was  now  acknowledged  as  the  boundary  of 
Persia,  although  it  was  contended  that  the  natural  boundary  was 


RUSSIA  AND  PERSIA.  385 

the  Kara-su,  to  the  south  of  the  Gurgan.1  The  Attrek  was  first 
officially  recognised  by  Eussia  as  its  boundary  with  Persia  in 
1869.  It  appears  that  on  receiving  intelligence  of  the  cam- 
paign of  Krasnovodsk  in  that  year  the  Shah,  on  December  16, 
asked  the  Kussian  Minister,  Eeger,  to  obtain  assurance  from  the 
Emperor  that  the  movement  at  Krasnovodsk  had  as  its  only  aim 
the  development  of  trade  with  Turkistan,  and  that  it  was  not 
the  intention  of  the  Eussians  to  mix  in  the  affair  of  the  Yomuds 
living  on  the  banks  of  the  Gurgan  and  the  Attrek,  and  tbat  they 
would  not  construct  any  fortifications  on  the  banks  of  these  rivers 
or  at  their  mouths.  Beger  telegraphed  about  this  to  Prince 
Gortchakof,  and  received  a  reply  saying  that  the  Imperial  Govern- 
ment admitted  the  sovereignty  of  Persia  as  far  as  the  Attrek,  and 
consequently  had  no  intention  of  raising  fortifications  in  that 
iocality.  This  answer  was  communicated  to  the  Shah  on  De- 
cember 25,  and  produced  such  a  pleasant  impression  that  three 
days  after  the  Persian  Government  permitted  the  Eussian 
merchant-steamers  to  go  to  Murdab  and  Enzeli  equally  with 
sailing  vessels,  a  right  which  Eussian  diplomats  had  for  ten 
years  vainly  endeavoured  to  secure.2 

The  newspaper  article  to  which  I  have  just  referred  seems 
to  have  been  written  by  a  person  acquainted  with  the  course  of 
events,  for  propositions  have  been  made  to  the  Central  Govern- 
ment for  occupation  of  territory  beyond  the  Attrek,  for  the 
purpose  of  putting  down  the  Turkomans,  and  there  is  reason  to 
believe  that  the  idea  of  the  annexation  of  the  whole  Caspian 
coast  now  belonging  to  Persia  has  been  brought  up  for 
consideration. 

In  spite  of  what  happened  in  1873,  before  the  Khivan 
expedition,  the  Persian  Government — owing  perhaps  to  English 
suggestions — has  strongly  objected  to  any  interference  by 
General  Lomakin  in  the  affairs  of  the  Turkomans  on  the 
southern  side  of  the  Attrek,  and  a  sentence  in  one  of  his  pro- 
clamations to  the  Turkomans  called  out  a  rather  sharp  corre- 
spondence. There  can  be  little  doubt  that  the  relations  with 
the  Turkomans  will  compel  Eussia  to  advance  as  far  as  Merv, 

1  'St.  Petersburg  Viedomosti,'  January  14  (26),  1875. 

2  Terentief,  ib.  p.  98.  See  also  the  despatches  of  Mr.  Ronald  Thomson  in 
the  Parliamentary  return  of  Correspondence  respecting  Central  Asia,  No.  II.,  187«5| 
pp.  20,  25,  39. 

VOL.  II.  C  C 


386  TCJRKISTAN. 

and  possibly  permanently  to  occupy  that  town.  It  is  very 
questionable,  however,  whether  such  a  step  would  have  the  im- 
portance which  has  been  attributed  to  it  by  influential  organs 
of  the  English  press.  Merv  is  a  half-ruined  village  in  the 
Tekke  oasis,  and  as  a  base  of  operations  is  in  no  way  superior 
to  the  Amu  Darya,  except  by  being  a  short  distance  nearer 
the  confines  of  India.  Even  in  case  of  war  it  could  never  be 
more  than  a  base  of  supplies. 

Another  consequence  of  the  Khivan  campaign  has  been  the 
establishment  of  direct,  though  infrequent,  commercial  relations 
between  the  Khivan  oasis  and  Krasnovodsk.  Several  caravans 
have  been  sent  that  way,  most  of  which  arrived  in  safety, 
although  one  was  attacked  and  pillaged.  Several  of  these 
caravans  have  belonged  to  Colonel  Grlukhofsky,  who  in  1874 
had  an  idea  of  starting  trade  with  Afghanistan,  and  sent  a 
caravan  as  far  as  Mashad.  A  writer  in  the  '  Allgemeine  Zeitung  ' 
of  March  3,  1875,  on  the  subject  of  these  caravans,  accused 
the  Eussian  Government  of  having  an  underhand  policy  in 
sending  out  military  expeditions  under  thi  guise  of  trading 
caravans.  In  this,  injustice  has  been  done  bo  '  to  the  Eussian 
Government  and  to  Colonel  Grlukhofsky.  The  Eussian  Grovern- 
rnent  allows  its  officers  to  engage  in  commercial  pursuits,  when 
not  incompatible  with  their  official  duties.  Of  this  St.  Peters- 
burg is  filled  with  examples.  Colonel  Grlukhofsky  is  a  young 
and  ambitious  officer,  who  has  taken  a  distinguished  part  in 
the  Central  Asiatic  campaigns.  He  has  a  large  private  fortune, 
and  is,  moreover,  something  of  an  enthusiast,  and  believes  that 
the  Khivan  oasis  is  immensely  rich,  and  that  with  proper  effort 
its  trade  can  be  developed,  as  well  as  that  the  Amu  Darya  can 
be  turned  into  its  ancient  channel  in  the  Caspian  Sea.  It  is 
true  that  valuable  political  information  may  be  obtained  by 
means  of  these  caravans,  but  is  not  important  information, 
geographical,  political,  &c,  always  obtained  by  commercial 
ventures  in  a  new  country  ? 


CONCLUSION.  387 


CONCLUSION. 

An  attempt  has  been  made  in  the  preceding-  pages  to  portray 
accurately  and  impartially  the  social  and  economical  condition 
of  the  various  countries  of  Central  Asia  and  the  present  political 
relations  of  those  countries,  as  well  as  to  show  the  way  in  which 
those  relations  have  been  brought  about.  An  impartial  ob- 
server will,  I  think,  be  convinced  that  these  relations  are  the 
natural  consequence  of  many  simple  and  unforeseen  circum- 
stances, and  of  accidents  which  possibly  may  not  have  been 
sufficiently  guarded  against,  and  that  it  is  unnecessary  to 
assume  the  theory  of  a  settled  plan  of  conquest,  or  to  adopt 
extreme  views  on  either  one  side  or  the  other.  Where  there 
is  a  desire  to  find  fault  or  always  to  see  some  hidden  motive, 
simple  reasons  seem  insufficient  or  may  be  overlooked,  and 
there  are  few  circumstances  which  are  not  capable  of  an  abstruse 
and  far-fetched  explanation.1 

Central   Asia   has   no  stores  of  wealth  and  no   economical 

1  As  examples  of  what  Machiavellian  motives  may  be  adduced  to  explain  the 
circumstances — however  small  in  themselves — take  the  following  : — Prince  Gort- 
chakof,  in  November  1869,  in  a  conversation  with  the  British  Ambassador  about 
Kashgar,  said  that  as  the  Russians  had  no  diplomatic  relations  with  Yakub  Bek 
while  the  Government  of  India  appeared  to  have  dealings  with  him,  Mr.  Forsyth 
might  assure  the  Atalyk  Ghazi  that  the  Russians  had  no  hostile  intentions  against 
him.  This  request  of  Prince  Gortchakof  has  been  interpreted  by  English 
authorities  to  evince  a  desire  on  the  part  of  the  Eussian  Government  to  conceal 
the  dealings  which  they  actually  had  with  Kashgar,  for  Mirza  Shadi  had  come 
on  an  unsuccessful  mission  to  St.  Petersburg  to  General  Kaufmann  in  1868.  and 
at  the  same  time  Captain  Reinthal  had  been  in  Kashgar.  Everybody  knew  that 
Mirza  Shadi  had  been  in  St.  Petersburg,  for  accounts  of  it  had  appeared  in  the 
newspapers  and  it  could  not  be  concealed,  and  it  was  also  known  that  he  had  not 
been  received  by  the  Emperor,  because  the  Emperor  would  not  recognise  Yakub 
Bek  as  a  sovereign  prince,  but  as  the  rebellious  vassal  of  China.  As  far  as  con- 
cerns Reinthal,  there  is  not  the  slightest  reason  to  suppose  that  Prince  Gort- 
chakof knew  of  his  visit  to  Kashgar,  as  General  Kaufmann  does  not  send  a  report 
of  all  his  proceedings  to  the  Foreign  Office,  and  Reinthal  besides  was  sent,  not 

c  c  2 


388  TUEKISTAN. 

resources ;  neither  by  its  agricultural  nor  by  its  mineral 
wealth,  nor  by  its  commerce,  nor  by  the  revenue  to  be  derived 
from  it,  can  it  ever  repay  the  Eussians  for  what  it  has  already 
cost,  and  for  the  rapidly  increasing  expenditure  bestowed  upon 
it.  Had  Eussia  known  fifteen  years  ago  as  much  about  the 
countries  of  Central  Asia  as  she  does  now,  there  can  be  hardly 
a  doubt  that  there  would  have  been  no  movement  in  that 
direction.  Even  the  steps  taken  in  1864  would  not  for  a 
moment  have  been  allowed. 

Despite  the  drain  upon  the  Imperial  exchequer,  it  is  prac- 
tically impossible  for  Eussia  to  withdraw  from  her  position  in 
Central  Asia.  Notwithstanding  the  many  faults  which  may  be 
found  in  the  administration  of  the  country,  the  Eussian  rule 
is  on  the  whole  beneficial  to  the  natives,  and  it  would  be 
manifestly  unjust  to  them  to  withdraw  her  protection  and  leave 
thern  to  anarchy  and  to  the  unbridled  rule  of  fanatical  despots. 
Apart  from  this  moral  consideration,  that  of  her  prestige  in 
Central  Asia  would  be  sufficient  to  keep  Eussia  there  even  at  a 
still  greater  loss. 

On  the  contrary,  as  far  as  one  can  foresee  Eussia  will  be 
compelled  in  the  future  to  advance  still  further.  It  seems 
now  to  be  impossible  for  her  to  remain  where  she  is.  Kashgar, 
Bukhara,  and  the  Turkoman  country  must  either  be  annexed 
or  they  must  be  reduced  to  a  position  of  real,  and  not  nominal, 
vassalage. 

This  accomplished,  Eussia  will  have  arrived  at  a  true  ethnical 
and  political  boundary.  She  will  have  under  her  rule  in 
Central  Asia  all  of  the  Mohammedan  peoples  of  Turkish 
race.     On  the  east  her  neighbour  will  be  China ;  and  as  the 

from  Tashkent,  but  from  Vierny.  Even  after  the  account  of  Eeinthal's  journey 
was  finally  published,  it  was  believed  in  certain  quarters  in  England,  that  this 
was  then  done  lest  the,  English  mission  in  Kashgar  should  find  out  for  themselves 
the  visit  of  Eeinthal,  and  then  accuse  the  Eussians  of  duplicity.  Now  for  an 
example  on  the  other  side,  Captain  Terentief,  in  his  book  'Eussia  and  England 
in  Central  Asia,'  compares  what  was  said  about  the  roads  from  India  to  Kashgar 
by  Shaw,  and  how  easy  and  accessible  they  are  in  that  direction,  and  what  has 
been  said  by  subsequent  expeditions,  by  which  accounts  are  given  of  the  difficulties 
of  the  mountain  passes,  and  draws  the  conclusion  that  at  first  the  English  tra- 
vellers accidentally  told  the  truth,  but  that  since  then  there  has  been  a  persistent 
effort  on  the  part  of  the  English  authorities  to  blind  the  Eussians,  by  making 
them  think  that  a  natural  barrier  exists  between  Kashgar  and  India,  when,  in 
fact,  there  is  an  easy  road ! 


THE   ETHNICAL   FRONTIER  389 

Russians  are  not  disposed  to  get  into  difficulties  with  that 
empire  we  may  expect  few  boundary  disputes.  On  the  south 
the  frontier  will  be  the  Oxus,  separating  the  Russian  domains 
from  Afghanistan,  as  agreed  upon  by  arrangement  with 
England.  Although  the  rulers  are  Afghans  and  of  different 
stock,  yet  the  inhabitants  of  Balkh  and  the  province  south,  as 
far  as  the  Hindu  Kush,  are  of  Turkish  origin.  This  range 
would  therefore  form  the  true  ethnical  frontier  of  Russia  on  the 
south,  and  it  must  be  remembered  that  mountains  are  always 
better  barriers  and  boundaries  than  rivers.  On  the  west  the 
Russian  frontier  will  join  that  of  Persia,  which  is  inhabited 
by  men  of  a  different  race,  and,  although  Mussulmans,  yet  of  a 
sect  violently  hated  by  the  inhabitants  of  Central  Asia.  If  any 
difficulty  with  England  ever  arise,  it  will  probably  be  in  Persia, 
— where  at  present  Russian  influence  is  paramount — and  not 
elsewhere. 

How  Russia  is  to  repay  herself  for  the  money  she  spends 
in  Central  Asia  it  is  difficult  to  say.  The  construction  of  a 
railway,  while  it  may  bind  the  country  more  strongly  to  Russia, 
in  consequence  of  ease  of  communication  and  facilities  for  the 
transportation  of  troops,  can  hardly  develop  a  region  which,  as 
long  as  it  is  inhabited  by  the  races  now  living  there,  seems  to 
have  reached  its  highest  point.  It  is  hardly  probable  that 
an  influx  of  Russian  colonists  with  their  shiftless  ways  will 
improve  the  position  of  affairs.  But  one  issue  seems  possible — 
to  introduce  into  Central  Asia  the  patient  and  economical 
industry  of  the  Chinese,  notwithstanding  the  physical,  moral, 
and  political  difficulties  to  be  overcome.  Under  the  Chinese 
Kuldja  was  a  productive  and  a  thickly  settled  country ;  under 
them  Kashgar — which  is  now  worthless — was  flourishing  ;  and 
with  their  help  we  might  reasonably  look  for  a  great  increase 
in  the  productiveness  and  the  prosperity  of  Khokand,  Bukhara, 
and  Russian  Turkistan. 


391 


APPENDICES. 


APPENDIX  IV. 

THE    RUSSIAN   POLICY  REGARDING   CENTRAL    ASIA. 
AN   HISTORICAL   SKETCH. — BY   PROFESSOR   V.    GR1GORIEF. 

There  was  a  time  when  orthodox  Russia  seemed  thoroughly  Tartar. 
Everything  in  it,  except  its  religion,  was  permeated  and  impreg- 
nated with  Tartardom.  It  was  permeated  and  impregnated  then 
by  Tartardom  in  the  same  degree,  if  not  more  so,  as  it  is  now  by 
the  ideas  of  Western  Europe  ;  and  as  European  ideas,  which  have 
already  for  a  century  and  a  half  affected  the  higher  and  more  in- 
fluential classes  of  the  Russian  people,  are  the  weaker  as  their 
influence  extends  to  the  lower  and  poorer  classes,  so  especially  the 
top  and  branches  of  the  Russian  tree  were  then  affected  by  Tartar- 
dom, but  the  trunk  and  roots  less.  And  not  only  in  externals — in 
dress,  manners,  and  habits  of  life — did  the  Russian  princes  and 
boijars,  the  Russian  officials  and  merchants,  imitate  the  Tartars,  but 
everything,  their  feelings,  their  ideas,  and  their  aspirations  in  the 
region  of  practical  life,  were  in  the  strongest  way  influenced  by 
Tartardom.  Our  ancestors  received  this  Tartar  influence  during 
two  hundred  years — at  first  from  an  unwilling,  but  afterwards  from 
an  habitual  conformity  to  the  tone,  the  ma.nners,  and  the  morals 
that  reigned  at  Sarai  on  the  Volga,  which  in  its  time  played  in 
relation  to  us  the  same  role  that  subsequently  fell  to  the  lot  of 
Paris.  Russia  continued  to  seem  Tartar  even  after  the  fall  of  the 
Golden  Horde.  During  the  continuance  of  the  whole  Moscow 
period,  up  to  the  very  time  of  Peter  the  Great,  the  statecraft  and  the 
political  management  of  the  Russian  Tsars  and  magnates  continued 
to  be  in  every  respect  Tartar  ;  so  that  without  an  acquaintance 
with  real  Tartardom  it  is  impossible  correctly  to  understand  and 
estimate  many  phases  in  Russian  history  from  the  fifteenth  to  the 
seventeenth  century. 


392  APPENDIX   IV. 

Thanks  to  having  identified  themselves  in  such  a  way  with 
Tartardom,  our  ancestors  succeeded  in  freeing  themselves  from  the 
Tartar  yoke.  They  had  learned  the  weak  sides  of  the  Horde,  and 
they  succeeded  in  turning  to  their  own  profit  whatever  was  really 
sensible  in  Tartar  statecraft.  It  was  in  consequence  of  their  com- 
plete acquaintance  with  Tartardom  that  the  rulers  of  Moscow  were 
able  to  carry  on  their  affairs  in  relation  to  it  as  skilfully  as  they  did 
after  the  fall  of  the  Golden  Horde.  The  Tsars  and  their  counsellors 
understood  at  that  time  what  they  wanted,  what  they  ought  to  aim 
at,  what  was  possible  and  what  was  impossible,  as  well  as  the  means 
and  methods  by  which  all  this  could  be  best  accomplished  One  of 
their  most  skilful  and  fruitful  political  methods  was  their  habit  of 
calling  into  their  service  those  distinguished  men  of  the  Horde  who 
for  some  reason  or  other  did  not  get  on  well  at  home.  By  means 
of  these  immigrants,  who  appealed  accompanied  by  a  greater  or 
smaller  number  of  followers,  the  Muscovite  Grand  Princes  and 
Tsars  obtained  first,  an  excellent  military  force,  which  they  used 
against  their  enemies  as  well  on  the  east  as  on  the  west  of  Russia ; 
and  secondly,  an  excellent  support  against  their  own  selfish  and 
disobediently  disposed  hereditary  boyars.  It  would  have  been  a  great 
and  a  dangerous  political  mistake  to  have  left  these  incomers  in  their 
Mussulman  religion.  Considering  their  importance  and  influence, 
there  might  have  been  formed  in  time  out  of  these  unchristian 
foreignejs-mi-el©m«n4-in_ihe_liigiiest  degree  injurious  to  theTState,  " 
_on  account  of  their  not^elonging1  to  the  orthodox  religion,  which 
fhsrrconsfn^nted  and  still  constitutes  the  basis  of  the  Russian  nation. 
Fortunately  this  mistake  was  avoided,  not  because  it  was  foreseen 
in  time,  but  because  it  was  impossible,  considering  the  ideas  of  the 
whole  Russian  world  at  that  time  and  its  conditions  of  life.  If  not 
in  the  first,  as  usual,  at  least  in  the  second  generation  the  Tartar 
immigrants  into  Russia  became  orthodox,  and  entering  thus  into 
the  flesh  and  blood  of  the  Russian  people,  strengthened  instead  of 
weakened  the  Empire  which  was  then  in  coarse  of  foundation. 
But  as  it  was  impossible  to  turn  every  useful  an!  valuable  Tartar 
at  once  into  a  Christian,  and  as  the  unavoidable  perspective  of 
becoming  Christianised  in  Russia  might  have  served  as  a  pre- 
ventive to  their  permanent  or  temporary  immigration,  a  clever 
method  was  found  of  getting  out  of  this  dilemma.  There  was 
founded  within  the  boundaries  of  Russia  a  special  Khanate,  where 
the  useful  immigrants  from  the  Horde  might  remain  Mussulmans 
without  injury  to  their  true  and  faithful  services  to  our  political 
interests — the  Khanate,  or  as  it  was  called,  the  Kingdom  of  Kasi- 
mof,  which  during  two  hundred  years  successfully  performed  the 
functions  allotted  to  it. 


RUSSIAN  POLICY   IN   ASIA.  393 

Although  during  the  existence  of  the  Golden  Horde  the 
boundaries  of  Central  Asia  not  only  reached  to  the  Volga,  but  were 
moved  still  further  westward  into  Europe,  still,  according  to  the 
present  geographical  nomenclature,  it  is  impossible  to  call,  in  any 
strict  sense,  Central  Asiatic  the  policy  of  the  Russian  rulers  with 
regard  to  the  Tartar  dominions  which  arose  beyond  the  Yolga  on 
the  ruins  of  the  Golden  Horde.  Properly  speaking,  we  came  into 
contact  with  Central  Asia,  and  wei'e  able  to  act  with  regard  to  its 
peoples  in  one  way  or  another,  only  on  the  union  with  Russia  of 
the  kingdoms  of  Kazan  and  Astrakhan.  If,  after  the  downfall  of 
these  branches  of  the  Golden  Horde,  no  little  time  elapsed  before 
Russia  began  to  advance  into  the  steppes  of  Central  Asia,  it  is 
impossible  to  say  that  this  was  caused  by  the  unskilfulness  of  the 
Muscovite  rulers.  Before  penetrating  so  far  into  the  East,  the 
Muscovite  Tsars  had  to  attain  much  more  important  aims  on 
the  western  and  southern  confines  of  Russia.  They  had  to  live 
through  many  troubles  in  its  very  heart,  and  it  seemed  necessary 
in  any  case  to  bind  thoroughly  to  them  the  newly-conquered  Trans- 
Yolga  country  by  turning  it  from  a  Tchudish  and  Tartar  land 
into  a  Russian  one.  How  well  they  understood  the  way  to 
complete  such  a  difficult  transformation,  is  shown  in  the  most 
brilliant  manner  by  the  part  played  by  the  Kazan  region  during  the 
'  troublous  times  '  for  Russia,  some  sixty  years  after  the  conquest 
of  the  north-eastern  Trans-Yolga  country.  We  did  not  advance 
into  Central  Asia  during  the  seventeenth  century,  for  the  very 
reason  that  we  were  then  far  better  acquainted  with  it  than  in  the 
following  century,  and  because  the  character  of  its  steppes  and  that 
of  its  nomad  population  were  thoroughly  known  to  us.  Incontro- 
vertible proofs  of  this  acquaintance  are  presented  to  us  not  only 
by  the  '  Book  of  the  Great  Survey,'  but  by  a  remarkable  work  of 
the  Dutch  writer  Witsen,  who  obtained,  and  could  only  obtain,  in 
Russia  that  information  about  Central  and  Northern  Asia,  which 
astonished  Europe  at  the  end  of  the  seventeenth  century. 

In  consideration  of  the  impossibility  and  the  unprofitableness  of 
schemes  of  aggrandisement  in  Central  Asia  in  the  circumstances  in 
which  Russia  was  placed  during  the  seventeenth  century,  the  Mus- 
covite rulers  in  relation  to  this  part  of  Asia  had  first,  to  keep  up  that 
prestige  of  Russian  strength  and  Russian  greatness,  which,  by  the 
conquest  of  Kazan  and  Astrakhan,  they  had  obtained  in  the  most 
distant  regions  of  the  Mussulman  East ;  second,  as  far  as  possible 
to  prevent  the  nearest  nomads  from  pillaging  attacks  on  their 
borders ;  and  third,  to  have  a  care  for  the  commercial  interests  of 
their  subjects,  not  forgetting  even  another  interest  of  ft  at  time — 
which  was  common  to  us,  with  all  the  rest  of  Europe — the  ransom  [ 


394  APPENDIX   IV. 

from  Mussulman  hands  of  orthodox  Christians  who  had  fallen  by 
various  fates  into  slavery. 

'  If  you  want  others  to  respect  yon,  first  respect  yourself.'  The 
Muscovite  Tsars  and  officials  were  impregnated  to  the  marrow  of 
their  bones  with  this  maxim,  and  therefore  looked  after  the  honour 
and  dignity  of  Russia  in  relation  to  foreigners  with  a  care  which 
in  later  times  has  unfortunately  been  forgotten.  In  the  sixteenth 
and  seventeenth  centuries,  this  care  constituted  a  characteristic 
trait  of  our  diplomacy.  It  is  well  known  that  when  even  in  the 
time  of  Vassili  III.  an  embassy  arrived  in  Moscow  from  the 
Sultan  Baber,  who  had  just  founded  a  most  powerful  and  rich 
monarchy  in  Afghanistan — the  news  of  this  had  not  yet  reached 
us — the  Tsar,  while  receiving  the  ambassador  politely,  and  agreeing 
to  the  mutual  freedom  of  trade  which  Baber  desired,  did  not  order 
him  to  be  called  '  brother '  in  the  document,  as  the  chronicler 
observes,  for  he  did  not  know  for  sure  who  Baber  was,  whether 
an  autocrat,  or  only  a  sub-officer  of  the  Indian  realm. 

The  Nogais,  whose  encampments  bordered  all  the  eastern 
frontier  of  Russia,  from  the  Caspian  Sea  to  Siberia,  were  in  the 
sixteenth  century  very  dangerous  neighbours  for  us.  JSTeverlheless 
Ivan  the  Terrible  did  not  allow  Ismail,  although  he  was  our  very 
good  ally,  and  we  prized  his  friendship,  to  name  himself  in  docu- 
ments (as  Ismail  wished  to  do  by  old  habit)  either  his  father  or  his 
brother,  considering  both  designations  derogatory  to  the  dignity 
of  the  Autocrat  of  the  Russian  land.  In  1589,  when  the  famou3 
Abdullah  Khan  of  Bukhara  sent  to  the  Tsar  Feodor  Ivanovitch  an 
ambassador  with  a  letter,  the  letter  was  not  received,  because 
written  without  the  Tsar's  titles  ;  and  by  command  of  the  Tsar,  the 
boyar  Godunof  answered  Abdullah,  that  all  sovereigns  write  to  his 
Tsarish  Majesty  with  due  respect,  and  to  him,  the  boyar,  with  love 
and  compliment.  He  at  the  same  time  informed  the  Khan  that  if 
the  T.-ar  had  not  placed  his  ambassador  under  ban,  it  was  only 
through  his  intercession,  together  with  that  of  the  other  boyars, 
and  he  proposed  to  the  Khan  to  smooth  over  the  insult  which  had 
been  offered,  promising  to  use  all  his  efforts  that  relations  might 
not  be  broken  off.  We  know  how  little  Russia  in  1620  had  suc- 
ceeded in  recovering  from  the  disorders  of  the  '  troublous  times,'  and 
yet  the  young  Michael  Feodorovitch,  who  sent  in  this  year  Khokhlof 
as  Ambassador  to  Bukhara,  strictly  ordered  him  to  give  no  presents 
if  they  should  be  demanded  for  his  admission  to  the  Khan  ;  and 
if  in  dining  with  the  Khan  there  should  be  ambassadors  from  other 
powers  (there  might  happen  to  be  among  them  an  ambassador  from 
Persia,  or  from  the  Indian  realm  of  Baber,  or  from  the  Osmanli 
Sultans)  to  demand  that  he,  the  Russian  Ambassador,  should  be 


RUSSIAN   POLICY   IN   ASIA.  395 

given  a  place  higher  than  the  rest,  and,  if  this  should  not  be 
accorded,  not  to  dine.  The  first  Russian  Ambassador  to  China,  the 
boyar's  son,  Baikof,  who  was  sent  thither  in  16-54,  was  not  received 
by  the  Emperor,  as  is  well  known,  because  he  did  not  consent  to 
submit  to  the  undignified  reception  and  ceremonies,  which,  however, 
were  considered  obligatory  on  all  foreign  ambassadors  from  what- 
ever  place  they  came.  In  our  turn,  when  we  received  embassies 
from  the  Central  Asiatic  rulers,  we  strictly  observed  in  our 
negotiations  with  the  ambassadors  the  relative  political  weight  of 
their  masters,  and  usually  appointed  for  their  reception  officials  of 
the  lower  grades.  In  order  to  inspire  and  keep  up  a  high  idea  of 
ourselves  abroad,  it  was  not  considered  prejudicial  even  to  be 
boastful.  Thus,  for  example,  in  the  instructions  to  Novosiltsof, 
who  was  sent  in  1585  as  ambassador  from  the  Tsar  Feodor  Ivano- 
vitch  to  the  Emperor  Rudolf,  he  was  ordered  to  say  with  regard 
to  our  Asiatic  relations  that  '  The  sovereigns  living  along  the 
confines  of  our  country — the  Khan  of  Kyzyl-bash,  the  Bukharan 
Tsar,  the  Turkistan  Tsar,  the  Kazak  Tsar,  the  Urgentch  Tsar, 
and  the  Georgian,  Izyurian,  Kalmuk,  Shemakha,  and  Shenkal 
rulers — these  now  are  all  peaceable  with  the  Kj^zyl-bashes  and 
with  each  other,  according  to  the  instructions  and  counsel  of  our 
sovereign,  and  in  all  great  matters  in  which  friendship  or  enmity 
to  anyone  arises,  they  write  and  report  of  that  to  our  lord  ;  and 
with  regard  to  that  our  lord  writes  and  orders  them ;  and  they 
are  in  eveiwthing  obedient  to  our  lord,  and  send  frequent  embassies 
to  our  lord  with  great  respect  and  deference.'  Four  years  after 
this,  not  much  less  than  this  was  said  to  the  ambassador  of  the 
German  Empire  at  the  Moscow  Court — 'that  the  Bukharan  Abdula 
Tsar,  and  the  Tsar  of  Urgentch,  and  the  Prince  of  Izyur  are  all 
in  the  power  of  our  lord.'  It  is  very  possible  that  in  his  turn 
the  famous  Abdullah,  the  terrible  and  mighty  ruler  of  the  countries 
along  the  Syr  and  the  Amu,  who  was  called  by  us  the  '  Bukharan 
Abdula  Tsar,'  said  very  much  the  same  thing  to  the  ambassadors 
of  the  Great  Mogul ;  that  the  Tsar  of  Moscow  reported  to  him 
about  everything,  and  was  in  his  full  power.  All  the  cases,  how- 
ever, of  the  boasting  of  which  we  speak,  that  are  known  to  us, 
relate  exclusively  to  the  reign  of  Feodor  Ivanovitch,  wherefore 
perhaps,  wa  -nay  ascribe  this  exaggeration  not  to  the  usual  habit 
of  our  diplomacy  in  the  seventeenth  century,  but  to  the  influence 
on  governmental  matters  of  Godunof,  a  Tartar  by  extraction,  and 
consequently  a  diplomat  in  the  special  Tartar  sense. 

As  regards  the  second  problem — the  repression  of  attacks  on 
the  Russian  settlements  by  the  neighbouring  nomads,  we  in  the 
sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries  knew  very  well  that  this  task 


596  APPENDIX   IY. 

was  impossible  for  a  central  government,  and  for  that  reason  the 
Moscow  antborities  did  not  interfere,  but  left  the  matter  entirely 
to  the  frontier  commanders.  The  only  exception  to  this  rule,  as 
far  as  is  known,  was  the  construction  for  the  defence  of  the 
settlement  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Kama,  against  the  incursions 
of  the  Bashkirs,  Kirghiz,  and  Kalmuks,  of  a  row  of  walls,  ditches, 
and  fortifications  from  Biely-yar  on  the  Volga  to  the  river  Ik 
beyond  Menzelinsk — a  line  of  defence  which  received  the  appella- 
tion of  the  '  Trans-Kama  line.'  As  concerning  the  frontier  com- 
manders, they  in  proper  cases  acted  with  the  forces  of  the  very 
people  who  had  been  pillaged,  and  paid  off  the  nomads  for  the 
devastation  they  had  wrought  by  a  similar  destruction  of  their 
settlements.  Such  a  position  of  things  naturally  called  the  Cossacks 
into  existence,  and  they  developed  on  the  Siberian  frontier  as  well 
as  on  the  Taik  and  the  Terek.  .  Serving  as  a  barrier  against  the 
brigandage  of  the  nomads,  the  Cossacks  at  the  same  time  took  the 
offensive  not  only  against  them,  but  sometimes  also  against  the 
settled  states  of  Central  Asia,  as  witness  the  bold  attempts  of  the 
Cossacks  of  the  Taik  to  get  possession  of  Khiva.  Thanks  to  the 
Cossacks  the  Russian  name  continued  to  remain  terrible  in  Central 
Asia  without  any  special  measures  to  that  end  on  the  part  of  the 
central  government ;  and  the  government,  prizing  their  services 
and  deserts,  had  the  good  sense  to  look  through  its  fingers  at  the 
fact  that  these  profitable  arms  were  not  always  obedient  and  sub- 
missive ones. 

The  natural  productions  of  Russia  being  much  demanded  by 
Asia  had  from  of  old  brought  Asiatic  traders  thither.  When 
Kazyan  and  Astrakhan  fell,  through  which  the  Russian  trade  with 
the  East  had  been  carried  on,  ambassadors  came  to  Ivan  the 
Terrible  from  Samarkand,  Bukhara,  and  other  places,  asking  for  a 
'free  road  for  guests.'  The  commercial  relations  with  Central 
Asia  were  profitable  for  Russia,  and  therefore  '  the  road  for  guests ' 
was  willingly  opened  ;  but  we  understood  even  at  that  time  that  it 
would  be  still  more  advantageous  if  we  could  provide  ourselves 
with  the  Asiatic  wares  that  we  needed  by  buying  them  at  the  place 
of  production  by  means  of  our  own  merchants.  For  that  reason 
the  Moscow  Tsars  showed  the  greatest  favour  to  those  of  their 
subjects  who  were  bold  enough  to  penetrate  into  the  Central  Asiatic 
markets  through  the  hostile  steppes  full  of  marauders  which 
separated  them  from  us.  The  effoi't  to  obtain  for  the  Russian 
merchants  who  went  to  Central  Asia  the  same  rights  and  conve- 
niences which  Central  Asiatic  traders  had  in  Russia,  was  the  chief 
reason  which  in  the  seventeenth  century  called  out  an  embassy 
from  Russia  to  the  Central  Asiatic  sovereigns.     The  demand  for 


RUSSIAN  POLICY  IN  ASIA.  397 

the  liberation  of  the  Russian  prisoners  who  were  in  slavery  there 
was  put  in  merely  from  motives  of  humanity,  and  the  prisoners 
who  returned  to  Russia  with  our  ambassadors  were  not  received 
gratis,  but  were  ransomed  with  money.  Another  aim  of  the  em- 
bassies was  to  obtain  correct  information  about  the  political  con- 
dition of  the  countries  to  which  they  were  sent,  since  the  intelli- 
gence brought  by  the  Asiatic  traders  could  not  always  be  depended 
upon. 

If  our  affairs  beyond  the  Volga  did  not  advance,  the  amour  projore 
of  the  government  found  abundant  compensation  in  the  constant 
success  with  which  the  Russian  dominion  extended  over  the  wander- 
ing and  pastoral  natives  of  Siberia.  About  1640  we  had  already 
begun  to  take  firm  hold  on  the  Amur.  This  movement  brought 
us  into  contact  with  the  nomads  of  Central  Asia  on  another  side, 
the  north  instead  of  the  west,  and  here  apparently  we  met  with 
great  success.  One  after  the  other  various  little  tribes  of  Turkish 
and  Mongol  race  voluntarily  gave  their  allegiance  to  us,  and  in 
1636  Altyn  Khan,  the  important  ruler  of  Urunkhai  had  already 
become  subject  to  Russia.  But  our  late  Chinese  scholar,  Hyacinth 
Bitchurin,  was  the  first  of  European  writers  to  remark  '  that  nomads 
consider  allegiance  a  bargain  with  their  conscience,  in  which 
they  expected  to  win  at  least  four  to  one,  and  for  that  reason 
when  a  favourable  case  arises  they  rival  each  other  in  their  readi- 
ness to  declare  themselves  subjects,  but,  if  they  be  deceived  in 
their  hope  of  winning  four  to  one,  they  are  shrewd  enough  to  repay 
themselves  by  pillage,  rapine,  and  murder.'  For  that  reason  we 
said  that  our  success  in  obtaining  the  submission  of  the  nomads  in 
the  southern  regions  of  Western  Siberia  was  only  apparent;  in 
reality  all  declarations  of  submission  on  their  part  were  tricks  by 
which  they  hoped  to  get  from  us  presents  and  other  advantages. 
They  understood  this  very  well  in  Moscow,  where  even  in  1623 
there  was  an  order  not  to  allow  Kalmuk  and  Urunkhai  embassies 
fco  come  there.  Court  vanity,  however,  which  was  pleased  with  the 
appearance  of  such  embassies  and  their  submission,  got  the  better, 
and  the  comedy  of  bringing  nomads  to  the  oath  of  allegiance,  in 
spite  of  the  complete  admission  that  it  was  no  more  than  a  comedy, 
continued  to  have  constant  success  on  the  diplomatic  stage  during 
the  rest  of  the  seventeenth  century,  as  well  as  up  to  the  latest 
times. 

[Notwith standing  the  rapid  political  growth  of  the  Russian 
Empire,  we  could  not  arrange  matters  with  the  Crimean  Horde  in 
the  seventeenth  century,  or  even  up  till  nearly  the  end  of  the 
eighteenth.  This  is  known  to  everybody.  Probably  very  few, 
however,  know  that  in  the  seventeenth  century  Russia  was  exposed 


398  APPENDIX  IV. 

to  the  danger  of  a  new  invasion  of  Mongols  and  of  a  new  struggle 
with  them.  The  fact  is  that  the  former  strong,  and  afterwards 
much  weakened,  union  of  Jungarian  Mongols,  known  to  their 
western  neighbours  by  the  name  of  Kalmuks,  but  at  home  by  the 
name  of  Oirat,  began  in  the  commencement  of  the  seventeenth 
century  to  take  new  strength,  and  among  the  Jungarian  rulers  there 
axose  the  idea  of  establishing  the  old  realm  of  Tchinghiz  in  its  former 
extent  and  greatness.  At  least  we  see  that  while  the  head  of  the 
most  powerful  Kalmuk  tribe  of  Tchoros,  the  renowned  Bator  Kun- 
taitsi,  strove  to  weld  the  Oirat  into  a  unity  under  his  rule,  the  head 
of  another  tribe,  Gushi-Khan,  immigrated  with  a  part  of  his  sub- 
jects to  the  south-east  to  Khukhu-nor,  and  founded  there  an  inde- 
pendent government,  obtaining  afterwards  supreme  power  even  over 
Thibet  ;  and  Ho-Urluk,  the  head  of  the  tribe  Torgout,  moving  from 
the  Ii'tysh  to  the  sources  of  the  Tobol  and  of  theEmba,  crowded  the 
Kh'ghiz  to  the  south,  then  conquered  the  Nogais,  whom  we  consi- 
dered our  subjects,  overcame  the  Turkomans  in  Mangyshlak,  and 
finally  in  about  1636  passed  over  the  Yaik,  went  around  Astrakhan, 
and  settled  with  his  Horde  on  both  banks  of  the  Lower  Volga  like 
a  conqueror,  not  asking  in  the  least  the  consent  of  the  Russian 
Government  for  such  an  immigration  into  Russian  dominions.  In 
this  way  the  Mongols  in  a  very  short  space  of  time  again  made 
themselves  the  conquerors  of  the  countries  from  Siberia  to  India, 
and  from  China  to  the  Caucasus.  The  Horde  had  as  many  as 
50,000  Idbitlicis,  and  could  place  in  the  field  30,000  well-armed 
horsemen,  and  after  it  came  in  the  same  direction  to  the  Volga 
crowds  of  other  Kalmuks.  The  Mongols  of  Baty  invaded  Russia 
with  probably  no  greater  number  of  soldiers,  and  if  the  situation  of 
Russia  at  this  time  was  not  the  same  as  it  was  in  the  thirteenth 
century,  for  there  was  a  unified  autocracy  ruling,  it  was  still  in  the 
highest  degree  difficult.  The  wounds  of  '  the  troublous  times '  had 
hardly  been  healed ;  the  population  was  exhausted  physically  and 
economically  ;  the  Imperial  treasury  was  empty  ;  the  submission  of 
the  Cossacks  was  not  to  be  trusted  to ;  the  military  endurance  of 
the  streltsi  and  other  soldiery  was  doubtful,  and  aUhough  peace  had 
been  concluded  with  Sweden  and  Poland,  still  if  a  trouble  had  arisen 
for  Russia  on  the  East,  the  Swedes  and  Poles  would  have  again 
broken  out.  What  aided  us  was  that  the  Kalmuks  and  their  leaders 
had  neither  the  skill  nor  the  discipline  of  the  army  of  Tchinghiz 
Khan.  They  therefore  contented  themselves  with  the  acquisitions 
they  had  made,  and,  settling  on  the  Volga,  limited  themselves  to 
pillage  of  the  neighbourhood  and  to  excursions  to  Astrakhan,  where 
in  a  contest  with  its  defenders  Ho-Urluk  was  killed,  according  to  one 
report  in  1643.     There  were  no  means  of  expelling  the  Kalmuks 


RUSSIAN  POLICY   IN   ASIA.  399 

from  the  territory  they  had  occupied.  It  only  remained,  therefore, 
to  admit  the  accomplished  fact,  and  try  to  cover  the  blot  on  our 
honour  by  turning  the  uninvited  guests  into  subjects,  if  only  in  name, 
which,  from  the  readiness  of  nomads  for  this  bargain,  was  easily 
arranged.  In  1655  the  Ambassadors  of  Shukur  Daitchin,  the  son  and 
successor  of  Ho-Urluk,  swore  the  eternal  allegiance  of  the  Kalmuk 
people  to  the  Tsar  Alexis.  How  little  real  meaning  this  allegiance 
had  is  evident  from  the  fact  that  Shukur  Daitchin  and  his  successor 
several  times  after  that  entered  into  new  treaties  with  the  Russian 
government,  did  not  pay  them  a  kopek,  but  on  the  contrary  received 
tribute  from  them  in  the  gu;se  of  constant  salary  ;  continued  to 
consider  themselves  as  before  as  members  of  the  Oirat  league  ; 
were  in  constant  relations  with  Jungaria,  Thibet,  and  even  China  ; 
entered  on  the  government  of  their  people  without  the  Tsar's  con- 
firmation ;  received  new  immigrants  from  Jungaria  ;  and  sent  back 
there  whole  thousands  of  people  without  the  knowledge  or  consent 
of  Moscow.  In  the  year  1712  the  Khan  Ayuka,  already  with  the 
knowledge  and  consent  of  our  government,  received  an  ambassador 
from  the  Chinese  emperor,  while  the  Russian  Tsars  themselves  had 
not  been  honoured  by  a  single  Chinese  embassy  in  their  capital. 
In  a  word,  living  in  the  Russian  dominions,  the  Kalmuk  Khans 
acted  not  as  subjects  but  as  allies  of  Russia  ;  and  the  Kalmuks 
really  were  our  allies,  as  were  other  native  tribes  within  the  domains 
of  the  Empire  up  to  about  1780,  the  time  of  the  conquest  of  the 
Crimean  Khanate. 

At  the  end  of  the  Moscow  period  we  came  into  contact  with 
China.  We  were  brought  into  this  contact  by  the  successes  of  the 
Siberian  Cossacks  on  the  Amur,  which  disquieted  the  Chinese 
government.  We  had  for  a  long  time  desired  to  trade  with  China 
through  Mongolia.  For  the  establishment  of  regular  commei'cial 
relations  with  this  great  Empire  our  first  embassy  had  been  sent  to 
Pekin  in  the  year  1654  by  the  Tsar  Alexis.  This  was  followed  by 
other  not  more  successful  embassies.  Our  successes  on  the  Amur 
ended,  as  is  well  known,  in  our  yielding  to  the  Chinese  without  the 
slightest  need,  by  the  Rertchinsk  treaty  of  1669,  the  left  bank  of  the 
Amur,  which  had  never  belonged  to  them  ;  and  in  this  way  we  shut 
up  for  ourselves  for  more  than  a  century  and  a  half  our  most  con- 
venient way  to  the  Pacific  Ocean.  It  would  have  been  well  enough 
if  we  had  been  compelled  to  such  a  disadvantageous  cession  by  the 
consideration  of  the  great  weakness  of  our  defensive  and  offensive 
forces  in  Siberia,  and  by  the  danger  of  coming  into  armed  conflict 
with  the  Mantchus,  who  had  just  conquered  China,  and,  governed 
by  the  wisest  politician  of  his  time — the  Emperor  Kansi — were 
still  in  the  full  lust  of  conquest ;  although  a   danger  of  this  kind 


400  APPENDIX  IV. 

could  have  been  hardly  well  founded  in  view  of  the  comparatively 
enormous  efforts  which  it  cost  the  Mantchus  to  subdue  the  insigni- 
ficant fort  of  Albazin.  The  cause,  however,  of  the  conclusion  of 
the  Nertchinsk  treaty  must  be  considered  to  be  our  desire  imme- 
diately to  carry  on  a  trade  with  China,  just  as  if  we  could  not  live 
without  this  trade,  and  as  if  it  had  not  been  more  advantageous 
and  desirable  to  the  Chinese  than  to  us.  The  question  why  our 
affairs  with  the  Chinese  were  so  unsuccessfully  carried  on  we  gene- 
rally like  to  explain  by  the  interference  of  the  Jesuits.  It  is  much 
simpler  to  explain  it  by  the  general  truth  that  knowledge  is  stronger 
than  ignorance,  and  that  we  in  Moscow  and  St.  Petersburg  never 
knew  the  weak  sides  of  China,  and  were  unable  to  prize  those  ad- 
vantages which  we  have  more  than  once  had  in  relation  to  this 
power,  in  consequence  of  the  positions  of  its  affairs  in  Mongolia  and 
Jungaria,  and  were  therefore  not  in  a  condition  to  profit  by  them. 
The  wily  Chinese  saw  with  whom  they  had  to  do,  were  obstinate,  and 
obtained  what  they  wanted. 

That  man  alone  can  despise  his  people  who  recognises  no  worth 
in  himself.  If  Peter  the  Great  really  succeeded  in  doing  much 
that  was  great,  it  was  because  he  believed  in  the  Russian  people, 
and  measured  their  strength  by  the  marrow  of  his  own  soul.  This 
our  reformer  showed  even  in  his  designs  with  regard  fco  Central 
Asia.  He  had  no  aspiration  to  conquer  it,  but  was  attracted  by 
other  ideas  ;  first,  to  give  to  Russian  trade  a  way  through  the 
steppe  to  the  treasures  of  India,  which  he  knew  had  given  wealth 
to  his  friends  the  Dutch,  and  to  other  western  European  nations  who 
had  got  there  by  sea;  second,  to  bring  into  Russia  the  gold  which, 
as  report  had  told  him,  was  to  be  found  in  masses  in  a  river  near  the 
city  of  Irket  (Yarkand) — a  second  Asiatic  El  Dorado — a  country  of 
which  they  said  that  it  lay  in  the  possessions  of  the  Kalmuk  prince, 
somewhere  on  the  south  of  Siberia  and  on  the  east  of  Bukhara. 
Notwithstanding  such  indefinite  knowledge  of  the  position  of  Irket 
and  of  the  road  from  Bukhara  to  India,  Peter  decided  on  making  a 
road  thither  for  his  subjects  by  military  force,  without,  however, 
conquering  the  countries  through  which  the  proposed  road  should 
go.  This  was  the  combination  of  a  genius  ;  and  due  justice  has  not 
yet  been  given  to  it  by  the  biographers  of  the  great  Emperor,  because 
they,  being  unacquainted  with  the  history  of  the  East,  have  never 
been  in  a  position  rightly  to  estimate  its  value.  The  realization  of 
this  combination  was  founded  on  a  deep  understanding  of  the 
political  condition  of  the  countries  of  Central  Asia  at  that  time, 
which,  we  are  forced  to  say,  Peter  was  the  first  and  the  last  of  our 
statesmen  of  the  eighteenth  century  to  possess.  By  means  of  an 
embassy  from  Khiva,  which  had  appeared  in  Moscow  at  the  very 


RUSSIAN  POLICY  IN  ASIA.  401 

beginning  of  the  century  (1703),  with  a  proposal  from  the  Khan  tc 
swear  allegiance  to  Russia,  and  from  other  sources,  Peter  knew 
that  the  Khivan  and  Bukharan  Khans  were  so  little  the  actual 
rulers  of  their  subjects,  and  were  '  so  much  oppressed  by  them,' 
according  to  the  just  expression  of  Peter  himself,  that  in  order  to  put 
them  down  they  would  willingly  accept  any  foreign  aid.  On  these 
data  he  decided  to  send  to  Khiva  and  Bukhara  a  military  force  of 
considerable  strength  (5,000  men).  A  part  of  this  force  was  to 
be  left  with  the  Khivan  and  Bukharan  Khans  as  a  guard,  which 
would  guarantee  to  them  the  obedience  of  their  subjects,  and  at  the 
same  time  their  personal  dependence  on  Russia,  while  with  the  rest 
measures  were  to  be  taken  to  open  a  road  to  India  and  Irket,  and 
to  send  thither  a  Russian  commercial  caravan. 

In  the  condition  of  affairs  in  Central  Asia  at  that  time  this 
project  was  in  no  way  subject  to  risk,  and  would  have  been  crowned 
with  full  success,  if  the  Emperor  had  not  spoiled  the  whole  affair  by 
confiding  it  to  Prince  Bekovitch-Tcherkasski.  Peter  then  naturally 
thought,  as  many  do  now,  that  in  dealing  with  cunning  Asiatics  it 
was  best  to  use  an  equally  cunning  but  perfectly  devoted  '  Eastern 
man.'  This  was  a  great  mistake.  To  succeed  in  dealings  with 
Asiatics  it  is  necessary  to  lay  aside  all  cunning.  Had  the  Emperor 
entrusted  the  undertaking  to  some  capable  and  decisive  Russian 
like  Kotlyarefsky  or  Tchernaief  it  would  have  been  splendidly 
carried  out.  Tcherkasski,  with  his  Asiatic  cunning,  was  entrapped, 
and,  as  is  well  known,  ruined  both  himself  and  his  army  without 
the  slightest  profit.  The  other  expedition,  too,  from  Tobolsk  to 
Irket,  under  the  command  of  Captain  Buchholtz,  did  not  attain 
its  purpose,  because  the  purpose  was  unattainable,  but  it  Jed  at 
least  to  the  firm  establishment  of  the  Russians  on  the  Irtysh.  It  is 
remarkable  that  with  the  peculiar  sagacity  and  grandeur  of  his 
ideas,  Peter  was  able  also  to  see  the  value  of  the  idea  of  turning 
the  Amu- Darya  into  its  old  bed  to  the  Caspian.  The  idea  was  not 
carried  out  by  him  on  account  of  the  ruin  of  Tcherkasski,  and  still 
remains  only  a  project.  With  regard  to  China  Peter  followed 
the  near-sighted  policy  of  the  old  Moscow  Court ;  but  we  may 
suppose  that  if  he  had  lived  longer  he  would  have  clearly  seen  the 
state  of  affairs  there  ;  for  at  the  end  of  his  reign,  in  1722,  he  sent 
Captain  Unkofsky  as  ambassador  to  the  Kalmuk  sovereign, 
Tsevan-Rabdan,  in  order  to  learn  exactly  the  condition  of  Jungaria. 
It  is  evident  that  the  importance  of  this  subject  to  Russian 
interests  had  begun  to  be  plain  to  his  all-embracing  mind. 

Under  the  successors  of  Peter  the  Great  the  prominent  men 
of  Russia  were  imbued  with  3uch  a  deep  contempt  for  their  whole 
VOL.  II.  D  D 


402  APPENDIX   IV. 

past,  and  strove  with  such  zeal  to  accept  without  choosing  every- 
thing that  came  from  "Western  Europe,  that  in  a  very  short  time 
they  entirely  forgot  everything  which  they  before  knew,  and  among 
the  rest  lost  all  that  knowledge  and  understanding  of  Asia  which 
Muscovite  Russia  had  possessed.  Through  their  ignorance  of 
everything  that  touched  Asia,  and  especially  Central  Asia,  they 
fully  reached  their  aim — they  made  themselves  real  Europeans  who 
had.  never  had  any  idea  of  a  nomad  life  or  of  the  condition  of  the 
Steppes.  Independently  of  that,  a  great  number  of  foreigners  from, 
the  West  had  entered  the  Russian  service,  and  these  immigrants 
were  used  without  distinction  not  only  for  European  and  internal 
affairs  but  also  for  Asiatic  matters.  It  is  natural  that  under  such- 
conditions  our  policy  with  regard  to  Central  Asia  during  the 
eighteenth  century  must  have  been  far  inferior  to  the  policy  not 
only  of  the  sixteenth,  but  even  of  the  seventeenth  century,  with  no 
slight  loss  both  to  the  interests  of  the  Russian  people  and  to  the 
honour  of  their  government. 

Peter,  I  have  just  remarked,  began  to  look  into  Jungarian 
affairs,  from  a  true  understanding  of  what  enormous  advantages 
might  have  been  gained  for  us  in  regard  to  China.  Had  we  been 
able  to  manoeuvre  skilfully  during  the  struggle  between  the  Man- 
tchus  and  the  Kalmuks,  we  might  have  forced  the  Court  of  Pet  in 
to  very  great  concessions  in  favour  of  our  trade,  and  to  the  fulfil- 
ment  of  all  our  wishes  (such  as  the  establishment  of  a  Russian 
Consulate  at  Pekin).  We  could  even  have  penetrated,  according 
to  Peter's  idea,  to  Irket  itself.  Unfortunately,  the  significance  of 
Jungarian  affairs  for  our  interests  was,  it  seems,  lost  from  sight  at 
the  death  of  the  great  Emperor,  and  we,  in  our  negotiations  with  the 
Chinese,  did  not  show  ourselves  in  the  part  of  threatening  creditors, 
but  in  that  of  submissive  debtors — a  proceeding  which  nowhere 
and  never  has  led  to  success.  Instead  of  supporting  the  Kalmuks 
as  far  as  was  conformable  to  our  national  advantage,  we  with  great 
equanimity  allowed  the  Mantchus  to  overwhelm  this  neighbouring 
people,  and  our  deference  to  the  conqueror  of  Jungaria,  the  arrogant 
Kien-long,  was  carried  to  such  a  degree  that  when  the  last  warrior 
for  the  independence  of  his  country,  the  indefatigable  Amursana, 
was  compelled  to  conceal  himself  in  the  limits  of  Siberia,  and  died 
there  of  the  small-pox,  the  Siberian  authorities,  in  order  to  assure 
the  Court  of  Pekin  of  the  reality  of  his  death,  twice  carried  the 
body  of  the  unfortunate  ruler  to  the  boundaries  .of  China.  Once 
having  allowed  the  fall  of  Jungaria  we  could  not,  even  if  we  wished, 
obtain  anything  from  China,  and  nolens  volens  we  wore  compelled 
in  our  relations  with  the  Chinese  to  yield  to  all  their  whims.  The 
Dutch  suffered  still   more  in  Nagasaki  from  the  arrogance  of  the 


RUSSIAN  POLICY   IN   ASIA.  403 

Japanese,  but  they  at  least  got  some  advantage  from  it.  Our  trade 
"with  the  Chinese,  while  placing  our  national  character  in  a  shameful 
light,  was  at  the  same  time  disadvantageous  from  an  economical  point 
of  view.  Russian  wares  were  almost  constantly  sold  to  the  Chinese 
at  prices  which  did  not  pay  for  their  production,  and  for  Chinese  goods 
the  Russian  consumers  were  obliged  to  pay  three  times  their  value. 
The  causes  of  this  were,  as  is  well  known,  the  absence  among  the 
Russian  traders  with  China  of  any  feeling  of  common  interest,  while 
the  Chinese  merchants,  on  the  contrary,  were  distinguished  by  the 
close  relations  which  bound  tbem  together,  and  a  common  method 
of  action.  Let  us  admit  that  the  removal  of  these  causes  lay  outside 
of  the  power  of  our  government,  but  in  that  case,  why  were  all  its 
efforts  to  keep  up  a  trade  which,  by  bringing  loss  to  the  Govern- 
ment and  ruining  the  credit  of  the  Russian  name  in  Asia,  served 
only  for  the  reprehensible  gain  of  a  very  small  number  of  large  and 
petty  traders  devoid  of  all  feeling  of  patriotism  ?  Let  us  remark 
also,  that  from  ignorance  of  how  to  carry  on  our  affairs  we  our- 
selves gave  up  the  right  which  was  accorded  to  us  by  the  treaty  of 
JNertchinsk  and  confirmed  by  that  of  Barinsk  (1727),  to  send  com- 
mercial caravans  to  Pekin,  and  we  ourselves  lessened  our  trade  with 
China  by  confining  it  to  the  frontier  town  of  Kiakhta.  One  privilege 
remained  to  us  which  no  other  European  government  had — that  of 
constantly  keeping  in  Pekin  a  Russian  religious  mission ;  but  this 
mission,  the  only  object  of  whose  existence  was  to  keep  up  ortho- 
doxy among  the  descendants  of  the  captive  defenders  of  Albazin, 
who  had  already  become  Chinese,  was,  through  its  composition,  and 
through  the  character  of  its  members,  unfit  to  cope  with  the  learned 
and  crafty  Jesuits,  and  never  had,  and  never  could  have,  any 
influence  on  our  commercial  or  other  relations  with  China. 

Our  affairs  on  the  trans- Volga  boundary  of  Russia  were  carried 
on  in  the  eighteenth  century  no  better  than  on  the  southern  Siberian 
frontier.  The  rule  of  the  Empress  Anne  was  remarkable,  as  we 
read  in  the  school-books  of  Russian  history,  for  the  voluntary  sub- 
mission of  the  numerous  Horde  of  Kirghiz  who  had  formerly  been 
hostile  to  us.  This  happened  in  1734  In  St.  Petersburg  there 
was  a  great  rejoicing  at  this  event,  and  it  was  recalled  to  mind  that 
Peter  the  Great  limself  had  been  of  the  opinion,  as  it  was  said,  that 
'  this  Horde,  though  a  nomad  and  light-thinking  people,  was  yet 
the  key  and  the  gate  of  all  the  lands  and  countries  of  Asia,'  for, 
according  to  European  ideas,  people  supposed  that  because  they 
had  received  the  allegiance  of  one  of  the  Kirghiz  Khans  they  had 
gained  possession  of  this  key,  had  entered  into  and  had  passed 
through  the  wished-for  gates  beyond  which  the  treasures  of  India 

d  d  2 


404  APPENDIX   IV. 

were  open  to  us.  In  consequence  of  this  we  already  set  about 
establishing  a  flotilla  on  the  Aral  Sea,  and  sent  caravans  to  Tash- 
kent, Bukhara,  and  further.  Affairs,  however,  did  not  turn  out 
quite  as  was  expected.  A  spectacle  of  another  kind  was  shown  to 
us,  which  before  that  had  hardly  been  seen  in  history.  In  order  to 
defend  ourselves  from  our  new  subjects  we  were  compelled  to  shut 
ourselves  in  by  a  line  of  fortresses  with  large  garrisons,  while  up  to 
this  time  the  boundary  had  been  entirely  open.  This  happened 
because  our  rulers  had  forgotten  the  axiom  we  have  mentioned, 
that  '  swearing  allegiance  is  regarded  by  nomads  as  a  bargain  which 
binds  to  nothing,  but  in  which  they  expect  to  gain  four  to  one,  and 
that  for  a  mistake  in  their  calculations  they  revenge  themselves  by 
pillage  and  incursions.'  "We  took  words  for  facts,  and  of  course  we 
were  obliged  to  experience  the  consequences  of  such  short-sighted- 
ness. Our  new  subjects  showed  themselves  to  be  most  evilly-dis- 
posed enemies,  so  that  during  nearly  a  whole  century  all  the  efforts 
of  the  government  to  reduce  them  to  obedience — efforts  which 
cost  no  little  money — seemed  utterly  fruitless.  From  beyond  our 
lines  on  the  Yaik  (Ural)  and  the  Irtysh  during  all  this  period  we  did 
not  move  one  step  further  into  the  Kirghiz  Steppes,  and  we  consi- 
dered it  a  great  good  fortune  if  their  inhabitants  did  not  break 
through  these  lines,  ravage  our  villages,  and  carry  off  the  people 
into  slavery.  The  task  of  taming  nomads  strong  in  numbers,  de- 
fended by  the  vastness  and  the  barrenness  of  their  steppes,  cunning, 
eager  for  booty,  and  passionately  fond  of  their  wild  liberty,  was  of 
course  no  light  undertaking,  but  still  it  was  possible,  for  it  has  at 
last  been  accomplished.  So  that  if  we  fruitlessly  wasted  nearly  a 
hundred  years  in  performing  this  task,  it  is  evident  that  we  did  not 
know  how  to  set  about  it.  In  very  truth  the  history  of  our  efforts 
to  turn  the  Kirghiz  from  nominal  into  real  subjects  is  in  the  highest 
degree  comic  from  the  impracticable  character  of  the  measures  used 
and  their  want  of  correspondence  with  the  aim — an  impractic- 
ableness  and  a  want  of  correspondence  which  came  from  the  most 
complete  ignorance  on  the  part  of  those  who  managed  this  matter, 
not  only  of  the  passions  of  the  nomads  and  the  springs  which  set 
them  in  action,  but  even  of  their  language,  their  religion,  their 
ideas,  and  their  manners.  It  was  natural  that  under  such  conditions 
almost  every  step  of  ours  was  a  mistake. 

How  great  were  these  mistakes  may  be  judged  from  the  few 
following  examples.  We  imagined  that  the  Kirghiz  were  the  same 
ethnographically  as  our  Volga  Tartars,  and  therefore  for  one  hundred 
and  twenty  years  we  carried  on  all  our  correspondence  with  them  in 
the  Tartar  language  in  the  full  assurance  that  we  were  communicating 
with  them  in  their  native  tongue  which  they  fully  understood,  while, 


RUSSIAN  POLICY  IN  ASIA.  405 

in  fact,  it  was  exactly  the  same  as  writing  to  Spaniards  in  Italian,  or 
to  Italians  in  Spanish,  or  to  Poles  in  Serbian.  Still  worse  results 
followed ;  another  misunderstanding  of  ours  was,  that  the  Kirghiz 
were  Mohammedans,  whereas  in  the  last  century  they  were  almost  all 
Shamanists,  and  a  large  number  of  them  remain  so  to  this  time.  At 
the  epoch  of  their  nominal  union  with  Russia  only  a  very  few  of  the 
Khans  and  Sultans  had  a  confused  idea  of  the  dogmas  of  Islam  and 
performed  some  few  of  its  rites.  Not  a  single  mosque  then  existed 
in  the  Kirghiz  Steppes,  not  a  single  mullah  performed  there  the  rites 
of  the  Mussulman  religion,  and  if  since  that  time  the  Kirghiz  have 
really  become  Mussulman  to  a  considerable  degree,  it  is  only  owing 
to  our  taking  them  for  Mussulmans  and  to  our  treating  them  as 
such.  An  incontrovertible  proof  that  the  Mussulman  propaganda 
in  one  or  another  form  went  into  the  Kirghiz  Steppes  from  the  side 
of  Russia  is  the  circumstance  that  especially  those  Kirghiz  who  live 
along  our  lines  have  become  Mussulman,  while  the  old  genuine 
Shamanism  is  kept  up,  even  at  the  present  time,  among  those  Kirghiz 
particularly  who  wander  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Khiva,  Bukhara, 
and  what  was  formerly  Khokand,  that  is,  in  really  Mussulman  coun- 
tries. From  a  purely  political  point  of  view  our  greatest  mistake 
was  our  considering  the  Kirghiz  Khans  as  European  rulers,  and  the 
Sultans  as  a  kind  of  feudal  aristocracy,  in  consequence  of  which  we 
supposed  that  if  the  Khans  and  Sultans  were  on  our  side  the  people 
would  be  obedient  to  us,  and  for  that  reason  we  courted  the  Khans 
and  Sultans,  treated  them  well,  gave  them  presents,  and  had  to  do 
only  with  them.  Meanwhile  nowhere  in  the  world  had  the  heads 
of  the  nation  and  the  aristocracy  by  birth  so  little  meaning,  so  little 
real  strength,  as  the  Kirghiz  Khans  and  Sultans.  If  any  one  of 
them  attained  to  any  influence,  so  as  to  be  able  to  draw  a  crowd 
after  him,  he  reached  this  not  because  of  his  '  white  bone,'  but  on 
account  of  his  personal  worth,  and  personal  qualities  have  gained 
exactly  the  same  influence  for  simple  Kirghiz  of  the  '  black  bone.' 

The  most  decisive  of  the  efforts  to  change  the  relations  between 
the  Kirghiz  and  Russia  which  had  existed,  from  the  time  of  their 
being  received  into  allegiance,  were  made  in  the  reign  of  the  Em- 
press Catherine  II.  Her  intentions  were  good,  but  they  were  not 
carried  out,  not  only  because  the  great  Empress  sti'ove  for  what 
at  that  time  and  under  those  circumstances  was  impossible,  but  also 
because  the  measures  which  were  takeu  for  carrying  them  out  were 
marked  by  an  idyllic  Europeanism  and  at  the  same  time  by  the 
greatest  bureaucracy.  According  to  the  ideas  which  prevailed  for 
gome  time  in  St.  Petersburg,  the  Kirghiz  were  simple-minded, 
rude  shepherds,  who  did  not  eat  bread  because  they  did  not  know 
the  taste  of  it,  who  did  not  till  the  fields  because  they  did  not  know 


406  APPENDIX  IV. 

how  to  set  about  it,1  who  allowed  their  cattle  to  perish  in  the  storm? 
because  they  did  not  know  of  the  existence  of  sheds,  who  froze 
themselves  in  winter  in  their  felt  tents  because  they  were  unac- 
quainted with  the  carpenter's  art,  and  if  they  were  sometimes 
given  over  to  robbery  it  was  only  because  they  were  forced  into  it 
by  the  injustice  and  oppression  of  all  sorts  which  they  endured 
from  our  Cossacks  and  in  general  from  the  Russian  population  on 
the  Ural  and  Irtjsh  lines.  In  accordance  with  such  notions  orders 
were  given  to  teach  the  Kirghiz  the  use  of  bread,  to  give  them 
lessons  in  hay-cutting,  to  construct  sheds  in  which  they  could 
winter  their  cattle,  and  houses  where  they  could  themselves  live. 
It  was  forbidden  to  send  out  military  expeditions  into  the  steppe 
to  punish  marauders.  Large  sums  were  given  for  the  construction 
of  mosques,  with  schools  and  caravansarais  attached  ;  the  Kirghiz 
scholars  were  to  receive  every  day  some  money  for  their  nourish- 
ment, and  the  fathers  were  to  be  induced  to  send  their  children  to 
school  by  presents,  certificates  of  good  conduct,  etc.  It  was  finally 
decided  to  extend  to  the  Kirghiz  the  action  of  the  '  Institution  for 
the  Government  of  the  Provinces,'  and  to  prepare  them  for  this  by 
the  foundation  in  Orenburg  of  a  '  Boundary  Court,'  where  Kirghiz 
would  sit  together  with  Russians,  and  in  the  Steppe  of  '  Judicial 
Tribunals  '  subordinate  to  this  Court,  composed  only  of  Kirghiz 
(illiterate)  with  clerks  taken  from  the  mullahs  (Tartars),  whose 
duty  it  was  to  look  after  all  the  arrangements  for  carrying  on  justice 
as  contemplated  in  the  '  Institution  ior  the  Provinces.'  They  were 
to  annotate  all  the  papers  which  were  presented,  to  write  them  out  in 
thejournals,  to  set  forth  extracts,  to  make  protocols  and  registers,  to 
write  the  hours  of  meeting,  to  put  down  the  questions,  and  to  compose 
reports,  communications,  orders,  etc.,  etc.,  all  in  forms  given  by  the 
Russian  authorities.  The  persons  chosen  for  such  and  other  duties 
were  obliged  to  take  oath,  and  were  confirmed  in  their  positions  by  the 
Empress  with  a  considerable  salary  in  money  and  grain.  The  greater 
part  of  the  proposed  measures  were  put  into  execution,  but  as  might 
be  expected  the  Kirghiz  could  neither  understand  nor  estimate  rightly 
such  anxious  care  in  their  behalf.  They  did  not  desire  either  to 
settle    in    the  huts    constructed  for  them,  to  learn  in  the  schools 

1  Similar  ideas  seemed  to  have  obtained  even  id  the  present  century.  When 
the  Bashkirs  were  being  converted  frrm  a  nomad  to  a  settled  life,  it  was 
found  necessary  to  instruct  them  how  to  till  their  fields.  Many  ploughs  were 
therefore  sent  out  from  Moscow,  and  as  they  arrived  in  the  beginning  of  winter, 
it  was  thought  that  no  easier  method  of  instruction  could  be  employed  than  by 
compelling  them  to  plough  the  snow  which  covered  the  steppes.  The  Bashkirs 
became  expert  in  the  use  of  this  agricultural  implement,  but  somehow  or  other 
they  could  uever  understand  the  object  of  their  labours! 


RUSSIAN   POLICY  IN   ASIA.  407 

founded  for  them,  to  pray  in  the  mosques  huilt  for  them,  or  to  judge 
or  be  judged  in  the  tribunals  established  for  them  (the  members  of 
the  last,  however,  went  regularly  to  Orenburg  to  receive  their  pay)  ; 
and  they  continued  as  before  to  quarrel  among  themselves,  and  to 
make  pillaging  excursions  against  their  neighbours.  It  became 
necessary  at  last  to  give  up  the  pleasing  hope  of  introducing  order 
into  the  steppes  by  means  of  such  a  panacea  as  the  '  Institution  for 
the  Provinces,'  to  abandon  all  attempts  to  civilize  a  half-savage  people 
by  petting  and  playing  with  them,  and  not  only  to  change  the 
measures  which  forbade  sending  an  armed  force  to  punish  marauders, 
but  even  to  take  stronger  measures  of  just  retribution  by  seizing 
the  relatives  or  even  the  neighbours  of  the  guilty  parties. 

But  among  the  measures  which  were  impracticable,  either 
through  their  idyllic  or  their  bureauci'atic  character,  there  was  one 
which  was  perfectly  just,  and  completely  answered  the  aim  of 
bringing  all  the  order  then  possible  among  the  Kirghiz.  This  was 
the  removal  of  the  great  obstacle  to  it,  which  existed,  as  the 
government  at  last  understood,  in  the  power  of  the  Khan  over  the 
Kirghiz,  which,  in  consequence  of  their  national  character,  did  not 
in  the  slightest  degree  keep  them  down,  but  through  personal  am- 
bition constantly  excited  the  passions  of  the  people  and  caused  dis- 
order. In  1786  the  Khan  of  the  Lesser  Kirghiz  Horde,  Nurali,  was 
driven  out  by  his  people,  after  a  reign  of  thirty- seven  years,  injurious 
both  to  Russia  and  his  subjects,  and  died  at  Ufa.  Our  government^ 
profiting  by  this  circumstance,  thought  it  advantageous  not  to  name 
his  successor.  Unfortunately  this  decision  was  soon  changed.  In 
1791  Irali,  the  son  of  Nurali,  was  raised  by  the  Empress  to  the 
rank  of  Khan,  and  there  was  again  for  very  many  years  the  same 
disagreeable  confusion,  as  prejudicial  to  us  as  it  was  to  the  Kirghiz 
themselves. 

The  disobedience  and  the  marauding  of  the  Kirghiz  made  us 
angry  so  much  the  more  that  they  prevented  our  trade  with  the 
settled  countries  of  Central  Asia.  The  development  of  this  trade  and 
its  extension  to  India  were  the  constant  dreams  of  the  statesmen  of 
Russia  of  that  time  who  paid  any  attention  to  Asia.  It  was  espe- 
cially with  the  hope  of  reaching  these  aims  that  we  were  rejoiced, 
as  we  have  seen,  at  the  submission  of  the  Kirghiz.  Their  Khans 
constantly  promised  to  convey  commercial  caravans  to  Central  Asia, 
and  from  thence  to  Russia  in  perfect  security,  but  their  subjects  as 
constantly  took  from  these  caravans  a  heavy  contribution,  or  com- 
pletely pillaged  them.  Under  such  circums lances  our  commercial 
relations  with  Central  Asia  could  not  flourish,  and  frequently  were 
entirely  stopped  for  a  very  long  time.  Besides  this  they  were 
carried  on  from  the  Orenburg  line  almost  exclusively  with  Bukhara 


408  APPENDIX  IV. 

and  Khiva.  In  order  to  keep  up  and  strengthen  these  relations 
we  coquetted  even  with  Mahomniedauism.  It  is  well  known  thai 
one  of  the  best  colleges  in  Bukhara  was  constructed  at  the  instiga- 
tion of  the  Empress  Catherine,  who  gave  40,000  rubles  for  it,1  and 
it  was  more  than  once  proposed  to  establish  a  city  at  the  month  of 
the  Syr-Darya,  and  to  populate  it  at  first,  in  consequence  of  the  dis- 
agreeableness  of  the  locality,  with  criminals  condemned  to  exile,  but 
this  idea  never  passed  from  paper  into  reality.  With  Khiva  we 
could  still  carry  on  trade  from  Astrakhan  by  way  of  the  Caspian 
Sea  and  the  Turkoman  Steppe,  but  the '  Caspian  Turkomans, 
although  certain  of  their  '  elders '  had  sworn  allegiance  to  Russia  even 
in  the  time  of  Peter  the  Great,  did  not  fall  behind  the  Kirghiz  in 
their  marauding  disposition,  and  even  the  Khivans,  remembering 
the  destruction  of  Bekovitch,  and  constantly  fearing  revenge  for 
their  breach  of  faith  at  that  time,  avoided  coming  into  close  rela- 
tions with  ns  on  that  side  where  they  thought  they  were  the  least, 
protected  from  the  Russian  arms.  Judging  from  their  own  feelings 
and  ideas  they  could  never  understand  that  people  in  Russia  might 
forget  about  the  fate  of  some  thousands  of  their  compatriots  who 
had  been  tortured  to  death  or  had  lingered  on  in  slavery.  "We, 
oppressed  with  other  and  more  important  cares,  had  not  the  slightest 
thought  of  the  revenge  which  the  Khivans  feared,  and  were  ready 
to  hold  out  a  friendly  hand  at  any  time.  When  the  Khivan  Inak 
(the  ruler  of  the  Khanate)  became  blind,  and  decided  in  1792  to 
ask  the  Russian  government  to  send  him  an  oculist,  his  request  was 
at  once  granted.  In  Asia  such  humanity  cannot  be  prized  at  its 
worth.  Our  indulgence  and  long-suffering  were  considered  nothing 
but  weakness  :  and  these,  together  with  the  want  of  capacity  which 
we  showed  in  arranging  matters  with  the  Kirghiz,  over  which 
Asiatics  could  not  but  laugh,  and  the  superfluous  politeness  which 
was  shown  to  the  embassies  of  their  insignificant  rulers,  greatly,  if 
not  entirely,  destroyed  the  respect  which  from  the  time  of  Ivan  the 
Terrible  had  surrounded  the  Russian  name  in  the  neighbouring 
East.  They  got  accustomed  to  consider  us  as  people  who  did  not 
understand  anything,  who  could  be  easily  deceived,  and  who  allowed 
themselves  to  be  insulted  with  impunity,  and  it  must  be  admitted 
we  deservedly  had  such  an  unenviable  reputation.  At  the  end  of 
the  reign  of  Catharine  the  unsatisfactory  character  of  our  know- 
ledge of  Asia,  and  the  ineffectual  nature  of  our  policy  were  appa- 
rently acknowledged  by  the  government  itself;  at  least  we  see  that 
in  order  to  acquaint  ourselves  with  the  countries  in  the  basin  of  the 
Amu  and  the   Syr,  Russian  officials  were  sent  there  in  1792  from 

1    See  p.  93. 


RUSSIAN  POLICY  IN   ASIA.  409 

Siberia  (Burnashof  and  Pospielof)  who  gave  to  us  very  curious 
information  for  that  time  about  the  Bukharan  and  Tashkent  pos- 
sessions. 

Still  less  important  was  the  trade  which  was  carried  on  with 
the  settled  population  of  Central  Asia  from  Semipalatinsk  and 
Petropavlovsk  on  the  Irtysh  line,  where  merchants  sometimes 
arrived  from  Tashkent,  Khokand,  and  the  cities  of  Eastern  Turki- 
stan ;  but  it  is  necessary  to  mention  that  with  the  Kirghiz  them- 
selves a  barter  traffic  arose  on  the  lines  which  had  been  newly 
established  against  them,  a  trade  very  important  in  its  amount  and 
very  profitable  for  us.  This  advantage  was  the  only  one  which 
their  nominal  allegiance  brought  us. 

At  the  same  time  with  the  Kirghiz  another  nation  had  sent  a 
deputation  to  the  Empress  Anne,  asking  to  be  taken  into  allegiance 
— which  was  of  course  done — the  Karakalpaks,  half  settled,  half 
nomad  people  living  at  that  time  along  the  rivers  Sjr  and  Kuvan. 
After  that,  however,  as  neither  people  was  necessary  to  the  other, 
we  entirely  forgot  about  them  and  they  about  us.  Let  us  notice 
also  that  in  the  year  1740  the  Khivan  Khanate  was  acknowledged 
as  being  in  subjection  to  Russia  even  by  the  famous  Nadir  Shah  of 
Persia,  for  the  reason  that  our  subject  Abul  Khair,  Khan  of  the 
Kirghiz,  had  been  chosen  Khan  in  Khiva,  and  had  reigned  there 
for  some  days. 

To  the  eighteenth  century  must  be  referred  also  our  first 
attempts  to  begin  relations  with  Japan,  which  from  1637,  as  is  well 
known,  had  refused  all  intercourse  with  Christian  nations  except 
only  the  Dutch,  who  had  declared  themselves  not  to  be  Christians. 
The  cause  of  this  was  the  shipwreck  of  some  Japanese  about 
1780  on  the  coast  of  Siberia.  These  efforts  came  to  no  result, 
except  that  the  shipwrecked  Japanese  were  obliged  to  teach  their 
native  language  in  the  public  schools  at  Irkutsk  in  order  to  form 
Russian  interpreters  to  carry  on  our  relations  with  Japan.  Japanese 
was  in  this  way  the  first  of  the  Eastern  languages  which  was  offi- 
cially taught  in  Russia. 

A  new  attempt  to  establish  relations  with  Japan  was  the  first  act  of 
our  Central  Asiatic  policy  in  the  nineteenth  century.  It  began  in 
consequence  of  the  first  voyage  of  Russian  ships  around  the  world, 
on  which  they  set  out  in  1803,  but  instead  of  the  expected  profit  it 
brought  us  harm,  for,  on  account  of  the  prejudicial  conduct  of  our 
ambassador,  it  ended  in  the  just  hostility  of  the  Japanese  towards 
us.  Attempts  at  closer  relations  with  Khiva  and  Bukhara  were 
repeated  by  despatching  embassies  to  these  countries  in  1819-20, 
but  their  only  fruit  was  the  enrichment  of  Russian  and  European 
literature  by  the  excellent  books  of  Muravief,  Meyendorf,  and  Evers- 


410  APPENDIX  IV. 

maim.  In  order  to  keep  up  the  trade  with  Bukhara,  which  suffered 
from  the  Kirghiz  marauders  as  well  as  from  the  Khivan  robber. 
bands,  we  conceived  the  idea  of  sending  caravans  thither  under  a 
military  convoy.  The  first  attempt  at  such  an  armed  caravan  was 
made  in  1824,  but  was  very  nnfortunate  notwithstanding  the 
convoy,  the  outfit  of  which  cost  the  government  230,000  rubles  in 
assignats.  The  caravan  was  robbed,  and  an  attempt  of  this  kind 
was  not  repeated.  The  missions  of  Putimtsef  to  Jungaria  in  1811, 
and  of  Nazarof  in  1814  to  Khokand,  for  obtaining  information,  were 
fruitless.  Our  relations  to  China  were  distinguished  by  Chinese 
immobility.  In  this  way  during  the  first  quarter  of  the  nineteenth 
century  our  policy  with  regard  to  Central  Asia  was  in  aims, 
methods,  and  results  as  unsuccessful  and  as  unworthy  of  Russia  as 
it  was  in  the  eighteenth  century.  We  had  no  aims  of  aggrandise- 
ment ;  there  were  no  efforts  at  subjection  or  conquest ;  all  our  care 
was  limited  to  the  modest  object  of  obtaining  equality  in  commer- 
cial relations  with  the  petty  settled  countries  of  Uzbekistan  ;  but 
even  this,  notwithstanding  all  our  exertions,  we  were  in  no  wise 
able  to  obtain.  The  Bukharan,  Khivan,  Tashkent,  and  Khokandian 
traders  went  about  through  the  whole  broad  extent  of  Russia,  as  if 
at  home,  in  perfect  safety  ;  bought  Russian  wares  from  the  manu- 
facturers at  the  place  of  production  ;  and  for  their  own  goods  which 
they  had  imported  they  were  able,  in  the  absence  of  competition,  to 
fix  most  advantageous  prices.  Russian  traders,  on  the  contrary,  in 
consequence  of  the  vexation,  oppression,  and  even  danger  to  life  to 
which  they  were  exposed,  as  being  Christians,  in  Bukhara  and  the 
other  countries  of  Central  Asia,  were  compelled  entirely  to  give  up 
their  journeys  thither,  and  if  they  sent  caravans  into  those  coun- 
tries, it  was  only  with  the  aid  of  Tartar  clerks,  on  whose  honesty 
they  could  not  always  depend.  Even  these  agents,  on  account  of 
their  Russian  citizenship,  were  obliged  to  pay  double  custom  duties 
for  their  goods,  were  not  allowed  in  any  other  places  of  the  Khanate 
except  the  capitals  or  those  towns  which  lay  on  their  route,  and 
were  therefore  obliged  to  make  their  purchases  from  the  merchants 
of  the  capital  at  second  or  third  hand.  We  do  not  even  speak 
of  the  obligatory  presents  to  the  Khans,  to  the  high  officials,  and 
even  to  the  lesser  ones.  It  frequently  happened  that  all  their 
goods  were  taken  from  them  by  the  Khan  at  low  and  arbitrarily 
fixed  prices.  What  government  in  the  world  could  remain  indif- 
ferent to  such  a  state  of  affairs,  to  such  unequal  rights  to  the  detri- 
ment of  their  subjects  ?  The  removal  of  this  inequality  was,  as  has" 
been  said,  the  chief  object  of  all  our  diplomatic  relations  with  the 
Central  Asiatic  rulers,  but  it  was  wrong  for  us  to  negotiate  with 
them  as  with  equals.     We  ought  to  have  merely  given  orders,  so 


RUSSIAN  POLICY  I.ST  ASIA.  411 

ranch  the  more  because  we  had  the  power  of  compelling  them  to 
the  fulfilment  of  our  demands  without  recourse  to  military  force. 
The  Central  Asiatics  knew  of  this  possibility,  and  nevertheless 
made  no  concessions  to  us,  but  were  even  very  haughty.  Why  ? 
Because  from  long  experience  they  knew  that  our  authorities  did 
not  take  advantage  of  this  possibility,  not  knowing  of  its  existence, 
just  as  they  did  not  know  of  many  other  modes  of  action  which 
could  be  used  on  a  closer  acquaintance  with  the  past  and  present  of 
Eastern  countries  and  nations.  As  a  specimen  of  how  slight  was 
our  acquaintance  with  them,  we  may  state  that  even  about  1850 
the  Siberian  administration  asked  that  of  Orenburg  to  explain  the 
meaning  of  the  word  baranta,  although  this  term  had  been  used  in 
official  papers  almost  every  day  from  the  time  that  the  Kirghiz  had 
been  received  into  allegiance ;  that  is,  for  a  hundred  and  twenty 
years  they  had  talked  about  what  they  did  not  clearly  understand. 

The  reign  of  Alexander  I.  did  not  pass  entirely  without  profit, 
at  least  with  regard  to  the  actual  introduction  of  Russian  power 
and  the  benefits  of  civil  order  into  the  Kirghiz  steppes.  In  1810 
we  moved  further  into  the  Ural  steppes,  cutting  off  from  them  on 
the  Orenburg  line  a  district  with  very  rich  salt  mines,  known  by 
the  name  of  the  Iletsk  district,  and  colonising  it  with  Russians. 
Afterwards,  having  been  convinced  by  a  long  and  dear  experience 
of  the  inutility  to  the  Kirghiz  and  the  injury  to  us  of  the  rule  of 
the  Khaus,  we  finally  abolished  the  title  of  Khan,  first  in  the 
Siberian,  and  then  in  the  Orenburg  steppes.  The  government  of  the 
people  in  both  places  was  confided  to  Kirghiz  chosen  by  the  Russian 
government,  with  the  participation,  or  under  the  surveillance  only, 
of  our  officials.  In  consequence  of  this,  in  the  parts  of  the  Kirghiz 
steppes  nearest  to  the  Irtysh,  Russian  Kazak  villages  appeared  as 
centres  of  the  administrative  districts  as  early  as  1824.  About  the 
same  time  the  topographical  survey  of  the  Kirghiz  steppes  was 
undertaken — a  measure  which  apparently  had  nothing  in  common 
with  politics  or  the  Kirghiz  administration,  but  which  was  impor- 
tant to  both. 

During  the  reign  of  the  Emperor  Nicholas  I.  measures  for 
strengthening  the  union  of  the  Kirghiz  steppes  with  Russia  brought 
a  great  part  of  its  inhabitants  into  almost  perfect  submission.  In 
1834  a  fort  was  built  on  the  north-eastern  coast  of  the  Caspian  Sea 
with  the  aim  of  preventing  the  marauding  incursions  of  the  Adai 
Kirghiz,  and  in  the  following  year  a  new  military  line  was  esta- 
blished between  the  river  Ural  and  Ui,  and  all  the  region  which 
was  in  this  way  cut  off  from  the  trans-Ural  steppes  was  united  to 
the  territory  of  the  Orenburg  Cossack  army.  On  the  side  of  Siberia, 
in  the  trans- Irtysh  steppes,  there   continued  to  be  formed  districts 


412  APPENDIX  IV. 

■with.  Russian  colonies  in  their  centres.  Seeing  the  end  of  their 
disorderly  independence,  that  part  of  the  Siberian  Kirghiz  which 
was  not  willing  to  snbmit  to  this  rebelled  nnder  the  banner  of  the 
Sultan  Kenisar  Kasimcf,  who  also  succeeded  in  raising  a  part  of 
Mis  fellow-countrymen — the  Orenburg  Kirghiz.  Quickly  moving 
with  his  followers  from  the  Siberian  steppes  to  those  of  Orenburg 
and  back  again,  during  six  whole  years  he  kept  the  Russian 
authorities  in  continual  alarm.  All  our  efforts  to  defeat  and  capture 
him  proved  vain,  until  in  1844,  being  pursued  by  the  Russian  forces, 
he  was  compelled  to  take  refuge  in  the  settlement  of  the  Kara 
Kirghiz,  and  was  killed  in  a  fight  with  them. 

The  result  of  this  rebellion  was  that  in  order  to  prevent  as  far 
as  possible  similar  attempts,  small  fortifications  were  erected  during 
the  following  years  in  the  eastern  parts  of  the  trans-Ural  steppes, 
on  the  rivers  Turgai  and  Irghiz,  after  which  the  Russian  fort  Raim 
rose  at  the  mouth  of  the  Syr-Darya.  By  means  of  this  we  had  the 
possibility  of  becoming  better  acquainted  with  the  Aral  Sea,  which 
up  to  this  time  had  been  known  only  by  name.  In  1848-49  two 
ships  which  had  been  constructed  in  Orenburg,  and  had  been 
brought  in  parts  to  Raim,  made  a  survey  of  the  Aral  Sea,  in  the 
course  of  which  a  geographical  discovery  was  made  in  this  small 
mediterranean  basin,  just  as  might  have  been  the  case  in  some 
remote  part  of  the  ocean.  A  whole  group  of  islands  of  considerable 
size  was  discovered,  of  the  existence  of  which  even  the  inhabitants 
of  the  coast  had  no  suspicion.  In  this  way  what  had  been  supposed 
possible  in  the  reign  of  the  Empress  Anne  was  not  actually  carried 
out  until  115  years  after,  under  the  Emperor  Nicholas.  At  last  we 
had  really  arrived  from  the  side  of  Orenburg  on  that  Syr-Darya 
which  long  before,  in  the  first  printed  maps  of  Russia,  had  been 
marked  as  the  Russian  boundary  against  the  settled  countries  of 
Central  Asia.  Meanwhile,  in  a  parallel  way  from  the  side  of  Siberia 
there  was  also  a  further  extension  of  Russian  limits  within  Central 
Asia,  and  our  power  became  established  there.  In  1845-7  the 
Great  or  Old  Kirghiz  Horde  found  it  to  its  advantage  to  become 
submissive  to  Russia ;  for  although  it  had  once  before  sworn  alle- 
giance to  us  in  the  last  century,  it  had  depended  more  or  less  on 
the  rulers  of  Tashkent  and  Khokand.  This  new  acquisition  com- 
pelled us,  in  order  to  defend  it  from  its  neighbours  to  erect  the 
fortifications  of  Kopal  at  the  foot  of  the  Jungarian,  and  Yiernoe  at 
the  foot  of  the  Khokandian  Ala-tau.  An  end  was  also  found  to  the 
steppes  on  the  extreme  south-east,  and  the  overflow  of  the  Russian 
Sea  began  to  beat  then  with  its  waves  the  rocks  of  the  Tian  Shan 
mountains. 

When  we  had  ouce  received  the    Kirghiz  steppes  into  our  alle- 


RUSSIAN   POLICY   IN   ASIA.  413 

giance,  we  ought  naturally  to  have  attempted  to  turn  this  nominal 
into  a  real  subjection,  as  without  that  it  would  be  impossible  not 
only  to  develope  our  trade  with  the  settled  countries  which  _ie 
behind  these  steppes  (a  trade  from  which,  although  entirely  without 
reason,  great  advantages  were  expected),  but  it  would  also  be  im- 
possible to  give  security  to  the  Russian  settlements  which  bordered 
on  the  steppes.  Once  having  succeeded  in  reducing  the  Kirghiz  to 
obedience  (the  clearest  proof  of  which  was  the  revenue  we  began  to 
get  from  them),  and  having  introduced  all  the  order  and  quiet  we 
could  into  the  steppe,  it  became  our  duty  to  preserve  them  from 
hostile  attacks  on  the  south  by  the  Khokandians  and  Khivans. 
The  pretensions  of  the  Khivan  Khans  on  the  Kirghiz,  which  had 
grown  much  stronger  since  the  beginning  of  the  present  century, 
were  limited,  however,  to  temporary  imposts  on  the  tribes  which 
were  nearest  to  them,  and  did  not  specially  interfere  with  the  quiet 
of  the  steppe  in  general.  The  Khokandians  acted  otherwise. 
Having  established  themselves  about  1820  on  the  right  border  of  the 
valley  of  the  Syr  and  along  the  southern  slopes  of  Kara-tau  and 
Alatau  by  a  line  of  mud  forts,  they  not  only  regularly  took  tribute 
from  the  local  and  neighbouring  Kirghiz,  but  from  time  to  time 
penetrated  with  large  bands  into  the  trans-Ural  and  Tchu  steppes, 
and  wrought  great  devastation,  accompanying  it  with  the  most 
frightful  barbarity.  After  the  construction  of  Viernoe  and  Raim, 
we  stood  face  to  face  with  these  barbarians,  and  we  were  inevitably 
obliged  to  meet  them  with  arms.  As  Asiatics  do  not  practise 
political  common  sense,  which  would  forbid  them  to  begin  a  struggle 
that  was  disproportionate  to  their  means,  and  as  the  Khokandians 
had  not  the  slightest  idea  of  the  strength  of  Russia,  and  at  the  same 
time  showed  no  desire  to  leave  off  their  marauding  expeditions, 
their  hostile  relations  to  our  Kirghiz  naturally  ended  to  their  great 
discomfiture.  By  the  end  of  1853  almost  all  the  Khokandian  forts 
in  the  valley  of  the  Syr,  including  the  strongest,  Ak  Masjid, 
had  fallen  in  our  hands.  It  was  also  necessary  to  punish  the 
Khivans,  not  for  their  old  faults,  which  had  well-nigh  been  for- 
gotten by  us,  but  for  their  frequent  attacks  on  our  caravans  going 
to  Bukhara  and  on  the  Bukharan  caravans  coming  to  us,  and  for  the 
protection  which  they  gave  to  the  still  disobedient  Kirghiz,  who 
captured  the  Russian  traders  and  fishermen  on  the  Caspian  Sea,  in 
consequence  of  which  Khiva  became  the  chief  market  for  the 
Russian  slave  trade,  and  thousands  of  Russians  were  there  in 
torture.  After  long  wavering  as  to  how  to  set  about  this  punish- 
ment, it  was  finally  resolved  in  the  year  1839  to  undertake  a 
military  expedition  against  Khiva ;  but,  as  it  is  well  known, 
through  the  severity  of  the  winter,  the  Russian  forces  were  obliged 


414  APPENDIX   IV. 

to  return  when  they  were  still  far  from  reaching  the  bounds  of  the 
Khivan  Khanate.  It  is  true  that,  terrified  by  this  movement,  and 
still  more  by  the  detention  of  the  Khivan  traders  in  Russia — a 
measure  which  should  have  been  applied  long  before — the  Khivan 
Khan  gave  up  a  part  of  the  Russians  who  were  kept  there  as 
slave? ;  but  immediately  after  affairs  went  on  as  before.  The 
Khivans  again  robbed  our  caravans ;  again  bought  up  the  Russians 
who  were  captured  by  the  Turkomans  and  the -Kirghiz  ;  so  that  the 
embassy  which  was  sent  in  1842  in  order  to  arrange  things  peace- 
ably, had  little  result  except  the  collection  of  new  knowledge  about 
the  Lower  Amu  Darya  (published  by  Danilefsky  and  Basiner).  In 
order  to  prevent  the  attack  of  the  Caspian  Turkomans  we  established 
a  constant  cruising  service  of  armed  vessels  in  the  southern  part  of 
the  Caspian  Sea,  from  a  station  that  had  been  agreed  upon  with 
Persia  in  the  Gulf  of  Astrabad ;  but  this  fleet  in  general  had  little 
effect,  and  it  defended  from  the  attacks  of  the  Turkomans  rather 
the  Caspian  shores  of  Persia  than  the  Russian  commercial  vessels 
in  the  northern  part  of  that  sea.  During  the  period  under  consi- 
dei'ation  the  commercial  relations  of  Bukhara,  which  were  so  bad 
for  Russia,  did  not  change  for  the  better.  We  profited  by  the 
request  of  the  Bukharan  Amir  to  send  him  people  skilful  in  search- 
ing for  gold  (he  had  received  information  about  our  gold  mines  in 
Siberia  and  the  Ural),  only  to  send  into  Bukhara  in  1842  several 
scientific  officers  and  mining  engineers,  who  on  this  occasion  visited 
Samarkand  and  other  places  of  the  Khanate,  which  had  hitherto 
been  inaccessible  to  Europeans,  and  brought  back  to  us  precious 
scientific  information  (Khanikof,  Lehmann,  and  Butenief). 

As  regards  China  we  began  to  prize  the  trade  of  this  empire,  as 
it  had  been  established  at  Kiakhta,  still  more  than  the  trade  with 
Bukhara,  and  although  it  was  unprofitable  to  us  we  were  ready  to 
sacrifice  everything  in  order  that  it  might  not  in  any  way  cease 
even  for  a  short  time.  During  the  continuance  of  the  war  which 
the  English  declared  against  the  Chinese  in  1840,  we  could,  if  we 
had  only  wished,  have  obtained  many  advantages  ;  for  the  Chinese 
authorities,  then  entirely  unacquainted  with  Europe,  turned  of 
themselves  to  the  members  of  our  Pekin  mission  for  counsel  and 
explanation  ;  but  for  some  reason  or  other  we  thought  it  necessary 
not  to  meddle  under  any  pretext  in  this  dispute,  and  we  considered 
it  a  great  diplomatic  victory  that  by  the  treaty  of  Kuldja  in  1851  we 
legalized  the  trade  with  Western  China  through  Kuldja  and  Tchu. 
gutchak,  which  had  been  very  quietly  carried  on  without  any 
special  permission  from  Buktarmy,  Petropavlovsk,  and  Semipala- 
tinsk  from  the  very  beginning  of  the  present  century.  According 
to  this  treaty  we  obtained  the  right  to  construct  factories  in  Tchu- 


RUSSIAN   POLICY  IN  ASIA.  415 

gatchak  and  Kuldja,  and  in  the  latter  place  to  have  our  own  consul. 
Towards  the  end  of  the  period  under  consideration  the  fear  of 
quarrelling  with  the  Chinese  began,  however,  to  yield  to  other 
political  views.  We  began  to  think  about  recovering  the  territory 
which  had  been  lost  by  us  without  the  slightest  reason  by  the 
treaty  of  Nertchinsk,  and  about  navigating  the  Amur  to  the  Pacific. 
With  this  aim  military  operations  along  this  river  began  against 
the  Chinese  in  1853  ;  but  it  is  necessary  to  say  that  even  this 
matter,  which  had  lain  dormant  for  more  than  one  hundred  and 
sixty  years,  was  begun  too  soon,  for  its  advantages  are  still  in  the 
future,  and  mean  while  its  has  succeeded  in  acting  in  a  very 
disadvantageous  way  on  the  prospects  of  Eastern  Siberia. 

At  least,  with  regard  to  Japan  we  were  not  behind  the  other 
European  nations  in  our  success,  having  opened  relations  with  it  in 
the  proper  time  _and  with  energy.  During  the  last  days  of  the 
reign  of  the  Emperor  Nicholas  a  treaty  was  concluded  with  that 
country  at  Simoda,  by  which  Russian  vessels  were  allowed  to  enter 
the  three  ports  of  Simoda,  Hakodati,  and  Nagasaki  ;  Russia  was 
allowed  to  have  a  consul  in  one  of  the  first  two  ports  ;  and  a  very 
important  condition  was  made  that  all  the  rights  and  privileges 
which  should  be  given  in  future  in  Japan  to  other  nations  should 
be  at  the  same  time  extended  to  Rn-ssian  subjects.  In  this  way,  to 
us,  together  with  the  Americans,  belongs  the  honour  of  forcing  a 
breach  into  this  Great  Britain  of  the  Eastern  Ocean,  hitherto  inac- 
cessible. 

In  the  castle  of  Gripsholm  on  Lake  Malar  there  lie  two  immense 
cannon  of  the  time  of  Ivan  the  Terrible,  brought  from  Novgorod 
during  the  '  troublous  times  '  by  General  Be  La  Gardie.  The  Swedes 
with  pride  point  out  these  trophies  to  foreigners,  and  it  is  not  even 
unpleasant  for  a  Russian  to  look  at  them  when  he  remembers  the 
battle  of  Poltava  and  its  consequences  for  Sweden.  In  the  same 
way,  without  the  slightest  disagreeable  feeling,  we  can  admit  the 
unsatisfactory  character  of  our  Asiatic  policy  since  t^e  time  of  Peter 
the  Great,  knowing  that  during  the  present  reign  flJrno^t  all  our 
former  failures  have  been  gloriously  wiped  out,  and  that  the  Russian 
name  in  Central  Asia  is  now  as  terrible  and  enjoys  the  same  respect 
as  it  did  after  the  fall  of  Kazan  and  Astraknan.  But  we  do  not 
undertake  an  estimate  of  our  activity  in  thip  part  of  Asia  during 
the  last  twenty  years,  because  the  view  of  a  contemporary  may  be 
near-sighted  and  prejudiced,  and  also  because  *w\  do  not  have  at 
hand  sufficiently  full  and  truthful  data. 


41b  APPENDIX  V. 


APPENDIX   V. 

RUSSIA    AND    KHIVA. 

The  following  is  the  substance  of  an  account  of  the  relations  with 
Khiva  preceding  the  Khivan  campaign  of  1873,  given  by  Terentief, 
in  his  '  Russia  and  England  in  Central  Asia,'  chapters  v.,  vi.  :  — 

'  Immediately  on  his  arrival  in  Tashkent,  General  Kaufmann 
wrote  to  the  Khivan  Khan,  Mohammed  Rahirn,  a  letter  of  November 
19  (December  1),  1867,  in  which  he  informed  him  of  his  appoint- 
ment and  arrival,  of  the  full  powers  granted  him  by  the  Emperor, 
and  of  the  movement  of  our  detachment  beyond  the  Syr  Darya  for 
the  purpose  of  punishing  the  marauders  who  pillaged  our  caravans, 
&c.  But  this  letter  was  evidently  understood  as  a  desire  on  the 
part  of  the  Governor-General  to  curry  favour,  and  the  Khivans 
immediately  took  a  lofty  tone. 

'  The  Khan  did  not  even  answer  it  himself,  but  committed  the  care 
of  his  correspondence  to  his  attendants,  who  in  their  turn  hastened 
so  little  that  the  answer  was  received  only  in  February  1868. 
Knowing  that  Mohammed  Rahim,  who  was  only  twenty  years  old, 
was  more  occupied  in  hunting  with  falcons  than  with  business,  which 
was  carried  on  by  his  ministers,  we  did  not  expect  from  Khiva  any 
special  politeness.  The  tone  of  the  answer  surpassed  our  anticipa- 
tions. The  Khivan  Kush-begi  wrote  :  "  Every  lord  rules  his  own 
lands  and  neither  the  people  there,  of  old  subject  to  him,  nor  his 
army  ought  to  cross  the  boundary  and  in  this  way  break  the  peace. 
Further,  your  statement  that  both  sides  of  the  Syr  Darya  belong 
to  your  rule  is  apparently  an  infringement  of  previous  treaties, 
since  the  southern  side  of  the  Syr  Darya  belongs  to  us.  If,  on  the 
southern  side  of  the  Syr  Darya,  rebels  disturb  caravans,  we  will 
put  them  down ;  but  if  they  attack  the  caravans  on  the  other  side  of 
the  Syr  Darya,  that  is  your  work." 

'  In  view  of  his  journey  to  St.  Petersburg  the  Governor- General 
decided  not  to  answer  this  letter  until  his  return,  and  in  the  mean- 


RUSSIA  AND   KHIVA.  417 

time  to  look  up  the  question  of  the  treaties  to  which,  the  Khivans 
referred.  It  was  decided  also  not  to  change  the  de  facto  occupation 
of  the  left  bank  of  the  Syr  Darya,  and  of  the  whole  course  of  the 
Kuvan  and  the  Yany  Darya  to  Lake  Aktcha-kul,  since  the  Kirghiz 
of  the  district  of  Kazala  migrated  along  these  rivers,  passed  the 
winter  there,  and  left  agriculturists  there  during  the  summer. 

'  From  the  beginning  of  the  winter  of  1867,  in  order  to  protect 
these  Kirghiz  from  the  pillage  of  the  Khivans,  detachments  had 
been  sent  out  from  Kazala  and  Perovsky  to  Irkibai,  and  even 
further,  if  the  weather  allowed.  This  measure  up  to  1873  continued 
to  give  satisfactory  results.  As  concerns  the  juridical  side  of 
the  question  the  researches  made  in  St.  Petersburg  proved  that 
there  were  no  treaties  regarding  the  boundaries;  and  although  the 
Khivans  had  raised  the  question  during  the  mission  of  General 
Ignatief,  he  had  declined  to  decide  the  question,  on  the  ground  of 
the  impossibility  of  exactly  defining  the  boundary-line  between 
countries  the  outlying  provinces  of  which  were  inhabited  by  nomads 
only. 

'  Khiva  seemed  to  take  no  lessons  from  the  capture  of  Samar- 
kand, and  even  held  her  head  high.  All  the  robber-chiefs  who  had 
previously  carried  on  their  raids  under  the  banner  of  the  Amir, 
such  as  Sadyk,  Nazar,  &c,  and  all  the  Russian  traitors,  as  the 
cornet  Atarakul  and  his  brothers,  as  well  as  the  rebellious  son  of 
the  Amir,  the  Katta  Tiura,  found  a  refuge  in  Khiva.  The  Khan 
gave  many  of  them  money  for  their  support,  and  proposed  to  the 
Katta  Tiura  the  rank  of  Khan  of  the  Turkomans  subject  to  Khiva. 
The  Amir,  however,  soon  demanded  the  surrender  of  his  son,  and 
Khiva — thus  placed  between  the  laws  of  hospitality  and  the  demands 
of  a  near  and  powerful  neighbour — took  the  middle  course  and 
advised  the  Katta  Tiura  to  leave  the  country.  Atamkul  started  to 
go  with  him,  but  was  caught,  put  in  chains,  and  incarcerated  for 
four  months  in  prison.    .    .    . 

'  During  the  troubles  with  the  Kirghiz  the  proclamations  of  the 
Khan  and  his  ministers  filled  the  steppes,  the  Khivan  emissaries 
were  profuse  in  promises,  and  the  small  detachment  sent  out  by 
the  Khan  grew  in  the  imagination  of  the  Kirghiz  into  great  armies, 
and  stimulated  them  to  all  soi'ts  of  depreciations.  How  submi  5sive 
were  even  those  Kirghiz  authorities  supposed  to  be  loyal  can  be 
judged  from  the  reports  of  the  Volost  rulers.  Iset  Kuty  Barof 
very  naively  communicated  on  May  22  (June  3),  that  "  hav- 
ing received  information  of  the  arrival  of  the  Khivans  on  the 
borders,  and  an  invitation  from  them  to  come,  I  and  Niaz  went. 
They  asked  us,    '  On   whose  side  are  you  ?  '      We  answered   '  On 

VOL.  II.  E  E 


418  APPENDIX  V. 

both.'  The  Khivans  took  from  us  three  merchants  '  and  1,000 
sheep." 

'  In  one  of  the  proclamations  issued,  to  which  the  seal  of  Moham- 
med Rahini  Khan  was  affixed,  it  was  said  that  according  to  the 
treaties  with  Russia  the  boundary  was  first  the  Ural  and  after- 
wards the  Emba,  and  that  the  advance  of  the  Russians  beyond  the 
Emba  was  an  infringement  of  the  treaties.  "  You  and  all  the  Kir- 
ghiz tribes,"  the  Khan  wrote,  "  unanimously  agreed  to  separate 
yourselves  from  the  infidels,  and  decided  to  smite  them  with  the 
sword  of  Islam.  This  is  known  to  him  who  rules  on  the  threshold  of 
the  refuge  of  Islam,  and  therefore  we  send  to  you  troops,  with  the 
Esaul  Bashi  Mahmud  and  Makhram  Khudai  Ntizar."  By  other 
proclamations  in  the  name  of  the  emissaries  the  Bii  and  elders 
were  invited  to  come  to  Khiva  for  consultation  about  the  intended 
movement.  The  Divan  Besfi  also  encouraged  the  rebels,  and 
promised  that  the  Khan's  troops  would  soon  come  to  their  aid. 
It  is  possible,  indeed,  that  these  documents  may  have  been  forgeries, 
as  forgeries  are  not  uncommon  in  Central  Asia.    .    .    . 

'  Various  Russians  captured  in  the  subsequent  disturbances  were 
sent  on  to  Khiva. 

'  ISTot  wishing  at  once  to  have  recourse  to  harsb  measures, 
the  Governor- General  tried  to  bring  Khiva  to  its  senses  by  diplo- 
matic means.  In  a  letter  of  August  12  (24),  1869,  the  Khan 
was  told  (1)  That  incendiary  proclamations  in  his  name  had  been 
sent  to  our  Kirghiz  and  Turkomans.  (2)  That  his  officials, 
attended  by  troops,  had  come  within  our  limits,  for  the  purpose  of 
exciting  disorder  among  our  subjects.  (3)  That  some  Russians 
had  been  carried  off  to  Khiva,  where  they  were  kept  with  his  know- 
ledge. (4)  That  rebels  and  robbers,  running  away  from  the 
Russian  dominions,  find  hospitality  and  protection  with  him. 

'  A  demand  was  made  at  the  same  time  that  such  offences  should 
not  be  repeated,  and  that  the  guilty  parties  should  be  punished  for 
their  infringement  of  the  frontier.  "I  do  not  wish  to  think  that  all 
this  was  done  with  your  knowledge,"  added  the  Governor- General, 
"  and  would  be  glad  to  believe  that  you  have  no  hand  in  these 
things.  Similar  acts  were  committed  formerly  by  Khokand  and 
Bukhara.     Ton  know  the  consequences." 

'  On  receiving  fresh  information  regarding  the  disturbances  in 
the  Bukan  mountains  another  letter  was  written,  dated  Septem- 
ber 20  (October  2),  demanding  the  punishment  of  the  marauders, 
the  return  of  the  men  who  had  been  taken,  and  the  liberation  of 
the  Russian  and  Bukharan  subjects  that  had  been  captured.     No 

1  Iran  Burnashof  and  his  companions. 


RUSSIA   AND   KHIVA.  419 

answer,  however,  was  received  to  either  of  these  letters,  and  the 
messenger  by  whom  they  had  been  sent  was  kept  under  arrest  in 
Khiva.  This  messenger  wras  a  Kirghiz  from  Perovsky,  Sultan 
Daulet  Bushaef.  Leaving  Perovsky  on  September  19,  1869,  in 
fourteen  days  he  arrived  in  Khiva,  where  the  people  met  him  with 
glad  cries  of  JEltohi,  Bltclii  !  (Ambassador).  The  Ministers,  however, 
not  content  with  his  answer,  did  not  receive  him  as  such.  To  the 
question  of  the  Kush-begi  as  to  the  opinion  of  the  Russians  about 
Sadyk,  Bushaef  replied  that  the  Russians  considered  him  one  of 
their  leaders ;  for  wherever  he  appeared  he  always  enticed  the 
Russians,  and  gave  up  to  them  the  cities  that  he  defended  ;  that 
the  Khokandians  were  obliged  to  him  for  the  loss  of  their  cities ; 
that  the  Bukharans  had  paid  for  his  support  by  Samarkand  ;  "  and 
now  he  is  with  you,"  added  Bushaef.  Next  day  this  messenger 
was  disarmed  and  placed  under  guard,  where  he  remained  for 
three  months. 

'  As  the  disturbances  in  the  Orenburg  steppes  did  not  cease,  a 
detachment  was  sent  from  Kazala  to  the  Tany  Darya  and  another 
from  Jizakh  to  the  Bukan  mountains.  The  latter  had  also  the 
purpose  of  marking  out  the  new  boundary-line  with  Bukhara. 

'  The  Khan,  hearing  of  the  advance  of  the  detachment  to  the 
Bukan  mountains  and  of  the  establishment  of  a  post  at  Krasnovodsk, 
gave  up  the  Russian  messenger,  Bushaef.  The  landing  at  Kras- 
novodsk seems  to  have  made  a  strong  impression.  The  Khan 
immediately  sent  a  force  of  cavalry  to  poison  all  the  wells  on  the 
road  to  Krasnovodsk  by  throwing  dead  dogs  into  them.  A  new 
citadel  was  constructed  in  the  city  and  armed  with  twenty  guns. 
The  chief  branch  of  the  Amu  Darya,  the  Taldyk,  was  turned  aside 
and  various  canals  were  cut,  so  as  to  render  it  shallow  and  impassable 
for  Russian  ships.  A  small  fortification  was  constructed  at  Cape 
Urgu.  The  Russian  Kirghiz  migrating  to  Khiva  were  freed  from 
all  taxes  on  condition  of  giving  troops  in  case  of  war.    .    .    . 

'  As  it  would  have  been  disadvantageous  to  have  the  Khivan 
Khan  consider  the  expedition  which  occupied  Krasnovodsk  as  an 
independent  undertaking  and  not  in  conformity  with  the  general 
direction  of  our  policy  in  Central  Asia,  General  Kaufmann,  imme- 
diately on  receiving  information  of  it  wrote  to  the  Khan  on 
January  18  (30),  1870,  telling  him  of  the  purpose  of  the  settlement 
■ — to  construct  a  commercial  depot  and  protect  the  Kirghiz  from 
the  attacks  of  Turkomans.  He,  at  the  same  time,  reminded  the 
Khan  in  very  strong  expressions  of  his  previous  demands  in  regard 
to  permitting  Russian  merchants  to  come  to  Khiva,  and  adding 
that  he  had  written  already  three  times  to  him,  but  had  received  no 


420  APPENDIX   V. 

answer.  "  You  have  even  allowed  yourself,  against  all  law,  to 
detain  my.  messengers.  Such  conduct  can  no  longer  be  endured. 
One  of  two  things — either  we  must  be  friends  or  enemies.  There 
is  no  middle  course  between  neighbours.  There  is  an  end  to 
all  this,  and  if  I  do  not  receive  a  satisfactory  answer  I  shall  take 
one." 

'  A  month  after  this  letter  was  sent,  on  March  9,  Bushaef  re- 
turned, having  obtained  an  answer  from  the  Divan  Begi  to  the 
second  letter  and  from  the  Kush-begi  to  the  third. 

'  The  first  wrote  that  the  Khivan  tax  collectors  had  always  gone 
to  the  Bukan  mountains  and  collected  taxes  from  the  Tcharu  tribe 
and  from  the  caravans.  "  This  is  no  novelty,"  he  wrote ;  "  the  Buk- 
haran  merchants  are  witness  to  it."  As  concerns  the  Hebrew  who 
was  taken  prisoner  there  the  Divan-begi  explained  that  no  one  knew 
anything  about  him,  and  the  robberies  on  the  Bukan  mountains 
were  ascribed  to  Russian  Kirghiz,  since  the  Khivan  tax  collectors 
had  only  ten  men,  and  not  eighty,  the  number  of  the  robbers. 

'  The  Kush-begi  wrote  in  much  more  detail.  "  Our  master  does 
not  at  all  wish  war  ;  on  the  contrary,  he  desires  quiet  and  the  wel- 
fare of  his  people.  We  wish  the  same  to  you.  However,  some  time 
back  Russian  troops  have  crossed  our  frontier  and  marched  against 
us."  Further,  in  defence  of  his  proclamations  and  emissaries,  the 
Kush-begi  said  :  "  Your  Kirghiz  complain  to  us  that  the  Russians 
do  not  allow  them  to  migrate  within  the  Khivan  borders,  as 
wTas  formerly  the  case,  and  that  besides  they  oppress  and  kill 
them.  To  quiet  these  Kirghiz  and  to  punish  these  marauders  I 
sent  them  from  five  to  ten  officials."  With  regard  to  the  prisoners 
he  said  :  "  The  Kirghiz  brought  to  us  three  Russians,  and  desired  to 
obtain  froiu  them  payment  for  their  relatives  who  had  been  killed, 
and  for  property  which  had  been  stolen,  but  he  who  sits  under  the 
shadow  of  Ood  cooled  with  the  waters  of  prudence  the  naming 
hearts  of  the  Kirghiz,  refused  to  allow  the  punishment,  and  took 
away  the  prisoners,  who  can  be  returned  in  case  the  Russian  troops 
be  forbidden  to  cross  the  frontier,  and  the  Kirghiz  be  indemnified 
for  the  property  which  they  had  lost." 

'  On  March  25  (April  6)  General  Kaufmann  replied  with  a 
letter  in  which  he  said  that  the  Russian  troops  had  marched  to  a 
place  occupied  by  Russian  subjects  who  needed  protection  against 
robbers,  and  that  wherever  the  subjects  of  the  White  Tsar  lived 
they  remained  his  subjects,  and  for  that  reason  the  lands  along  the 
Yany  Darya  as  far  as  Lake  Aktcha-kul  had  always  been  considered, 
and  would  always  be  considered  Russian,  as  well  as  the  Bukan 
mountains  and  all  the  road  from  the  Kyzyl  Kum  to  Irkibai,  on  the 


RUSSIA  AND   KHIVA.  421 

Yany  Darya,  in  accordance  with  the  treaty  made  with.  Bukhara,  and 
that  no  one  else  had  the  right  to  collect  any  taxes  there. 

'  On  April  26  an  answer  was  received  from  the  Khan  to  General 
Kaufmann's  letter  of  January  30.  With  regard  to  Krasnovodsk  the 
Kush-begi  wrote  :  "  The  contents  of  your  last  letter  show  a  great 
ill  will.  From  the  foundation  of  the  world  until  this  time  there 
never  was  an  example  that  one  ruler,  for  the  quiet  of  another,  and  for 
the  welfare  of  foreign  subjects,  constructed  fortresses  beyond  his 
own  frontiers,  and  sent  thither  his  troops.  Our  lord  desires  that  the 
White  Tsar,  according  to  the  example  of  his  ancestors,  should  not  be 
carried  away  by  the  immensity  of  the  empire  entrusted  to  him  by 
God,  and  should  not  seek  to  obtain  the  lands  of  others.  This  is 
not  the  custom  of  great  sovereigns.  If,  relying  upon  the  strength 
of  his  armies,  he  wish  to  make  war  against  us,  then  before  the 
Creator  of  the  heaven  and  earth,  before  the  Great  Judge  of  all  earthly 
judges,  all  are  equal,  both  the  strong  and  the  weak.  To  whom  he 
wishes  he  gives  the  victory.  Nothing  can  be  accomplished  against 
the  will  and  the  predestination  of  the  Most  High." 

'  Seeing  how  little  importance  the  Khivans  attached  to  the  Rus- 
sian demands  when  unsupported  by  force  of  arms,  General  Kauf- 
mann  reported  to  the  Ministry  of  War  the  necessity  of  changing 
relations  with  Khiva,  and  suggested  in  case  of  war  that  one  expe- 
dition be  sent  from  Tashkent,  and  another  from  Krasnovodsk.  By 
a  letter  dated  March  25  (13),  1870,  the  Minister  of  War  informed 
General  Kanfmann  that  his  views  had  met  with  the  Emperor's 
approval. 

'  Meanwhile  the  Khan  of  Khiva  sent  an  envoy  to  Krasnovodsk, 
but  on  the  way  he  had  interviews  with  Turkomans,  and  counselled 
them  to  unite  against  the  Russians.  Colonel  Stoletof,  the  com- 
mander of  Krasnovodsk,  however,  had  received  orders  from  the 
Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  to  have  no  negotiations  with  the 
ambassador  except  for  a  private  agreement  with  regard  to  the 
protection  of  commercial  caravans,  but  to  refer  him  to  the  Governor- 
General  of  Turkistan  as  the  person  having  the  necessary  full 
powers. 

'  In  the  spring  of  1870  there  were  new  disturbances  among  the 
Kirghiz  at  Mangyshlak ;  and  Colonel  Rukin,  with  a  detachment, 
having  been  surrounded  by  the  enemy,  is  said  to  have  shot  himself, 
while  the  rest  were  taken  prisoners. 

'  The  catastrophe  of  Rukin,  the  attack  on  Fort  Alexandrofsky, 
the  burning  of  the  Nicolai  station  and  of  the  neighbouring  light- 
ships, came  one  after  the  other  ;  and  if  there  had  not  been  assist- 
ance rendered  from  the  Caucasus,  the  fort,  notwithstanding  its 
fourteen  guns,  wouid  have  been  taken  by  the  rebels.     Although  all 


422  APPENDIX    V. 

this  could  not  be  directly  ascribed  to  the  Khivans,  yet  the  evidence 
of  the  rebel  prisoners  plainly  pointed  to  Khivan  intrigues ;  some 
Cossacks  taken  prisoners  by  the  Kirghiz  were  sent  by  them  to 
the  Khan,  and  soon  after  received  into  his  service ;  while  the  rebels 
found  in  Khiva  not  only  a  refuge  but  protection. 

'  As  the  Khan  refused  compliance  with  our  demands  General 
Kaufmann  thought  it  unwise  to  have  any  further  diplomatic  relations 
with  Khiva,  and  began  to  prepare  for  war,  so  as  to  put  an  end  to 
this  state  of  things.  Preparations  were  rendered  difficult  because 
the  bad  harvests  of  1870  had  caused  a  great  rise  in  the  price  of 
provisions.  Still,  by  May  1871  we  were  ready,  and  the  Bukharan 
Amir  consented  to  allow  our  troops  to  pass  through  his  dominions. 
Meanwhile  Khiva  also  made  preparations.  It  was  decided  to  under- 
take the  expedition  of  1871  against  Khiva  from  the  Turkistan 
side,  the  other  two  detachments  from  Orenburg  and  the  Caucasus 
taking  a  defensive  position  merely,  and  sending  out  small  detach- 
ments in  order  to  prevent  the  migration  of  the  Kirghiz.  The 
troops  sent  into  the  Barsuks  and  the  Ursturt  kept  the  Steppe  from 
rebellion,  and  our  Kirghiz  forces  did  not  allow  the  Khivans  to 
penetrate  within  our  frontiers.  The  Khan  determined  to  seek  an 
alliance  with  Bukhara,  but  his  ambassador,  Baba  Bii,  was  arrested 
by  the  Amir  on  a  hint  from  Tashkent. 

'  At  this  time,  however,  the  question  of  war  had  already  been 
postponed  on  account  of  the  final  rupture  with  Kuldja.  As  General 
Kaufmann  had  decided  to  avoid  immediate  relations  with  Khiva, 
and  as  the  Amir  of  Bukhara  had  proposed  to  act  as  mediator  to 
remove  the  misunderstandings,  the  conditions  were  proposed,  that 
Khiva  should  give  up  all  Russian  prisoners,  should  refuse 
further  protection  to  marauders,  and  should  send  an  embassy 
to  Tashkent.  The  Amir  released  the  Khivan  envoy,  and  sent  with 
him  one  of  his  own,  Hadji  Urak,  who  was  treated  with  a  certain 
contempt  by  the  Khivans,  who  expressed  surprise  at  the  indif- 
ference of  Bukhara.  The  Khan,  in  the  final  audience  with  the 
Bukharan  envoy,  said,  "  Let  the  Governor-General  send  me  a  polite 
letter  with  propositions  of  friendship  and  a  promise  not  to  cross 
writh  his  troops  the  boundaries  of  my  possessions,  and  I  will  then 
free  the  eleven  soldiers  wdiom  I  keep  prisoners,  and  will  stop  pillage 
and  robbery.  If  he  will  not  do  that  I  shall  not  give  up  the  prisoners, 
and  all  will  be  as  it  was  before ;  and  it  is  known  to  God  alone  what 
will  happen  after  that."  The  reply  of  the  Khan  to  the  Amir, — 
which  had  no  seal,  and  consequently  showed  a  want  of  respect, — 
denied  the  justice  of  the  Russian  complaints  against  Khiva. 

'Murtaza  Bii,  the  envoy  sent  back  with  the  letter,  was  instructed 
fco  enter  into  communication  with  the  Governor-General.     Knowing 


EUSSIA  AND   KHIVA.  423 

already  by  experience  how  little  success  could  be  expected  from 
the  negotiations  with  the  Khivans,  and  especially  in  view  of  the 
categorical  tone  taken  of  late  by  the  presumptuous  Khan,  the 
Governor- General  decided  not  to  receive  the  Kb  i van  envoy  in 
Tashkent,  but  to  negotiate  with  him  through  the  Amir  of  Bukhara. 
In  case  of  the  ill-success  of  these  negotiations  it  was  proposed 
once  for  all  to  finish  with  Khiva,  but  not  sooner,  however,  than 
affairs  had  been  arranged  with  Yakub  Bek  and  with  Kuldja. 

'  Meanwhile  Khiva,  frightened  by  the  simultaneous  advance  of 
two  columns — that  of  General  Golovatchef  from  Jizakh,  through  the 
Bukan  mountains,  and  Colonel  Markozof's  from  Krasnovodsk — 
decided  on  coming  to  terms,  and  sent  two  embassies  in  the  beginning 
of  1872  (Murtaza  Bii  and  Baba  Nazar  Atalyk),  one  to  Tiflis  and  the 
other  to  Orenburg.  In  spite  of  the  order  of  the  Emperor — which 
was  well  known  to  the  Khivan  Government — that  relations  should  be 
carried  on  exclusively  with  the  Governor- General  at  Turkistan,  the 
Khivans,  it  is  evident,  doubted  the  solidarity  of  the  relations  with 
the  adjoining  Russian  provinces,  and  hoped  in  Orenburg  and  Tiflis 
to  find  a  support  against  the  demands  of  Tashkent. 

'  In  a  letter  to  the  Grand  Duke  Michael  the  Khan  wrote  as 
follows  : — "  Be  it  known  to  your  friendly  heart  that  from  the  olden 
time  alliance  has  existed  between  our  high  governments.  Our 
relations  have  been  sincere,  and  our  friendship  is  strengthened  from 
day  to  day,  as  though  the  two  governments  constituted  one  govern- 
ment and  the  two  peoples  one  people.  But  last  year  your  armies 
established  themselves  at  Tcheleken,  on  the  coast  of  the  Kharesm 
Gulf,  under  the  pretext  of  commercial  aims.  Not  long  ago  a  small 
detachment  of  these  troops  advanced  as  far  as  Sary  Kamysh,  which 
as  from  of  old  belongs  to  us,  but  returned  thence.  Besides  this, 
from  Tashkent  and  Ak  Masjid  Russian  troops  have  advanced  to  the 
wells  Ming  Bulak,  lying  in  our  hereditary  possessions.  It  is  un- 
known to  us  whether  the  Grand  Duke  knows  of  this  or  not. 
Meanwhile,  we  have  never  done  anything  which  could  interfere 
with  our  friendly  relations  to  you.  Four  or  five  of  your  people 
were  captured  by  some  Kirghiz,  but  we  took  them  away  and  keep 
them  with  us.  If  you  wish  to  keep  up  friendly  relations  with  us, 
then  conclude  a  treaty  that  each  of  us  shall  be  contented  within 
our  lawful  boundaries.  Then  we  will  return  to  you  all  your  pri- 
soners. But  if  these  prisoners  serve  you  only  as  a  pretext  for  war 
against  us,  with  the  aim  of  extending  your  dominions,  then  the  will 
of  the  Almighty  be  done." 

'  The  envoys  were  stopped,  one  at  Temur-khan-shura  and  the 
other  at  Orenburg,  and  were  told  that  they  would  not  be  permitted 
to  go   either  to  the   Imperial   Court  or  vo  the   Lieutenant  of  the 


424  APPENDIX   V. 

Caucasus,  and  that  no  letters  could  be  received  from  them  until  the 
prisoners  were  released  and  an  embassy  sent  to  Tashkent.  The 
Khivans  saw  the  mistake,  but  no  longer  wished  to  rectify  it. 
Instead  of  sending  an  embassy  to  Tashkent  they  sent  one  to  India 
with  a  request  for  help  against  Russia.  The  Viceroy,  as  was  to  be 
expected,  advised  them  to  make  peace  with  Russia,  obey  her 
demands,  and  yive  no  cause  for  further  dissatisfaction.' 


TURKISTAK    by    Eugene  Seliuyicr 


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BDIF  TTIKltE  K&M MATES"'"; 
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According  to  the  latest  topographical  surveys 
and     astronomical    determinations 


-y-         ;,v-,.,„. 


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INDEX. 


ABB 

ABBASIDES,  the.  365 
Abbot,  361 

Abd-er-Rezzak,  375 

Abdrasul  Amir,  ii.  183 

Abdu-Baisher  Peak,  legend  of,  311 

Abdul  Aziz,  380 

Abdul  Hai,  ii.  308 

Abdul  Kaum,  357,  ii.  280 

Abdul  Kerim,  358 

Abdul  Kerim  Bek,  357,  359  ;  ii.  280  ; 
surrender  of,  ii.  282 

Abdul  Kerim  Devan  Begi,  ii.  68,  75, 
338,  339 

Abdullah  Bek,  ii.  301 

Abdullah  bin  Hamid,  365 

Abdullah  Khan,  of  Bukhara,  70,  72, 
112,  230-232,  286,  287,  380,  381; 
ii.  33,  394;  tomb  of,  ii.  114 

Abdullah,  the  Interpreter,  2,  11 

Abdullah  Manim,  383 

Abdullah  Nameh,  381 

Abdullatif  Mirza,  252,  340,  380 

Abdurrahim,  ii.  62 

AbdurrahmanAftobatcha,  317,  348,355, 
358  ;  ii.  57,  281,  282,  284,  291,  295, 
299  ;  abandoned  by  nearly  all  his  fol- 
lowers, ii.  292  ;  retreats,  ii.  291 ;  sent 
prisoner  to  Tashkent,  ii.  300  ;  surren- 
ders, ii.  299 

Abdurrahman  Batyr,  339,  359 

Abdur  Rnhman  Khan.  260  ;  ii.  312,  313, 
316;  appearance  of,  261;  correspon- 
dence with  General  Kaufmann,  ii. 
312,  313;  interview  with,  262 

Abdush  Kur  Datkha,  280 

Abel-Remusat,  ii.  136 

Abi  (irrigated  lands),  286 

Abil  Ogla,  Sultan,  ii.  183,  185,  188 

Ab-Kaneh,  ii.  91 

Ab-Khurek,  ii.  287 

Ablai  Khan,  34.  71 

Ablutions,  121 

Ablyk,  188 

Abramof,  Captain,  ii.  288 


AGR 

Abramof,  General,  92,  110,  112,  114, 
233,  234,  243,  267,  389  ;  ii.  62,  65, 
68,  74,  78,  3i)5,  306,  307,  312,  338; 
assaults -wall  of  Tashkent,  114;  com- 
mands Iskender  Kul  expedition,  281- 
283 

Abu  Bek,  Khali f,  154,  155 

Abul  Faradj,  408 

Abul  Feiz  Khan,  255,  383,  384,  386 

Abul  Gaffar  Bek,  88,  241,  243,  280, 
312,  339  ;  ii.  65   66,  297,  300 

Abul  Ghazi,  105,  330,  376,  377,  378, 
381,  383,  384,  385 

Abulkhairides,  the,  379 

Abul  Khair  Khan,  31,  34,  71,  377,  379, 
381;  ii.  409 

Abul  Seid,  340 

Abu  Muslim,  369 

'Account  of  journey  to  the  west,'  394 

Accusations  against  Russia,  ii.  260 

Adaef  tribes  of  Kirghiz,  ii.  342,  346 

Adam  Krylgan,  wells  of,  ii.  340 

Adamoli,  200 

Adras,  190 

Adrasbar,  69 

'  Adventures  in  Central  Asia,'  263, 
264, 

Adzi  bai,  338 

Afghan  Amir,  the,  ii.  267 

Afghan  sore,  the,  148 

Afghan  Turkisran,  ii.  267 

Afghanistan,  ii.  266,  306,  312,  386, 
394;  politics,  150,  262;  Rebellion 
in,  2'iO  ;  ii.  314;  Russian  relations 
with,  ii.  314 

Afghans,  123,  186  ;    ii.  56,  82 

Africa,  371 

Afrosiah,  236 

Afzul  Khan,  260 

Agatchly,  229 

Agengeran  river,  51,  323 

Ag-on,  397 

Agovanie,  406 

Agriculture  in  Central  Asia,  289-297 


426 


INDEX. 


AGR 

Agricultural  products,  ii.  56 

Ai-balta,  ii.  91 

Aibugir  lake,  28 

Aidar  Hodja,  ii.  74,  307 

Aidin,  ii.  3-44 

Aiekh  river,  406 

Aim  Keninghez,  ii.  73 

Aim  Serai,  ii.  94,  101 

.Aitek  river,  ii.  154 

Ak  Atabai  tribe,  the,  ii.  381 

Ak  Darya,  286,  288 

Akbal  Tekkes,  the,  ii.  383 

Akhmet,  14,  15 

Akhmet  Yassaviit :  see  Yassavi 

Akhrab,  339,  340 

Akhrar  Khan,  ii.  319,  320 

Akhsi,  324,  375 

Akhyr-tash,  398,  ii.  121 

Akhyr-tepe,  ii.  121 

Akjar,  61,  321 

Ak-julpas,  26 

Aklcent,  ii.  158 

Ak-Khan,  ii.  143 

Ak-Mametef,  14,  21 

Ak-Masjid,  64,  67,  351;  ii.  413,  416, 
423 

Akmolinsk,  404 

Ak-Padsha,  ii.  143 

Akeakal,  ii.  205 

Aksakals,  377  ;  ii.  206,  241  ;  in  Tash- 
kent, 103 

Ak  Serai,  ruins  of,  255  ;  ii.  68 

Aksha,  ii.  267 

Ak-su  river,  343,  375,  410  ;  ii.  126, 
150,  319  ;  derivation  of  name,  275 

Ak-tag,  390 

Aktash  mountains,  321 

Aktau  mountains,  241,  274,  275 

Aktcha-kul  Lake,  ii.  417 

Ak  TengMs,  ii.  154 

Ala   Eddin    Mohammed,    Sultan,    34 J, 

400,  405 

Alai  mountains,  51,  274  ;  ii.  12,  22,  45, 

55 
Ala  Khan,  ii.  183' 
Alak-tugul-nor,  401 
Ala-kul,  kke,   400,   401,  405,410;  ii. 

133,  155,  191 
Alaman,  ii.  383 
Ala  Myshak,  ii.  130 
Ala  Tau  mountains,  the,  34,  397,  400, 

401,  402,  405;  ii.  127,  128,  145,  191 
Alatcha.  123,  189 

Ala  Tengis,  ii.  154 
Albazin,  ii.  400,  403 
Albedil,  Major,  245 
Al  Biruni,  367 
Ale,  English,  79 

Alexander  the  Great,  115,  366,  369  ;  ii. 
142,   411;  Legend  of  tomb  at  Mar- 


AMT 

ghilan,  ii.    50;  legends   of,    277;  at 

Samarkand,  236,  237 
Alexander  Lyceum,  302 
Alexandria,  237 
Alexandrofsky,  Fort,  46  ;  attack   on,  ii. 

421 
Alexandrofsky  ran^e,  the,  37,  54,  393, 

398,  400,  402,  404,  410  ;  ii.  123,  126, 

127,  378 
Alexis  Tsar,  9  ;  ii.  399 
Ali,  disputed  rights  of  descendants  of, 

155 
Ali  Khalif,  154 
A-li-ma,  395,  396,  397 
A-li-ma-li,  399 
Alim  Bii,  352 

Alim  Hadji  Yunusof,  90,  91,  225;   im- 
prisonment of,  100 
Alim  Khan,  341,  343,  347,  348,  359 
Alim  Kul,  112,  350,  351,  352,  353,  358  ; 

death  of,  93  ;  regent,  73,  75 
Alim  Patcha,  343 
Alim  Tu,  ii.  158,  186 
Allah  Kul,  346,  347 
Alleged  instigation  of  Kirghiz  by  Khi- 

vans,  ii.  331 
'Allgemeine  Zeitung,'  the,  ii.  386 
Alma,  ii.  145 
Almagest,  331 

Almalyk,  396,  405,  410;  ii   159,  165 
Almatiuki,  ii.  145 
Almaty,  ii.  145 
Almonds,  ii.  3 
Alpine  region  of  Central  Asia,  274;  ii. 

132 
Alps,  the,  402,  404,  405 
Altai  Mountains,  the,  390 
Altcbin,  203 
Alti  Soldamis,  400 
Alty-Kuduk,  ii.  343,  347 
Altyn  Bishik  Mountains,  311  ;  legend 

of  the,  311 
Altyn  Imel,  ii.  153,  156 
Altyn  Khan,  ii.  397 
Alum  on  the  Fan,  279 
Alyama,  167 

Amban  of  Torbagatai,  the,  ii,  172,  179 
Amban   of  Eastern  Turkistan,   the,   ii. 

172 
America,  Bukharan  idea  of,  ii.  66 
American  towns,  76 
Americans,  46 
Aminof,  Baron,  276,  282 
Amir  of  Balkh,  the,  48 
Amir  of  Bokhara,  see  Mozaffar  Eddin 
Amir  el-Muminim,  386 
Amir  of  Kabul,  ii.  267,  313 
Amir  Khan,  341 
Amir  Nasrullah,  the,  386 
Amir  Said,  383 


INDEX. 


427 


AMI 

Amiri  Reshid,  370 

Amiri  Shedid,  370 

Amlak  lands,  299 

Ammonia,  ii.  26 

Amu  Darya,  the,  50,  68,  105-110,  148 
331,  335,  337.  339,  340,  347.  351. 
363,  364,  367,  379  ;  ii.  342,  386,  395, 
401 ;  ancient  bed  of,  53  ;  annex- 
ation of  right  bank  of,  364 ;  ex- 
ploration of,  ii.  373  ;  navigation  of, 
221,  222;  ii.  363;  old  bed  of,  ii. 
363  ;  probable  explanation  of  change 
of  course,  53-55,  59  ;  right  bank  of, 
ii.  363  ;  Russian  reasons  for  annex- 
ing right  bank  of,  ii.  365-367  ;  trade 
route  along,  221 

Amu  Darya  Rayon,  the,  ii.  369 

Amulets,  130 

Amur,  the,  ii.  397,  399,  415 

Amursana,  ii.  168,  402 

Amusements  in  Central  Asia,  126-140 

Amuye,  364 

Ancient  Necropolis,  an,  ii.  381 

Andi,  111 

Andijan,  187,  339,  347,  348,  351-354, 
356,  358;  ii.  38-43.  281;  armoury 
at,  41,  42  ;  Baber's  description  of,  ii. 
38 ;  bazaar  at,  38  ;  Bek  of,  39,  40  ; 
bombardment  of,  ii.  296;  expedition 
against,  ii.  295  ;  Nazarof's  descrip- 
tion of,  ii.  42 ;  palace  at,  39-41  ; 
population  of,  42  ;  road  to,  ii.  38,  42  ; 
revolts  against,  ii.  294 ;  stormed  by 
Russians,  ii.  295;  surrenders  to  Rus- 
sians, ii.  292 

Andrei,  ii.  2,  39,  69,  70,  106,  113 

Anev,  Fortress  of,  ii,  383 

Angren,  river,  323,  325  ;  ii.  284,  286 

Anjini,  28 

Ankibalekh,  406 

Anne,  the  Empress,  ii.  403 

Ansyr,  202 

Antimochus,  237 

Antioch,  402 

Aphrodisiacs,  ii.  135 

Apollodorus,  367 

Apothecaries  in  Tashkent,  180 

Appak  family,  the,  342 

Appanage  system  in  Central  Asia,  ii. 
72 

Appendix  I.  337-359 

Appendix  II.  360-389 

Appendix  TIL  390-411 

Appendix  IV.  ii.  391-415 

Appeudix  V.  ii.  416-424 

Apple  (alma),  396 

Apples,  296 

Apricots,  296 

Aqueducts,  ii.  381 

Arabesques,  ii.  194 


ARM 

Arabian  nights,  80,  226  ;  geographers, 
50  ;  writers,  111  ;  horses,  129 

Arabic  inscriptions,  62,  71  ;  language. 
110  ;  names,  389  ;  physicians,  150 

Arable  land  in  Zarafshan  Valley,  284  ; 
in  Central  Asia,  284,  285 

Arabs,  the,  154,  340  ;  at  Katta  Kurgan 
and  Kukertli,  109,  110;  in  Samar- 
kand, 23? 

Arab  Shah,  373,  374 

Aragatzofu,  405 

Aral  flotilla,  44,  50,  320,  336;  con- 
struction and  cost  of,  56-60  ;  fate 
of  detachment  for  Khiva  from,  ii. 
374,  378  ;  formation  of,  56  ;  fuel  for, 
57,  58  ;  statistics  of  traffic,  60 

««Aral.  The  Shores  of  Lake  '  (Wood's), 
ii.  373 

Aralo-Caspian  basin,  the,  28 

Aralo-Caspian  exploring  expeditions, 
28 ;  ii,  374 

Aral  Sea,  the,  15,  16,22,  23,  26,  31,  47, 
49,  50,  53,  55,  57  ;  ii.  374  ;  analysis 
of  water  of,  27,  28  ;  depth  of,  28 ; 
former  extent  of,  28;  level  of,  28; 
view  of,  27 

Aral  steamers,  the,  58,  59 

Aral  Turkomans,  the,  ii.  384 

Aral-tepe,  ii.  135 

Aran  Makhmet,  ii.  329 

Arasan,  ii.  153 

Aravan,  ii.  48 

Arba,  the,  130 

Arborsecco,  the,  138 

Arbun,  tribe  of,  ii.  200 

Arbuz,  297 

Arc  1 1 geological  journey  in  Turkistan  in 
1867  by  P.  Lerch,  363,  401 

Archery,  ii.  170 

Architecture,  Persian,  inherited  from 
Babylonia,  248  ;  in  Samarkand,  251 

Archives  of  the  Ministry  of  Crown 
Domains,  ii.  210 

Archives  of  Senate  at  St.  Petersburg, 
ii.  210 

Archives  at  Wilna  and  Kief,  ii.  210 

Argamak  horses,  129,  153,  338 

Arganaty,  ii.  154,  155 

Argoz,  53 

Aristan  Bel  Kuduk,  68;  ii.  337,  339 

Aristof,  Mr.,  ]i.  174,  199 

Ark,  ii.  10,  65 

Arkatch.  ii.  382 

Arlekh,  406 

Armenia,  405,  407,  408 

Armoury  at  Andijan,  ii.  41,  42;  at 
Khokand,  ii.  10,' 11 

Army,  Amir  of  Bukhara's,  ii.  81,  82 
the  Khokandian,  ii.  15,  16 

Army  contracts,  98 


428 


INDEX. 


ARS 

Arshin,  203 

Arslan  Khan,  370 

Art  a  mis,  367 

Artillery,  Khokandian,  ii.  10 

Arunhazi,  32 

Arvatu,  ii.  379 

Aryan  race,  the,  105 

Ary  river,  51,  74,  320 

Arzaz,  53 

Arzengan,  408 

Asad,  329,  330 

Asef  Barkhi,  ii.  44 

Ash,  151 

Ashtarkanides,    or  Astrakan    Dytasty, 

381 
Ashula,  344,  359 
Ashur-Kuli  Bek  of  Shaar,  ii.  73 
Asiatic  Museum  at  St.  Petersburg,  384 
Asiatic  ■water-mill,  101 
Asoh,  407 
Assa-bibi,  ii.  121 
Assadullah    Bek,    91-95 ;    account    of 

Alimkul's    death,     93 ;     account    of 

Malla  Khan's  murder,  92  ;  women's 

dance  at  house  of,  136,  137 
Assafcetida  plant,  228 
Assake,  ii.  292 

Assassination,  attempt  at,  ii.  113 
Asses,  130,  278 
Astrabad,  ii.  415 
Astrakhan,  35,   38,  411;  ii.   265,   329, 

393,  396,  415 
Astrakhan  dynasty,  383 
Astrakhanides,  the,  382,  384 
Atabai,  ii.  22 

Atabai  Yomuds,  the,  ii.  384 
Ata  Bek,  113,  354,  356;  ii.  7,  9,   10, 

274,  280,  282 
Ata  Jan,  ii.  350,  352 
Atalyk,  the,  348.  359,  384;  ii.  7,  9,  10 
Atalyk,  the,  of  Khokand,  113;  ii.  9 
Atalyk  Ghazi,  the,  ii.  387 
Atamkul,  ii.  417 
Ata  Murat,  ii.  376 
Atna,  332 

Attack  on  Col.  Dennet,  ii.  277 
Attack  on  Station  of  Karasu,  ii.  254 
Attempt  to  prove  that  Turkistan  pays 

for  expenses  of  keeping,  ii.  218 
Attila,  the,  391 

Attrek,  the,  ii.  344,  381,  385  ;  reconnais- 
sance of,  ii.  380 
Audkhoi,  367 
Aul,  19  ;  ii.  205 
Aulie-ata,  37,   41,   75,    111,   350,   391, 

393,  409,  411  ;  ii.  120,  123,  205,  284; 

appearance  of,  ii.  120;  capture  of,  ii. 

1 20 ;  climate  of,   327  ;    geographical 

features  of  country  surrounding,  ii. 

122  ;  origin  of  name,  ii.  121  ;  storm- 


BAN 

ing  of,  ii.   120 ;    tomb  at,  ii.    121 ; 

traditions  of,  ii.  121 
Autehi  pass,  275 

Autobiography  of  Tamerlane,  374 
Avas  Turdi,  ii.  376 
Avher,  407 
Ayaguz  river,  ii.  154 
Ayub,  legend  of,  191,  193 
Ayuka  Khan,  the,  ii.  167,  399 
Azeni  sect,  the,  156 
Azim  Bai,  99 
Azim  Kazi,  ii.  237 
Azim  Khan,  260 
Azim  Seet,  156 
Azof,  401 


BABA    BEK,     340;    ii.    277,    286; 
character  of,   87  ;  expulsion  of,  ii. 

307  ;  history  of,  85 
Babaef.  264 

Baban,  ii.  92  ;  defeat  of,  307 
Baba  Nazar  Atalyk,  ii.  423 
Baber,  337,  378,   379;    description   of 

Andijan,     38 ;     description    of     the 

Khokandian  Desert,    51  ;  description 

of    Marghilan,    49  ;    description    of 

Samarkand,  238,  240  ;  ii.  71,  97,  394; 

description  of  Ush,  44 
Babylonian  Calendar,  334 
Bactria,  366 
Bactrian,  237 

Badakshan,  364  ;  ii.  267,  316 
Badam,  395 
Badaulet,  ii.  320 
Baha  Uddin,  158;  ii.  113,  303 
Baiga,  41,  268;  ii.  308 
Baikof,  ii.  395 
Bakali,  ii.  339 
Bakar,  ii.  376 
Bala  Ishem,  ii.  345,  380 
Balan  395  ;   ii.  3 
Bala  Sagun,  112,  395  ;  ii.  122 
Balcony,  120 

Balkan  Mountains,  ii.  382 
Balkash,  402,  405 
Balkash    Lake,   30,    54,  402  ;    ii.    152, 

154,  155 
Balkatsi  Nor.  ii.  154 
Balkh,  48,    97,    260,    348,    361,    368, 

410;  ii.  167,  267 
Balkhi,  364,  367 

Balls  of  the  Governor-General,  82 
Balyk,  368 
Balyktchi,  35G  ;  ii.  21,  22,  23,  25,  51, 

298  ;  capture  of,  298 
Bang,  127 
Banking  facilities  in  Tashkent,  absence 

of.  204 
Ba-pu,  395 


INDEX. 


429 


BAR 

Barak  Khan,  232 

Bara-kok,  ii.  44 

Baranta,  39;  ii.  206,  411 

Barbers  in  the  Tashkent  Bazaar,  180 

Barbieri,  200;  ii.  162 

Barbotte  de  Marny,  ii.  374 

Barbus  fluviatilis,  277 

Barchin,  400,  401 

Bardashef,  ii.  137 

Barkul,  409 

Barley,  290,  398 

Barley-sugar,  ii.  162 

Barsuks,  ii.  422 

Bashkirs,  their  language  and  origin, 
numbers  and  occupation,  3  ;  house 
of  a  batchelor,  4 ;  yamstchiks,  4 ; 
housekeeping,  5 ;  ii.  396,  406 

Basiiis  Bat;izzi.  360 

Basiner,  361  ;  ii.  414 

Bassano,  Duke  of,  ii.  258 

Bassj'z,  ii.  137 

Batchas,  132-139;  description  of  a 
performance  of,  133,  134;  former 
prohibition  against,  132  ;  respect  paid 
to,  133  ;  retained  by  men  of  rank, 
133 

Bitchu-Nuin,  405,  407 

Baths  at  Bukhara,  ii.  3,  4,  9 

Batman,  201,  202 

Bator  Kuntaitsi.  ii.  166,  398 

Batu,  400,  406,  407 ;  generalissimo, 
405 

Baty,  378 

Batyr  Bek,  32,  91 

Batyr  Khan  Tiura,  357  ;  ii.  296  ;  defeat 
of,  297  ;  surrender  of,  299 

Bayandai,  ii.  172 ;  capture  of,  180 ; 
ruins  of,  192 

Bayktchi,  surrender  of,  ii.  292 

Bazaar-Kutche,  ii.  193 

Bazaars  in  Bukhara,  ii.  14,  15,  16,  94  ; 
in  Karshi,  79  ;  in  Kazala,  46  ;  Kir- 
ghiz, in  Tashkent,  183,  184;  at 
Urntepe.  311;  in  Hodjent,  314; 
in  Sbaar,  ii.  71;  in  Tashkent,  173, 
174,  175;  in  Turkistan,  73 

Bazem  dance,  133-138 

Bear,  the  Great,  325 

Bebalma,  321 

Bed-bug,  149;  ii.  125 

Beets,  ii.  161 

Bei,  dynasty  of,  366 

Bek  of  Andijan,  348 

Bek  of  Tashkent,  348 

Bekovitch-Tcherkaski,  Prince,  322  ; 
ii.  372;  campaign  of.  ii.  329;  defeats 
Khivans,  329  ;  massacred,  329,  401, 
408 

Bek  Murad  Bek,  340 

Bek  Kuli,  ii.  323 


BOL 

Beklar  Bek  Medresse  Tashkent,  101 

Bek  Nureddin  Khan,  ii.  77,  78 

Bek  of  Khokand.  ii.  25,  26,  27 

Bektchurin.  Professor,  14 

Belkhi,  365 

Benedict,  Friar,  400,  401 

Bentinck,  376 

Berbalikh,  406,  409 

Berdan  rifles,  ii.  10 

Berdy  Murad  Khan,  ii.  383 

Berezof,  ii.  149 

Berintzef,  ii.  147 

Berkent,  406 

Beshbalikh  (Bishbalik),  406 

Besh  Kala,  ii.  384 

Bestan,  407 

Beznosikof,  General,  222,  361 

Biaz,  use  of  at  Tashkent,  189,  190 

Bibi  Khanym,  Medresse  of,  249,  250  ; 
tradition  of,  251 

Biely  Tsar,  ii.  143 

Biely-yar,  ii.  396 

Bie-shi-ba,  394 

Bie-shi-ba-li,  398 

Biesze-ma,  395 

Bigayat  cataracts,  109 

Bii,  384 

Biis,  the,  166-169 ;  among  Kara- 
Kirghiz,  ii.  139,  141  ;  elections  of, 
ii.  140,  141  ;  jurisdiction  of,  ii.  140  ; 
at  Tokmak,  council  of,  140,  141 

Bikasab,  190 

Biki,  ii.  79,  80 

Binaket,  340 

Birth,  customs  and  superstitions  at,  140 

Biscuits,  ii.  337,  338 

Bisermins,  the,  401 

Bish-agatch,  103 

Bisharyk,  ii.  53,  54,  290 

Bishbalik,  410 

Biskent,  324 

Bitter  Paper,  ii.  236 

Black  bone,  32  ;  ii.  405 

Black  Irtysh,  403,  405 

Black  Kirghiz,  30 

Black  Kitayans.  the,  400 

Black  Sea,  ii.  265 

Blagovestchensky,  Col.,  ii.  339 

Blankennagel,  361 

Blowgun,  the,  129 

Blue  Horde,  the,  377,  378 

Blue  Sea,  50,  53 

Bock,  Admiral,  48 

Bogandof,  Mr.,  ii.  374 

Bogari,  287,  288 

Bogdanovitch,  223 

Bogra  Khan,  365 

Bogu,  ii.  137 

Bolak,  395 

Bob,  395,  398,  399 


430 


INDEX. 


BON 

Bones  in  Lake  Issyk  Kill,  ii.  128 
Book  of  the  Great  Survey,  the,  ii.  393 
Books    in   Bukhara,    ii.    97 ;    used   at 

school,  164 
Boots,  123 
Boris,  382 
Borokhoro,  ii.  188 
Borokhudzir,  ii.  157;  fight  at,  ii.  185  ; 

outpost  at,  ii.  186 
Boroldai,  32C 
Boron  Gar,  ii.  166 
Borotala  river,  395 
Borotala  valley,  ii.  190 
Boshan.  390 
Bos-su  Canal,  102,  103 
Boundaries  of  Afghanistan,  ii.  267,  269 
Boundary  Court,  ii.  406 
Boundary  of  Khiva,  ii.  418 
Boundary  of  Persia,  the,  ii.  384 
Bourre  de  Soie,  198 
Bows,  128 

Bows  and  arrows,  ii.  193 
Boyandur,  ii.  376 
Boyars,  ii.  391,  392 
Buzhovitch,  Capt.,  ii.  159,  188 
Brandy,  297  ;  distilled  by  Jews,  297 
Brass  workers  in  Tashkent,  176,  177 
Brazil,  indigo  imported  from,  182 
Bretschneider,  Dr.,  188,  238,  397,  398; 

notes  on  Chinese  Mediaeval  travellers 

to  the  West,  394 
Bricks,  Chinese,  ii.  160 
Bridge  of  Arbas,  ii.  134  ;  at  Hodjent. 

323  ;  ii.  34 ;  at  Karshi,  ii.  80 ;  'over 

the  Kashka,  ii.  80  ;    over  the  Naryn 

at  Utch  Kurgan,  ii.  33  ;  over  Naryn, 

ii.  33  ;    over  Syr  Darya,  ii.  23;    over 

the  Tchirtchik,  324,  325 
Briteh-mulla,  200 
Brodofsky,  291 
Bronzes,  ii.  193 
Brunow,  Baron,  ii.  314 
Brnssa,  240  ;  ii.  97 
Brunn,  Prof.  Philip,  401  ;  ii.  122 
Buara  Pass,  the,  ii.  127 
Buchannan,  Sir  Andrew,  ii.  267 
Buchholtz,  Captain,  322  ;  ii.  401 
Budai,  291 
Budatcha,  95 
Buddha,  78,  368 
Buddhist,  38;  influence  in  Central  Asia, 

ii.  89  ;  monastery,  pieces  of,  ii.  121  ; 

temple  in  Kuldja,  ii.  194 
Buddhist  temple,  ruins  of,  ii.  163 
Bud-khaneh,  78 
Bugdaily,  344,  381 
Bugdaily  lake,  ii.  380,  382 
Bugun  river,  51,  74 
Bukan  mountains,  the,  ii.  339 
Bukan-tau  mountains,  68,  274;  ii-  332 


BUZ 

Buke'ef,  34;  horde  of  Kirghiz,  1 

Bukhar,  368,  385,  386,  387,  388,  389 

Bukhara.  45,  48,  71,  85-97,  113,  123 
130,  132,  147,  148,  149,  150,  .82, 
184,  342,  344,  345,  346,  347  348, 
350,  351,  353.  395,  407;  ii  61-  J 18, 
167,  265,  266,  267,  305.  438  343, 
370,  374,  394,  356.  400  401,  104, 
Ab-Khaneh  at,  ii.  91  advantages  of 
conquest  of.  ii.  312  ,  approach  to,  ii. 
84,  85  ;  ark  at,  i:  89.  90  ;  army  of, 
ii.  82  ;  artillery  a'.,  ii.  89,'  90  ; 
bazaars  in,  ii.  94  ;  camp  at,  ii.  82  ; 
clock  at,  ii.  90  ;  early  name  of,  ii.  89  ; 
famine  in,  ii  292,  293;  fruit  at,  ii. 
87  ;  houses  at,  ii.  87,  89  ;  irrigation  -of, 
286,  287  ;  Khana  Khaneh  at,  ii.  91 ; 
Kush  Begi  of,  ii.  91  ;  legendary 
origin  of,  277;  life  in,  ii.  86;  Ma- 
narai  Kalian  at,  ii.  92 ;  museum  at, 
ii.  91  ;  native  society  in,  ii.  98 ; 
production  of  silk  at,  ii.  193;  Rig- 
histan  at,  ii.  89,  90  ;  relations  of 
Russia  with,  ii.  302-312;  relations 
with  the  Porte,  ii.  308;  slave  trade 
said  to  be  abolished  in,  ii.  310; 
streets  of,  ii.  88;  trades,  ii.  91-97, 
214,  219  ;  trade  routes  with,  ii.  220, 
221  ;  water  of,  ii.  87 

Bukharan  Amir,  the  ;  s<e  Mozaffar 
Eddin, 

Bukharan  frontier,  disturbances  on  the, 
ii.  303 

Bukharan  Tsar  Abdullah,  the,  ii.  395 

Bukhar-Khudats,  312 

Buktarmy,  ii.  414 

Bula,  394 

Bulumgtir  Canal,  286 

Bum,  132 

Bu  Mekhet,  364 

Buran,  5 

Bureau  of  Archives  at  Turkistan,  ii. 
209 

Burham,  380,  381 

Burial,  similar  practices  of  the  Russians 
and  Asiatics  with  regard  to,  151,  152 

Buriats,  38 

Burkuts,  ii.  154 

Burnashof,  Timothei,  338,  361,  382; 
ii.  409 

Burnes,  361,  383 

Burnisk,  ii.  403 

Buruts,  30.  338  ;  ii.  57 

Bushaef,  ii.  420 

Bushri  Haupi,  ii.  194 

Butakof,  Lieut.  55,  57  ;  ii.  331 

Butakoff,  Admiral,  361 

Butenief,  361  ;  ii.  414 

Buttons,  ii.  15  ;  in  Bukhara,  ii.  64 

Buz,  189 


INDEX. 


•431 


BUZ 

Buza,  37,  126 

Euzgunteh,  182 

Buzruk  Khan,  353 

Buzurg  Khan  Hodja,  ii.  316 

Buzzing  in  the  ear,  legend  relating  to, 

ii.  30 
Bykofsky,  Mr.,  ii.  17 
Byzantium,  390,  391 


CAILAC,  403 
Calais,  223 
Calcutta,  ii.  303  319  ;  Railway  to,  223 

Calenders  in  Central  Asia.  329  to  335 
Camels,     19,    20,    213,  366;    ii.    337- 

340  ;  as  beasts  of  burden,  218,  219 
Canal  Khan,  ii.  38,  55 
Canal,  Mussulman  Kul,  ii.  55 
Canals,  399,  ii.  377  ;  in  the  Zarafshan 

valley,  286,  287 ;  failure  of  at  Tash- 
kent, 103 
Candy,  ii.  162 
Cannon,  Chinese,  ii.  41 
Cannon  foundry,  ii.  10 
Cannon  of  Ivan  the  Terrible,  ii.  415 
Cape  Urgu,  ii.  363 
Cara  Catayans,  the,  402 
Caravan-bushi,  ii.  324 
Caravanserai    at    Tashkent,    184,   185- 

219,  221 
Cards,  128 

Carpets,  77;  ii.  79;  manufacture  of,  184 
Carpini  Piano,  401,  409 
Carts,  130 
Caspian  Sea,  the,  27,  28,  31,  34,  46,  50, 

53,  55,  391,  405,  406  ;  ii.  394,  401  ; 

armed  vessels  in,  ii.  414 
Catalan  map,  ii.  130 
Cathay,  404 
Cathedral,  Tashkent,  78 
Catherine  II.  ii.  259,  405,  408  ;  founds 

a  mosque,  ii.  93 
Cats,  130 

Cattle,  325,  326 ;  ii.  383 
Caucasus,  91,  197,  391  ;  ii.  398 
Causes  damaging  Russian  influence  in 

Central  Asia,  ii.  226,  227,  228 
Cemeteries,  151 
Chaldean  calender,  331 
Champagne,  97 

Character  of  Russian  officials,  ii.  245 
Charmoy,  Professor,  374 
Chase,  the,  128 
Chaussee  at  Samarkand,  232 
Cherries,  296 
Chess,  128 
Chetara,  131 
Children,  games  of,  128 
China,  34,  35,  150,  190;  338,  366,391, 


COL 

395,  396,  410,  411,  ii.  395,  398,  399, 

ii.  401,  402,  403  ;  trade  with.  ii.  400 
China  and  earthenware,  dealers  in,  187 
Chinese    account   of  Lake    Sairam.   ii. 

191  ;  coins,  ii.  162  ;  contest  with  the 

Oirat,     ii.    167;    cookery,    ii.     196; 

dishes,    ii.    195;  embassy     ii.    399; 

emperors,    ii.    338,    340,    342,    343, 

403.  339  ;  farce,  ii.  197;  government 

makes  Gen.  Kolpakofsky  a  mandarin, 

ii.    184;  influence,  ii.   41;  lake,    50; 

musicians   and    comedians,    ii.    196; 

opera,    ii.     197;  porcelain,    187;  re- 
staurant,    ii.     195;  smell,     ii.     159; 

travellers,    188,     236;    ii.     134;    at 

Vierny,  ii.  146,  147 
Chcdzko  Leonard,  ii.  259 
Cholera,    148,   149,    162;  in  Tashkent, 

132 
Choliatse,  the,  390,  391 
Chop  sticks,  ii.  193.  195 
Christian  church  at    Tashkent,   78  ;  in 

Kuldja,  ii.   194  ;  Bussian,  at  Tulek, 

67  ;  at  Samarkand,  238 
Cilicia,  405,  408 
C  rcassia,  8 
Circumcision   among   Kirghiz,   37,    40, 

110-142 
Citadel  of  Hodjent,  314  ;  of  Kitab,  ii.  65 
Cithara,  origin  of,  131 
City  of  Tashkent,  ii.  205 
Civil  administration  of  Central  Asia,  ii. 

202 
Civil  military  administration,  ii.  221 
Clans  of  Uzbeks,  106,  108 
Clarendon,  Lord,  ii.  266 
Clarionets,  132 

Classes  of  population,  ii.  56,  57 
Clavigo,  238   240 
Climate,  ii.  56 
Climatic  zones,  326-328 
Clock  at.  Bukhara,  ii.  90 
Club  at  Yierny,  ii.   146  ;  Tashkent,  79, 

83 
Clytus,  236 
Coal,  ii.  56,    197;  at  Kuldja,  ii.  152; 

for  the  Aral  flotilla,  57,  58 
Coalfields  of  Central  Asia,  319,  321 ;  of 

Upper  Zaraphan,  278 
Coal-mines  at  Kokine-sai,  319 
Cochineal,  182 
Cockroaches,  attempt  to  naturalise,  ii. 

125 
Cocom  Serai,  ii.  14 
C'coons,  silkworms.  196,  197 
Coins,   341.   344,    370,399;  ii.   97:    of 

Abul-I'eiz,  883  ;  of  Abul  Ghazi,  385  ; 

in  Central  Asia,  203;  of  Mir  Haidar, 

385;  of  Zutchi,  401 
College  in  Bukhara,  ii.  408 


432 


INDEX. 


COL 

Colleges,  163,  165 

Colonies,  German  on  the  Volga,  203 

Colonists,    Eussian,    102;  ii.  126,  145, 

150,    152;  Ushri,    in    Central   Asia, 

298 
Comania,  400 
Comanians,  ii.  57 
Comedians,  137 
Commandant  of  Uratepe,  removal  of,  ii. 

249 
Commerce  and  manufactures,  ii.  234 
Commercial  enterprise,    Eussian,  207  ; 

in  Tashkent,  207 
Commercial   pursuits    engaged    in    by 

Eussian  officers,  ii.  386 
Commercial  relations  of  Bukhara.  414 
Commercial     relations     with     Central 

Asia,  ii.  407 
Commercial  treaties,  ii.  17 
Commissariat  in  Turkistan,  the,  ii.  223 
Communal  ownership  of  land,   298,  301 
Communal  Eegency,  ii.  206 
Communications,    efforts    to    improve, 

221 
Conclusion,    387,     388,     389  ;    Central 

Asia  can  never  pay  expenses,  ii.  388  ; 

Eussia  cannot  now   withdraw   from 

Central  Asia,   ii.   388  ;  Eussia  com- 
pelled to  advance,   ii.  338  ;  Eussia's 

ethnical    and  political    boundary    in 

Central  Asia,  ii.  388,  389;  position  of 

Chinese  labour  in    Central   Asia,  ii. 

389 
Condition  of  people  since  occupation   of 

country  by  the  Eussians,  ii.  245 
Condonation  of  offences,  ii.  247 
Conduct  of  the  prefect  of  the  district  of 

Perovsky,  ii.  249 
Connolly,  361,  259 
Constantinople,  152,  355,  389;  ii.  303, 

308,  324 
Contemporary  coins  of  Khokand  by  V. 

Gregorief,  337 
Contomanni,  403 
Contractors,  98 
Cooking  in  Khokand,  ii.  42 
Copper,  ii.  197  ;  in  Central  Asia,  322 ; 

ii.  56 
Cornwallis,  Lord,  303 
Correard,  M.  J.,  ii.  259 
Cosmetics,  180 
Cossack  colonists  in  Siberia,  ii.  145, 150, 

152 
Cossack    houses,     129;  origin    of    the 

name,  8  ;  picket  at  Talki,  ii.  189 
Cossacks,  the,  5,  6.  30.  45,  49,  61,  75, 

115.    116,    136;  ii.  390;  of  the  Don 

revolt,   8:  communal  rights  of,   10; 

erroneous  notion  with  regard  to,   7  ; 

expedition  against,   8,  9  ;  expedition 


DAR 

asainst  Khiva,  ii.  328  ,  inferiority 
of  Orenburg,  16;  pioneers  of  Eussian 
civilisation,  7,  8;  religion  of,  10; 
impris:raed  by  Kirghiz,  ii.  422 

Cotard,  223 

Cotton  goods,  189,  336;  ii.  383  ;  prints 
at  Tashkent,  189 

Cotton,  cultivation  of,  285,  294  ;  gather- 
ing of,  295  ;  production  of,  295  ;  sow- 
ing of,  294,  295;  Surat,  296;  sea, 
296;  trade,  215 

Councils,  ii.  238 

Count  of  Khiva,  ii.  368 

Cour-.  of  Maugur-Khan,  402 

Courts,  166-171 

Crime  in  Tashkent,  103 

Crimea,  ii   266 

Crimean  Horde,  the,  ii.  397 

Crimean  Khanate,  ii.  399 

Crops,  summer  and  winter,  290,  291  ; 
in  the  Zarafshan  vallev,  287,  288 

Cross  of  St.  George,  ii  339 

Cufic  inscriptions,  70 

Cultivable  land  in  Central  Asia,  284, 
285  ;  in  Zarafshan  valley.  284 

Cultivation,  methods  of,  290,  291  ;  of 
the  Zarafshan  valley,  284 

Culture,  former,  of  Syr  Darj-a  valley, 
67 

Customs  duties,  206,  207 

Customs  line  of  Orenburg-Siberia,  213 

Customs  Office  in  Khokand,  ii.  5 

Cypresses,  399 


DABA,  217,  218 
Da-di-pu,  ii.  179,  181,  182 

Daich  (the  Yaik  or  Ural),  391 

Dainlof,  Thomas,  ii.  300 

Daka,  189 

Dakhme-Shahan,  363 

Dalai  Lama,  ii.  166-168 

Dalobian  Khan,  390 

Dalu,  329,  330 

Damgan,  407 

Dancing,  ii.  65,  66,  76  ;  boys  at  Urgut, 
271 ;  former  prohibition  against,  132  ; 
objections  of  Said  Azim  to,  99  ;  re- 
spect paid  to,  133 

Dandeville,  ii.  203 

Dandur,  ii.  345 

Dang  Dungan,  ii.  193 

Danial  Bii,  384 

Daniar  Atilyk  at  Shahrisabs,  ?i.  72, 
114 

Danilefskv.  361  ;  ii.  331,  414  ;  at  Khiva, 
ii,  330 

Dankara,  ii.  370,  371 ;  Lake,  ii.  374 

Danube,  ii.  265 

Dargam  canal,  286 


INDEX. 


433 


DAR 

Darkha  Pass,  275 

Darvaz,  343 

Darya,  50 

Dashly,  ii.  384 

Dashty  Kazy,  277 

Datkhah,  ii.  7 

Daud  Darai,  192 

Dauria,  ii.  170 

Davan,  ii.  54 

Davatsi,  ii.  168 

D'Avezac,  401,  404 

Davy,  374 

Day,  division  of  the,   33o ;   length  of, 
156;  names  of  the,  332 

Deception  by  guide,  ii.  47,  48 

Decorations,  ii.  355 

Decree  forbidding  persons  to  cross  Sjr 
Darya,  ii.  248 

Decrees  of  Tamerlane,  374  ;  ii.  238 

Deer  horns,  trade  in,  ii.  148 

Defects  of  the  Russian  administration, 
ii.  236 

Defremery,  370,  373 

Degwines,  374 

De  Jo,  ii.  131 

De  la  Croix,  114 

De  la  Gardie,  Gen.,  ii.  415 

Delphinium,  182 

Demaison,  361,  387 

Demetrius,  237  ;  ii.  97 

Demonstrations  on   return   of  Khivan 

Expedition,  82 
Denga,  derivation  of  from  the  Asiatic 

tenga,  153 
Dennet,  L    t.-Col.,  281 
De  Quiney,  ii.  171 

Dervish  Khan,  232  ;  at  Samarkand,  257 
Dervishes,  158,  159,  160,  161  ;  worship 

of,  158-161,  235 
Description  of  the  Khanate  of  Khokand 

in  its  present  condition,  337 
Desert  of  Karshi,  ii.  80,  81  ;  near  Kho- 

khand,  ii,  51 
Desht-i-Kiptchak.  232;  ii.  57 
Despatches,  ii.  357 
Detention    of  the   Khivan    traders    in 

Russia,  ii.  414 
'  Deux  Historiens  Armeniens','  408 
Dextorno,  ii.  14 

Diet  and  cooking  on  the  Steppe,  21,  22 
Digmai,  188,  317 

Dikokamenny  Kirghiz,  30,  368  ;  ii.  135 
Dilke,  Mr.,  ii.   149,  190 
Dimitri  Tsarevitch,  153 
Din-Mohammed,  386 
Dioscorides,  150 

Diplomatic,  employe,  ii.  272  ;  missions, 
ii.  271  ;  relations  with  Khokand,  ii. 
6,  17,  18,  19. 
Discipline  of  Russian  soldiers,  175 

TOL.  II.  IF 


DUN 

Discontent  among  the  natives  at  Rus- 
sian maladministration,  ii.  254 
Diseases,  147,  148,  149 
Dishonest  Prefect,  a,  ii.  248 
Disorder  among  the  nomads,  ii.  281 
Disorders    in    the    Kirghiz    steppe,    ii, 

306 
Dissenters,  10 

Distilleries,  207 

District  Prefects,  ii.  205 

Disturbances  in  the  Bukan  Mountains, 
ii.  418;  in  Hodjent,  ii.  254;  in 
Tchimkent  in  1873,  ii.  255  ;  at  Man- 
gyshlak, ii.  421;  in  the  Orenburg 
steppos,  ii.  419 

Divan,  ii.  352 

Divan  Begi  of  Khiva,  50 

Divan  Begi  Mat.  Murad,  ii.  342 

Divan  Begi  Medresse  at  Bukhara,  ii.  92 

Divination,  ii.  31,  32 

Division  of  provinces,  ii.  205 

Divorce,  124,  125,  143,  146 

Divs,  the,  ii.  121 

Dizabulus,  390,  391 

Dizakh,  407 

Djam,  ii.  62,  305 

Djenghiz,  Kadr,  365 

Djete  Jagataides,  the,  375 

Djete  Ulus,  the,  373 

Doda  Mohammed,  97 ;  merchant  of 
Tashkent,  118,  119,  122,  197 

Dogs,  130,  399  ;  food  of,  404 

D'Ohsson's  '  Histoire  des  Mongols,'  372 

Don,  the,  8,  236,  401;  coal  brought 
from,  57 

Door-plates,  Chinese,  ii.  158 

Dostarktian,  120,  121  ;  ii.  3,  289,  290; 
a  Bukharan,  ii.  65  ;  in  Shaar,  ii.  68. 
69 

D.^st  Mohammed  Khan,  260 

Dowry,  143 

Dragendorff,  Prof.,  on  medicine  149, 
150 

Dreschern,  Colonel,  ii.  347 

Dress  of  the  natives,  122,  123,  124 

Dr  nks.  126.  127 

Drosbkies,  in  Tashkent,  81  ;  in  Samar- 
canJ,  234 

Drugs  in  CVntral  Asia,  149,  150 

Drums.  132 

Drunkenness  amongst  soldiers,  ii.  230 

Drunken  bazaar,  the,  175 

Dsungaria,  ii.  166 

Dubrovin,  360,  383 

Duff,  Mr.,  ii.  334 

Duhamel,  28,  project  of,  ii.  265 

Dulaneh,  130 

Dungan  insurrection,  the,  ii.  157 

Dungan  mosque,  a,  ii.  194;  at  Suidun, 
ii.  160 


43-i 


INDEX. 


DUN 

Dungans,  the,  410;  ii.  173,  193,  197, 
319;  advance  towards  Manas,  ii. 
178;  capture  Urumki,  ii.  178;  cha- 
racter, ii.  173  ;  conspiracy  of,  ii.  176  ; 
defeat  of  the,  ii.  181  ;  discontent  of, 
ii.  175  ;  leave  Tchugutchak,  ii.  185  ; 
occupations  of,  173;  overpowered  by 
Tarantchis,  ii.  182,  183;  rebellion  of, 
ii.  179,  182 

Durben  Oirat,  the,  ii.  165 

Durbot  tribe,  the,  ii.  165 

Dustam,  131 

Dust  wind,  a,  ii.  51 

Dutch,  the,  ii.  400,  402,  409 

Duties,  illegal,  ii.  17 

Duvana,  the  village  of,  ii.  51 

Duvanas,  158 

Dyes,  182,  366 

Dye-stuffs,  182 

Dzian-Dziun  Zhun,  ii.  172,  179,  185, 
326 


I  RAGLES,  338;  ii.  154 
a     Earthquakes,  71,  79,  328 
Eastern  customs  in  Russia,  151.  152 
'  Eastern    Turkistan,'  by  V.  Grigorief, 

338 
Easter,  Russian,  47 
Ebi  Nor,  lake,  396;  ii.  190,  191 
Ebn  Baithar,  150 
Economical  regency,  the,  ii.  238 
Ediger  Hodja,  338,  359 
'Edinburgh  Review,'  391 
Edrisi,  370 
Education,  ii.  169,  235;  of  girls,  165; 

in  Tashkent,  162,  165 
Effect    of    Russian    administration    on 

troops  and  officials,  ii.  219 
Egg  plants,  ii.  161 
Egypt,  150 
Eichholm,  ii.  283 
Ekopruk,  406 
Ek-tag,  390 
Ek-tag  Altai,  the,  390 
Elders,  ii.  205 
Election  of  Kazis,  ii.  206 
Eliutei,  Prince,  ii.  165 
El-Mokanna,  369 
Eltchi,  ii.  419 

Emba,  the,  15,  47  ;  ii.  347,  367,  398 
Embroidery,  188 
Emigrants  from  Kuldja  to  Siberia,  ii. 

183,  184 
Emil,  400,  402 
Emperor  of  Germany,  368 
Emperor  Khubilai,  372 
Emperor  Nicholas  I.,  ii.  411 
Emperor  Rudolf,  the,  395 
Empress  Ann,  the,  ii.  409,  412 


FAT 

Empress  Catherine,  ii.  408 
Engineering    department,   Administra* 

tion  of,  ii.  224 
Engineering  skill  of  natives  in  construct- 
ing canals,  289 
England,  387  ;  ii.  269 
England  and  Russia,  ii.  261,  264,  269, 

365 
English  manufacturers  at  Bukhai'a,  ii. 

94,  96 
English  mission  in  Kashgar,  ii.  388 
English  missionaries,  38 
Eukakh,  406 
E  tail,  301 
Enzeli.  ii.  385 
Epaulets,  ii.  24,  42 
Etpiius,  402,  404,  405 
Erak,  407 

Eraskh  (Araxes),  the,  407 
P>deni,  339 

Erdeni  Bek,  339,  359,  386 
'  Erdkunde,'  Ritter's,  ii.  257 
Erman,  334 
Ertitch,  406 

Esaul  Bashi,  canal  of,  ii.  375 
Esaul  Bashi,  Mahmud,  ii.  418 
Esen,  the  Taitsi,  ii.  166 
Eskedjiket,  367 
Establishment  of  a  post  at  Krasnovodsk, 

ii.  419 
Etel  (Volga)  river,  405 
Europe,  366 
European  travel  forbidden  in    Central 

Asia,  48 
Euryangium,  181 
Euthydermus,  237;  ii-  97 
Eversmann,  361  ;  ii.  409 
Evidence   in  law  courts,    superstitious 

practices  in  default  of,  170,  171 
Exactions  of  the  Khan,  ii.  57,  89 
Executions,  ii.  16  ;  in  Shahrisabs,  ii.  71 
Expenses  of  Tashkent,  104 
Exploration  of  country  south  of  Emba, 

ii.  332 
Exploring  expeditions  of  road  to  Khiva, 

ii.  332 
Export  duties,  ii.  17 
Expulsion    of    the    English    from   Af- 
ghanistan, Grigorief 's  account  of  the, 

ii.  257 
Extraordinary  credits,  demands  for,  ii. 

229 
Extravagance  and   mismanagement   of 

officials,  ii.  251 
Ezdedjerd,  369 


"I?  AIR.   Irbit,    209  ;  Nizhni  Novgorod 
J      209  ;  Tashkent,  207,  208,  209,  210, 
212 


JNDEX. 


435 


FAL 

Falbin,  ii.  32 

Falcons,  128,  338 

Falgar,  279,  280,  283 

Famine  in  Central  Asia,  292,  293 

Famished  Steppe,  108.  226  ;  difficulties 
of  crossing  the,  227 ;  projects  for 
irrigating  the,  227 

Fanaticism  of  Central  Asia,  162  ;  Mus- 
sulman, 161 

Fandarya,  275,  277 

Farab,  87,  279,  280,  283 

Farsang,  203 

Fazil  Bii,  339 

Fazyl  Eek,  357 

Fedor,  Tsar,  53 

Fedotof,  Ivan,  382 

Fedtchenko,  181,  278;  ii.  38,  46,  55, 
125;  on  silkworms,  198 

Felt,  manufacture  of,  183,  184 

Fenn, 399 

Feodor  Iranovitch,  the  Tsar,  ii.  394,  395 

Ferdonof,  merchant,  323 

Ferghana,  338,  340,  358,  394 ;  ii.  300 

Ferghana  Valley,  51  ;  ii.  54 

Ferhat,  story  of,  108 

Festival  of  the  Elevation  of  the  Holy 
Cross,  406 

Figs,  ii.  87 

Filaria,  147 

Filature,  silk,  199 

Finns,  ii.  136 

Firdusi,  105 

Fire-arms,  manufacture  of,  178 

Fire-engine,  ii.  15 

Fire  worship,  ii.  137 

Fischer,  Captain,  ii.  152 

Flavitsky,  Mr.,  323  ;  ii.  1,  2 

Flax,  294 

Fleas,  149 

Flood,  ii.  120 

Floods  of  Syr  Darya,  52 

Florio  Beneveni.  360,  382 ;  ii.  329 

Flotilla  on  the  Aral  Sea,  ii.  404 

Flour,  ii.  198 

Flowers,  use  of,  ii.  87 

Forage,  ii.  338 

Forests,  cultivation  of,  ii.  158  ;  lack  of, 
iu  Semiretch.  ii.  150 

Forsyth,  Mr.,  ii.  266,  387 ;  mission, 
ii.  ,323 

Fort  No.  1,  44,  57,  58,  65,  148  ;  ii. 
335,  337 

Fort  Mo.  2,  46,  52,  55,  61,  62,  63  ;  Rus- 
sian, on  the  Steppe,  32,  33 

Fort  Alexandrofsky,  46  ;  ii.  379 

Fort  Naryn,  ii.  133,  317 

Fort  Perovsky,  52,  53,  54,  55,  57,  58, 
60,  62-64,  350,  351  ;  capture  of,  64; 
description  of,  64,  65 

Fort  Rain,   44;  ii.  412 


GES 

Fort  St.  George,  ii.  340 

Fortifications,  at  Cape  Urgu,  ii.  419  , 
of  Kopal,  ii.  412  ;  on  the  Turgai  and 
Irghiz,  ii.  412 

Fortress  at  Khokand,  ii.  10 

'Forty  turns,'  123 

Fovitsky,  Colonel,  319,  320 

Fowls,  ii.  196,  383 

Frsehn,  381,  401 

Fraser,  the  Mussulman,  38,  361 

Fraternities,  religious,  158 

Freight,  220 

French  and  Italian  Catholic  mission- 
aries, ii.  194 

French  influence  in  Andijan,  ii.  42 

Fruit,  365  ;  in  Bukhara,  ii.  87 

Fuchsine,  182 

Fuel,  ii.  338  ;  for  Aral  flotilla,  57,  58  ; 
at  Kuklja,  ii.  152  ;  in  Tashkent,  102  ; 
at  Vierny,  ii.  152 

Fulstein,  Gerburt  von,  263 

Funeral  custom.1-,  151,  152 

Funeral  feasts,  151 

Funerals,  150,  151 

Furniture  of  native  houses.  120 

Further  extension  of  Russian  limits 
within  Central  Asia,  ii.  412 


GABRIEL,  Archangel,  153,  182 
Gaillardet,  M.,  ii.  259 
Galdan,  150;  ii.  167 
Galdan  Tsyran,  112;  ii.  168 
Galtchas,  106,  277,  278,  311 
Galvers,  202 
Gambling,  128 

Game  of  the  grey  wolf,  268,  269 
Games  in  the  Zarafhan  Valley,  278 
Gantzak,  408 
Gao-tchan,  ii.  173 
Gap,  151 

Garber,  Colonel,  360,  383 
Gardening  school,  ii.  146,  150 
Gardens,  297  ;  ii.  37  ;  at  Paita,  ii.  37  ; 

at  Tashkent,  101,  102 
Gate,  sitting  in  the,  ii.  91 
Gates,  of  Derbent,  406  ;  of  Tamerlane, 

231 
Gems,  ii.  203 
Genealogical   Table,  of  the  sovereigns 

of  Khokand,  359  ;  of  rulers  of  Xo- 

histan,  280 
'  Geographical  Magazine,'  ii.  373 
Geographical  Society  of  Geneva,  ii.  374 
Georgian  ruler,  the,  ii.  395 
Gerburt  von  Fulstein,  263 
German  colonies,  2 
German  prisoners,  395 
Germans,  ancestors  of,  105 
'  Geschichte  der  Chalifen,'  368 


f  f  2 


436 


INDEX. 


GET 

Getse,  ii.  164 

Ghazi,    or    Conqueror  of  the    Infidels, 

342 
Giaz,  202 
Gibon,  50 

Giovanni  Orlandi,  ii.  90,  91 
Girdle  of  semi-independent  States,   ii. 

266 
Girdles,  123 

Girei,  Kirghiz  Sultan,  30 
Girls,  education  of,  165 
Giug,  405 
Gizhitzky,  79 
Glacier,  Muzart,  ii.  135  ;  Petrof,  50  ;  of 

the  Zarafhan,  276,  281 
Gladishef,  360 
Gladstone,  Mr.,  ii.  268 
Glass,  manufacture  of,  188  ;  works,  37 
Glauber's  Salts,  69 
Glukhofsky,  Colonel,  ii.   302,  354,  379, 

386  ;  his  trading  adventures,  220 
Godunof,  ii.  394,  395 
Goitre,  ii.  15 

Goklans,  the,  381,  382,  384 
Gold,   ii.   400;  in  Zarafshan,   278;  in 

Central  Asia,  322 
Golden  Horde,  the,  376,  377,  378,  380, 

391,  392,  393 
Golden  Mountain,  the,  390 
Gold  mines  in  Siberia  and  the  Ural,  ii. 

414 
Gold  sand  in  Little  Bukhara,  ii.  329 
Golo-donaya  Steppe,  226,  227 
Golof,  Colonel,  ii.  337,  368 
Golovatchef,  General,  243  ;  ii.  284,  286, 

287,  337,  347,  350,   356,   357,  358, 

359,  363,  423  ;  narrow  escape  of,  ii. 

361 
Golubef,  401 
Gomar,  341 
Gortchakof,  Prince,  302;  ii.  260,261 

262,  263,  266,  314,  336,  387 
Goths,  the,  ii.  164 
Government,  ii.  57  ;  chancery  expenses 

at  Riga,  ii.  209  ;  chancery  expenses 

in  Eastern  Siberia,  ii.  209  ;  chancery 

expenses  in  Western  Siberia,  ii.  209  ; 

chancery  expenses  at  Wilna,  ii,  209 
Government  of  India,  the,  ii.  387 
Governor  General's  palace  at  Tashkent, 

78 
Gowher  Shadi,  375 
Gowns,  188 
Grreco-Bactrian  coins,  ii.  97  ;   dynasty, 

the,  237  ;  kingdom,  ii.  164 
Grain,  336;    cause   of   dearness  of,  ii. 

217  ;  at  Karshi,  79  ;  produce  of  taxes 

on,    ii.    217  ;    production    of,     292, 

293  ;  table  showing  rise  of  prices  of, 

285 


HAI 

Grard  Duke  Michael,  ii.  262.  263,  335, 

377,  423 
Grand  Duke  Nicholas,  ii.  337,  347 
Granville,  Lord,  223 
Grapes,  297,  399 
Graves,  151 
Grazzi,  Modesto,  ii.  90 
Great  and  Little  Barsuk,  the,  401 
Great  Bear,  the,  397 
Great  Mogul  in  India,  340 
Great  Mogul,  the,  ii.  3£5 
Great  Survey,  Book  of  the,  50,  53 
Great  Wall,  the,  365,  391 
Great  White  Tsar,  ii.  289 
Grebenkin,  292 
Greeks,  the,  50 

Green  Banner,  troops  of  the,  ii.  172 
Green  Mound,  the,  ii.  381 
Green  pepper,  ii.  196 
Gretchenko,  Jevgraf,  ii.  19,  2C 
Greybeard,  ii.  205 
Grib,  382 
Grigorief,  Prof..  360;  ii.  237,  257,  258, 

273,  391  ;    views  on  Turanians  and 

Scythians,  105,  109 
Grimm,  Dr.,  27 
Gripsholm,  castle  of,  ii.  415 
Gromof,  Mr.,  79  ;  ii.  363 
Guberlinsky  Mountains,  16,  22 
Guilds,  the  thirty-two,  173 
Guinea-worm,  147 
Guitar,  origin  of,  131 
Gulf  of  Corea,  390 
Gulf  of  Karabugaz,  ii.  382 
Gulf  of  Tustche  bas,  ii.  374 
Gultcha  Turkomans,  the,  ii.  372 
Gumagur,  406,  409 
Gur'  Amir.  252 
Gurgan,  the,  ii.  344,  382,  385 
Gurgil,  ii.  291 

Gurkhan.  the,  371,  372;  ii.  122 
Gushi-Khan.  ii.  398 
Guz,  107.  367 
Gypsies,  ii.  41,  42 


HABA  BAI,  ii.  2 
Ha-Dervish  desert,  ii.  51 
Hadji  Bek,  353 
Hadji  Bii,  343,  345,  359 
Hadji  Nefus,  ii.  329 
Hadji  Urak,  ii.  422 

Hadjis  Ijma-u-Ummet  and  Kea's  sup- 
plements to  Koran,  154,  155 
Hafistas,  234,  235 
Hafiz,  163 
Hafiz  Tanysh,  381 
Hafta,  332 
Haider  Razi,  404 
Haie-tic-shan,  tho,  299 


INDEX. 


4  37 


HAI 

Hiir-ullah,  127,  225,  226 

Hakim  Bek,  ii.  238,  271  ;  at  Kitab,  ii. 
73,  74 

Hakim  Kush  Begi,  ii.  114 

Hakluyt,  400 

Hakluyt's  voyages,  404 

Hakodati,  ii.  415 

Halvah,  121 

Halyk  Nazar  Parmanatchi,  ii.  282,  292  ; 
pardoned,  ii.  293 

Hammer,  371,  372 

Hanbal,  the,  1C6 

Ilau  dynasty,  the,  366 

Hanifet,  the,  156 

Hanify,  ii.  29 

Hanki,  ii.  343,  351,  367,  369,  375 

Hansu,  ii.  173,  178,  319,  371;  insur- 
rection at,  ii.  178 

Haradj,  103,  303;  ii.  206,  241,  302; 
year,  331 

Harness,  129,  130 

Harvests,  290;  in  the  Zarafhan,  291, 
292  ;  bad,  ii.  308 

Hasarasp,  ii.  343  ;  occupied,  ii.  342 

Hasfort,  General,  ii.  154 

Hasfort  Pass,  ii.  154 

Hatem,  408 

Hayton,  408 

Hazavat,  ii.  282,  357 

Hazavat  Canal,  ii.  358 

Hazorasband,  69 

Hazret,  ii.  27  ;  meaning  of,  73 

Hazret  Bohoueddin,  tomb  of,  ii.  113 

Hazretti  Turkistan.     See  Turkistan. 

Hazyr,  192 

Hebrew  quarter  at  Samarkand,  259 

Hebrews,  46,  111  ;  ii.  5,  6 

Hedjiwan,  battle  of,  379 

Hejra,  369 

Hellwald's  'Die  Eussen  in  Central 
Asien,'  387 

Hemp,  294 

Henry  III.  of  Castile,  238.  374 

Herat,  260,  261  ;  ii.  267,  269,  383 

Herodotus,  370 

Hethum,  King,  395  ;  ii.  191 

Ilii-lie-wa,  398 

Himalayas,  278  ;  ii.  132 

Hindoos,  111,  184,  185,  186 

Hindoo  temple,  184 

Hindoo  usurers,  186 

Hindu  Kush,  the,  363 

Hiouen  Thsang,  366,  368,  390,  391- 
394,  410  ;  ii.  122  ;  mention  of  Tash- 
kent by,  1 1 1 

Hippophae,  ii.  127 

Hissar,  88,  97,  148,  271,  278  ;  ii.  276, 
277;  expedition,  ii.  77;  range,  175; 
ii.  62 


HUI 

Historians,  236 

Historical  information  about  the  Kirghiz 
Kaisaks,  382 

History  of  Armenia,  408 

History  of  the  Mongols  from  Armenian 
sources,  408 

History  of  Vardan  the  Great,  408 

Hizhduvan,  ii.  304 

Hodja  Akrar  mosque  at  Tashkent,  101, 
256 

Hodja,  Hussein,  70 

Hodjakent,  102  ;  coal  at,  319  ;  climate 
of,  327 

Hodjakul,  ruler  of  Shaar,  ii.  72 

Hodja  Nuin,  407 

Hodjas,  the,  99,  337,  339,  343;  mar- 
riages of,  142 

Hodjavat,  ii.  43 

Hodjeili,  ii.  354,  355,  375;  skirmish  at. 
ii.'  348 

Ilodjent,  51,  102,  158,  187,  313-319, 
339.  340,  342,  343,  349,  352,  354, 
357.  395;  ii.  205.  280,  284;  air  of, 
314;  approach  to,  313;  attack  on, 
ii.  286;  bazaar  at,  314;  bridge  at, 
ii.  1  ;  capture  of,  ii.  274;  citadel  of, 
314  ;  commercial  importance  of,  315  ; 
expedition  for  relief  of,  ii.  286  ;  fruits 
of.  314  ;  Khokandian  attack  on,  316, 
317,  318;  riot  at,  in  1872,  316,  317, 
318  ;  Russians  capture,  316 

Hogg,  Reynold,  360 

Hoi-yuan-tchan,  ii.  162 

Ho-lin,  398,  399 

Homar,  341 

Homiak,  198 

Hondar,  341 

Houiberger,  361 

Horde,  Lower,  71 

Horde,  Middle,  71 

Horde  of  Batu,  408 

Hordes,  derivation  of,  30 

Hordes  of  Kirghiz,  3<> 

nori,  the  month,  406 

Horse-Lreeding,  ii.  248;  at  Kaplan 
Bek,  102 

Horse-flesh,  37,  125 

Horse-races,  41 

Horses,  41,  129,  130,  287,  366,  399  ; 
ii.  383  ;  Siberian,  ii.  153  ;  sweating 
blood,  338 ;  Turkistan,  102 

Hoshat,  the,  ii.  165 

Ho-Urluk,  ii.  398,  399 

Houses,  Central  Asiatic,  77 ;  at  Tash- 
kent, 118,  119;  in  Kuldja,  ii.  193 

Howorth,  Mr.  H.  H.,  404  ;  ii.  122 

Huan-Di,  ii.  143 

Hufia,  158 

Hui  ho  (Mohammedans),  396,  399 

Hui-ku  (Mohammedans),  394 


438 


INDEX. 


HUL 

Hulagu,  308 

Hulava,  406,  407 

Humboldt,  ii.  133 

Hunmu-lien,  308 

Huns,  the,  ii.  164 

Huotchou,  304 

Hur-habis  land,  2u0 

Husbandry,  systems  of,  280,  290 

Husbands,    rights    and   obligations   of, 

145,  146 
Hussein  Bek  of  Margian,  87,  279,  280 
Hussein,  the  little  slave,  ii.  108,  109 
Hu-sze-wo-lu-do,  395 
Hut,  329.  330 
Hwang-Ti.  ii.  143 
Hyacinth,  Bitchurin,  ii.  397 
Hyacinth,  the  monk,  237:  ii.  166,  167 
Hydraulics,  native  knowledge  of,  289 


jAXARTAI,  105 

J.      Iaxartes,  50,  104 

Ibn  Batuta,  377 

Ibn-el  Athir,  370 

Ibn  Haukal,  340 

Ibn  Khaldun,  370 

Ibn  Khaukal,  370 

Ibn  Khordadbah,  370 

Ibodullah  Bek,  88 

Ibrahim  Datkha,  345 

Ice  on  Syr  Darya,  327-8 

Ich  (the  Emba),  391 

Iconium,  408 

Igdy,  ii.  345,  379,  382;  Russian  retreat 

from,  ii.  345;  wells  of,  ii.  382 
Ignatief,  Colonel,  ii.  331  ;  General,  222, 

361  ;  ii.  417 
Ik,  the  river,  ii.  396 
Ikhan,  fight  at,  73,  74 
Ilan-balekh  (serpent  town),  406 
Ilansu  river,  406 
Has  Ping-li,  338 
Ilek  Khan,  370,  371 
Iletsk  district,  the,  ii.  411 
Hi,  garrison  at,  ii.  172  ;  rebellion  at,  ii. 

178,  179;  siege  of,  ii.  180-2 
Hi  river,  54,  397,  398.  401,  410  :  ii.  102  ; 

course  of,  ii.  152  ;  ferry  over,  ii  152; 

navigation  of,  ii.  152,  153 
Hiali,  ii.  354 
Hie,  395 
Ill-advised  actions  of    authorities,    ii. 

250 
Ilyaii,  ii.  358,  359,  363 
Imam,  the,  of  Tchugutchak,  15?  ;  ii.  184 
Imam  Kuli,  ii.  273 
Imamet,  doctrine  of,  155 
Imil,  400,  410 
Impalements,  ii.  16 
Imperial     Chinese      post-roads,      410; 


ISP 

commission,  ii.  378 ;  Geographies! 
Society,  ii.  373;  Russian  Geographi- 
cal Society,  383  ;  ii.  374 

Imral  tribe,  the,  ii.  358 

Inak,  the  Khivan,  ii.  408 

Increased  taxation,  ii.  241,  242,  213, 
241 

Inclau,  182 

India,  48,  90,  97, 1 50, 156,  182,  366,  367, 
368,  370,  372,  382  ;  ii.  398,  400,  401, 
407  :  to  Kashgar,  roads  from,  ii.  388 ; 
Kaz;s  abolished  in,  168 

Indian  ink,  182;  goot,  185 

Indiffereut  officers,  ii.  220,  221 

Indus,  ii.  365 

Ink,  182 

Inscriptions,  ii.  168  ;  in  Karatrgln 
mountains,  ii.  46;  Mantchu,  ii.  122  ; 
Thibetiau,  ii.   135 

Inspection  of  the  Kurama-district,  ii. 
254 

Institution  for  the  government  of  the 
provinces,  ii.  406  ;    ii.  407 

Insulted  by  natives,  ii.  49 

Interest  on  loans,  168 

Interpreters,  ii.  141,  164,  195;  incapa 
cities  of,  ii.  141,  142 

Intoxicating  liquor,  126 

Irali,  ii.  407 

Iran,  Persia,  105;  ii.  312 

Iranians,  105 

Irbit,  209 

Irdana  or  Erdeni,  338 

Irdane,  the  Kush  Begi  of  Bukhara,  344 

Irdjar,  battle  of,  ii.   302 

Irghiz,  tort  of,  18,  22,  24,  25,  49 

Irghiz  river,  23,  25 

Irjar,  battle  of,  312,  316 

Irket,  ii.  400,  401,  402 

Irketi,  322 

Irkibai,  47;  ii.  339,  417 

Irkutsh,  38;    ii.  409 

Iruazar  Eltchi,  at  Bukhara,  Medresse, 
ii.  93 

Iron,  ii.  56,  197  ;  in  Central  Asia,  322  ; 
foundries,  178;  pates,  the,  394;  ore 
i.i  Zarafs^an  valley,  286,  289 

Irrigation,  unsuccessful  efforts  of  Rus- 
sians at,  103;  of  the  district  of 
Bukhara,  287 ;  canal,  failure  of,  a< 
Tashkent,  103;  at  Karshi,  ii.  77;  re- 
gulation of,  289  ;  wells.  289  ;  of  the 
Zarafshan  valley,  286,  289 

Irtysh,  the,  322,  409,  410;  ii.  155,  398, 
401,  404 

Isaieff  glass  works,  317 

Isbyjab,  75 

Iset  Kutebarof,  388  ;  ii.  417 

Isfara,  339,  35* 

Isfi  n  lyar  surrenders,  ii.  299 


INDEX. 


439 


ISF 

Isfidjab,  the  modern  Tchimkent,  393 
Ishan   Hodja,  attempted  abduction   of 

his  daughter,  99.  100 
Ishan  Ish  Mohammed  Kill,  ii.  254 
Ishan  Sthib  Hodja,  visit  to  the  Mosque 

of,  158,  159 
Ishkar,  188 
Ishrat  Khana,  256 
Iskatchi,  the,  ii.  28 
Iskender  Khan,  231,  232,  241,  261,  380, 

381;  ii.  73,  304,  315,  316 
Iskender  Kul  expedition,   281-283;  ii. 

307 
Iskender,  lake,  275,  276,  277,  282 
Iskender,  rulrr  of  Kitab,    ii.    73  ;  his 

execution,  95,  97 
Iskvlik  taken  by  storm,  ii.  299 
Islam,  38,  154-158,  366,  369 
Islam,  religious  orders  of,  158 
Islamism  v.  Christianity,  171,  172 
Ismail,  379;  ii,  394 
Ismail  Sefevi,  378 
Ispahan,  72 
Ispirak,  182;   ii.  290 
Ispissar,  318  :  ii.  2 
Issa  Aulie.  358  ;  ii.  289,  291  ;  pardoned, 

ii.  293  ;  sent  to  Siberia,  ii.  293 
Issaief,  188 
Issyk  Kul,  lake,  30,  50,  54,  55,  129,  148, 

392,  410;  ii.  105,  205  ;  feeders  of,  ii. 

132;  fish  in,  ii.  131  ;  former  extent 

of,  54;   legends    connected  wih,  ii. 

129;    objects    in,    ii.    130;    present 

connection  with,  and  former  discharge 

into  the  Tehu,  54  ;  scenery  at,  ii.  128; 

skulls  at,  ii.  128;  -warm  springs  in, 

ii.  131 
Istakhari,  the,  ii.  32 
Istar,  the  goddess,  331 
Istemes,  22 

Italians  in  Bukhara,  ii.  90 
Italians  purchase  silkworm's  eggs,  200 
Itch-kiri,  119 
It-Kitchu,  404  ;  ii.  122 
Ivan  III.  Vasilievitch,  377,  380 
Ivan  Burnashof,  ii.  418 
Ivan  Kalita,   grand    prince,    origin    of 

name  of,  153 
Ivan  the  Terrible,  ii.  394.  396 
Ivano*',  Colonel,  375,  376,  377,  384;  ii. 

370,  371,  372,  373 
Iymil,  402 
Izium,  297 

Izyurian  ruler,  the,  ii   395 
Izzet  Ullah,  383,  385 


TADE,  ii.  193  ;  trade  in,  ii.  148 
t)      Jadi,  30,  32,  93 
Jady,  111 


JOB 

Jafar^ai,  the  tribe,  ii.  381,  384 

Jagafar  Iman,  192 

Jagag,  402  ;  the  lake,  402 

Jagatai,  337,  405  ;  ii.  165  ;  the  men  of, 
109  ;  language  of  the  Uzbeks,  109 

Jagataide  Mahmud  Khan,  378 

Jagataides,  the,  365,  372,  373,  375 

Jahandar  Shah,  ii.  316 

Jaihun  (Oxus)  river,  407  ;  the,  364 

Jalan  Uta,  274  ;  the  defile  of,  232 

Jam.m  Darya,  52,  55,  56,  68 

Jambai,  232 

Jam  Darya.  68 

Jamkend.  68 

Jamtchii  Bii.  339 

Jan1  ak-kh  (Tchangbalik),  406 

Janckint,  400,  401 

Jan  Hodja,  Kighiz  hero,  32 

Jani  Bek,  30,  379,  380  ;  ii.  129 

Janide,  381 

Jauy  Darya,  52 ;  tradition  as  to  arti- 
ficial formation  of,  52,  55 

Japtn,  196;  ii.  415  ;  relations -with,  ii. 
409 

Japanese,  ii.  403,  409  ;  maps,  ii.  152 

Japhet,  376 

Jar-Kent.  ii.  158 

Jarkin,  348 

Jarkvn,  359 

Jauza,  329,  330 

Jaxartes,  50 

Jend,  68,  371  ;  ruins  of.  62 

Jenkinson,  Anthony,  50 

Jenushka,  290 

Jesuits,  ii.  400,  403 

Jewellers  in  Tashkent,  176 

Je-wish  women,  veiling  of,  124 

Jews,  48,  49;  tneir  girdles,  123;  at 
Samarcand,  259  ;  at  Shaar,  ii.  67,  70 

Jews'  harps,  132 

Jezeri,  374 

Jidda,  268 

Jigits,  ii.  253,  280 

Jihangyr  Hodja,  342 

Jihun,  50 

Jil,  333 

Jin,  ii.  133 

Jintchi,  111 

Jitte-tepe  (the  seven  mounds),  ii.  121, 
122 

Jizak'i,  68,  88,  147-149,  226,  229,  23G, 
241,  341,  342,  351-353;  ii.  335,  337, 
ii.  367.  423  ;  attack  of  the  fortress 
at,  by  General  Tchernaief,  229  ;  cap- 
ture of,  229,  230  ;  climate  of,  327  ; 
commandant  of,  308 ;  fortress  at, 
229  ;  storming  of  by  General  Kry- 
zhanofsky,  229,  230*;  unhealthinef.3 
of,  230 

Job,  legend  of,  191,  193 


440 


INDEX. 


JOU 

Jougeri,  374 

Journal  Asiatiqne,  408 

Journal  de  St.  Petersburg,  358 

Journal  of  the  Asiatij  Society  of  Bengal, 
338 

Journal  of  the  Ministry  of  Crown 
Domains,  ii.  210 

Journal  of  the  Ministry  of  Public  Ins- 
truction, 360 

Journal  of  the  Ministry  of  Ways  of 
Communication,  ii.  210 

Ju,  ii.  196 

Judge  at  Hodjent,  murder  of,  313 

Judges,  ii.  237 

Judicial  tribunals,  ii.  406 

Jagara,  291 

Jugglers,  ii.  70 

Jujubes,  ii.  19'-} 

Julek,  56,  58,  66,  67,  79,  91 

Jumma  Friday,  156,  332 

Jumma  mosque,  173  ;  ii.  194 

Jungar,  ii.  166 

Jungaria,  369,  375,  409;  ii.  399,  400; 
Koan  of,  31,  112;  colonisation  of,  ii. 
168-174;  history  of.  146-188; 
nationalities  of,  ii.  164-174 

Jungarian  massacre  of  Chinese,  ii. 
168 

Jungarian  Mongols,  ii.  398 

Junjun,  ii.  126 

Jura  Bek,  ii.  277,  286,  305  ;  at  Shaar, 
ii.  67,  73,  74,  85,  138,  167,  241  ; 
attack  on  Samarkand,  245,  246  ;  cha- 
racter of,  86  ;  expulsion  of,  ii.  307  ; 
his  history,  85 ;  negotiations  with 
Kaufmann,  244 

Justice,  366 

Justice,  administration  of,  among 
Kirghiz,  ii.  205 

Justinian,  emperor,  the,  350 

Juran  Aryk  Pass,  ii.  134 

Juveini,  372 


KABAKLI,  ii.  377 
Kabul,  97,  410 
Kabulistan,  ii.  257 
Kadyr  Khan,  365,  370 
Kae-tch'  ang,  394 
Kaffir  (unbeliever),  73 
Kaffirs,  111,  124 
Kaidu  Khan,  386 
Kaikand,  406 
Kainar,  ii.  63 
Kairosaly.  ii.  72 
Kaisak.  30,  377 
Kaitchi,  ii.  318 
Kakan,  ii.  85 

Kalai    Afrosiab,    or    original    site    of 
Samarkand,  236 


EAR 

Kalama,  189 

Kalentar  Bek,  85,  158,  257,  260 

Kalian  Musha,  ii.  141 

Kalignium.  66 

Kalim,  143,  144 

Kalmuk  religion,  the,  172;  ruler,  the, 
395 

Kalmuks,  the,  34.  35,  369;  ii.  136,  146 
154,  166,  167,  171.  172,  197,  199, 
319,  389,  390,  399,  402;  defeat 
Dungans,  ii.  181  ;  embassy  to,  ii. 
171;  history  of,  166,  167;  mission 
from  China  (Hyacinth's),  171  ;  reli- 
gion of,  172;  residence  of,  172; 
return  to  Jungaria,  171;  settle  on 
the  Volga,  ii.  167 

Kalym,  43 

Kama  river,  the.  ii.  155,  396 

Kamarya,  the,  329 

Kamelan  gate  of  Tashkent,  the,  114, 
116 

Kamotz,  406 

Kana-khnneh,  ii.  91 

Kanavat,  ii.  76 

Kandabam,  ii.  3.  4,  290 ;  its  mosques, 
ii.  4 

Kandahar,  260,  262 

Kand-su-Kent,  75 

Kangli,  391,  400,  402 

Kansi,  the  emperor,  ii.  399 

Kansu  (sug;ir  water),  97,  369 

Kaplan  Bek,  horsebreeding  establish- 
ment at,  102 

Karabair,  129 

Karabak,  ii.  76 

Karabugaz,  ii.  379 

Karabugut,  55 

Kara  Bulak,  ii.  126 

Karabutak,  fort  of,  62  ;  garrison  of,  24, 
25;  hospitality  of  commandant  of, 
24  ;  sterility  of  situation  of,  21 

Kara-Darya,  the,  286,  287,  28S ;  ii.  299 

Kara  Hulagu,  405 

Karajar  Noyau,  373 

Karajengeldi,  ii.  375 

Karaknffir.  ii.  136 

Karakalpaks,  the.  107,  353;  ii.  369, 
37^,  4i)9  ;  Biis  of,  ii.  373 

Karak-ata,  ii.  338 

Karakedans.  ii.  122 

Karakhan,  ii.  121 

Karakhatai,  the,  365,  371,  398,  404, 
406 

Karakhatayans,  the,  371 

Karakidans,  the,  371 ;  ii.  164 

Kara  Kirghiz,  the,  30,  350.  354,  4  9  ; 
ii.  57,  135-141;  legends  of,  ii.  138; 
origin  of  race  of,  ii.  136 

Karakitai,  ii.  122 

Karakitans,  372 


INDEX. 


441 


EAR 
Karakorum,  152,  223,   372,  400,  402, 

408 
Kara-Kulja,  the  river,  51,  353 
Karakul,  Lake,  275,  379,  286,  287  ;  ii. 

84,  110 
Karakum  Desert,  the,  26,   28,   29,    30, 

401,  409 
Karaktchi  (Fort  No.  21),  52 
Karakurt,  the,  ii.  123 
Karamazar,  322 
Karamzin,  401 
Karasai,  gate  of,  114 
Karasai  river,  51 
Karashar,  ii.  200,  319 
Karashar  Torgots,  the,  ii.  200 
Karasu,  attack  on,  86 
Karasu,  the,  ii.  292,  385 
Karataef,  ii.  90,  100,  111 
Karatal  river,  55  ;   ii.  150,  154 
Karatau  mountains,  51,  67,  75 
Karatchkum,  village  of,  ii.  2,  287 
Karatchuka  tribe,  the,  ii.  381 
Karategin,   280,  343,  348  ;  ii.   45,  46, 

276,  277 
Karateginese  at  Khokand,  ii.  45 
Karatepe,  ii.  51,  62,  305,  381  ;  fight  at, 

43 
Karaul,  ii.  81 
Karaul  Begi,  ii.  7 

Kara  Uziak  river,  52  ;  attempt  to  clean 
channel  of,    bb,   56 ;  exploration  of, 
56 
Kara  Yasi,  348 
Karazin,  the  artist,  ii.  373  ;  his  novel 

on  Tashkent  life,  83 
Karga,  ii.  30 
Kari,  163,  203 
Karkaralinsk,  ii.  153 
Karlagatcb,  ii.  30 
Karn,  the,  333 
Karnan  mountains,  188 
Karoi  Saroi,  ii.  130 
Kars,  405 
Karsan,  ii.  80 

Karshi,  97, 107,  110  ;  ii.  64,  76,  77,  305, 
306,    308,    334 ;  desert    of,    ii.    81 ; 
trade  of,  ii.  76-80  ;  tobacco,  294 
Kasaba,  173 
Kasem-Beg  Mirza,  38 
Kash,  the   river,  ii.   152;  seaches  for 

treasure  in,  ii.  176 
Kashan,  248 

Kashgar,  51,  67,  88,  95,  99,  100,  105, 
339,  342,  350,  353,  354,  358,  365, 
366,  369,  375,  391,  392,  410;  ii.  45, 
46,  200,  266,  278,  306,  316,  387; 
preparations  for  expedition  against, 
ii.  280  ;  trade  derived  from,  217,  220  ; 
village  of,  ii.  43 
Kashgaria,  343 


KAZ 

Kashgarian  envoy,  a,  1 00, •  ii.  155 

Kasbgarians  massacred  by  Chinese,  343 
Kashka  Darya,  the  river,  ii.  64,    275, 

283 
Kasim  Ibn  Abbas,  247 
Kastakoz,  ii.  1,  2 

Kastek  pass,  the,  397;  ii.  126,  142 
Katta  Bek,  279,  280 
Kattakurgan,  148,   149;    ii.   117,  118; 

Arabs  at,  1C9,  110 
Katta-sai,  ii.  62 

Katta  Tiura,  the,  ii.  30,  306,  417 
Kaufmann,  General,  49,  65,  81,  162, 
358,  389  ;  ii.  100,  104,  184,  263,  274, 
277,  278,  282,  286,  289,  290,  294, 
297,  300,  302,  305,  306,  308,  312, 
313,  314,  315,  317,  318,  320,  321, 
322,  324,  325,  327,  333,  334,  335, 
336,  338,  339,  340,  342,  343,  344, 
347,  348,  349,  350,  351,  352,  353, 
354,  355,  356,  357,  358,  359,  363, 
368,  380,  387,  416,  419,  420,  421, 
422 ;  address  to,  ii.  369  ;  attacks  on, 
ii.  333 ;  balls  of,  82 ;  Cossack  guard 
of,  81;  court  of,  81;  difficulty  with 
Central  Asiatic  Society,  84  ;  execution 
of  a  Mullah,  251 ;  frees  slaves,  ii.  104, 
109  :  plan  of  attack  on  Khiva,  ii.  335 ; 
reasons  for  Khivan  campaign,  ii.  334  ; 
reception  after  Khivan  campaign,  ii. 
367;  reward  for  Khivan  campaign, 
ii.  367  ;  triumphal  receptions  of,  82 
Kaulbars,  Baron,  ii.  174,  321;  mission, 

to  Kuhlja,  ii.  186 
Kaus,  329 
Kavap,  125 
Kavardak,  125 
Kayalik,  403,  405 
Kazak,  8,  30,  104,  377 
Kazak  Tsar,  the,  395 
Kazala,   15,  18,  21,  26,  44,  47,  48.  49, 
50,   64,   68;   ii.  205,  337,  338,  339, 
343,  372,  417;  acquaintances  at,  47; 
arrival  at,   29  ;  bazaar  at  46 ;    com- 
mercial importance  of,  45  ;  reception 
at,  46 ;    departure    from,  60 ;    Swiss 
travellers   at,    48 ;    talk    of  Khivan 
campaign  at,  47 
Kazalinsk,  44 
Kazan,  ii.  393,  396,  415 
Kazi  Kalian  166,  169;  of  Bukhara,  the, 

344 
Kazikurt-ata,  ii.  120 
Kazi  Murad,  ii.  371,  372 
Kazis,  98,  166,  168,  169,  171  ;  ii.  237; 
corruption  at  elections  of,  169;  elec- 
tion   of,    169;  powers   of  the,    169; 
qualification  for  office,  169 
Kazna,  oriein  of  word,  153 
Kaznatchi,  153 


442 


INDEX. 


KAZ 

Kazuin,  407 

Kazvini,  381 

Kebin  river,  ii.  126,  127 

Kemangeh,  131 

Kenchak,  402 

Kendyr  Tau,  defiles  of,  341 ;  ii.  284 

Keneghez,  107 

Kenisar,  32;  ii.  231 

Kenkhan,  the  court  of,  402 

Kenninghez,  87,  99 

Kent,  75 

Kentchak,  404 

Keou-koue,  409 

Kerait  Van  Khan,  372 

Kerki,  ii.  313 

Kerman,  372 

Kermineh,  ii,  115,  116,  304,  305,  306; 

Bek  of,  ii.  116;  bazaar  at,  ii.  115; 

Divan  Begi  of,  ii.   116;  hostility  of 

natives  at,  115 
Kesh,  255,  379,   394;  Baber's  descrip- 
tion of,  ii.  71 
Keshmish,  297 
Ketmen-tepe,  ii.  56 
Khae,  340 
Khagas,  ii.  136 
Khalagar,  108 
Khalai  Afrosiab,  236 
Khalata,    21  ;  ii.  355,    339,    340,    342, 

347,   367,   370;   Russian  fort  at,   ii. 

309 
Khali  ava,  198 
Khalif  Ali,  386 
Khalif  of  Bagdad,  398 
Khalifs,  154,  155,  368 
Khalil,  374,  375 
Khamba  Lama,  the,  ii.  172 
Khambi,  the,  ii.  172 
Khamil,  391 
Khan  of  Khiva,  the,  ii.  338,  374,  380, 

383 
Khan  ab  canal,  the,  ii.  375 
Khanate  of  Khokand,  354 
Khanavat,  ii.  76 
Khanayat  Shah,  91,  92,  163,  352;   ii. 

144 
Khan  Hodja,  339 
Khanikof,  Mr.  N.   V.,    108,    240,  339, 

361,  363,  386;  ii.  89,  414 
Khan  Serai  at  Khokand,  ii.  16 
Khan  Shaniaz,  ii.  329 
Khan  Tengri  mountain,  391  ;  ii.   132, 

133 
Khan  Zada,  ii.  39,  40 
Khan  Zada  Arash  Kul,  the,  264 
Khan  Zada  Nas'r  eddin,  the,  356 
Khans,  the,  embassies  to,  ii.  397,  399 
Khara-Khula,  ii.  166 
Kharashar,  391 
Kharezm,  340,  364,  367 


Kharezm  Gulf,  ii.  423 

Kharezm  Shahs,  365,  371 

Kharezmians,  365 

Kharlukh  Karakhanides,  371 

Kharlukh  sovereigns,  371 

Kharlukhs,  370 

Khartchukh  mountains,  406,  407 

Khatai,  the,  371,  407 

Khatyrtchi,  288 ;  ii.  305 

Khelat,  ii.  266 

Khendakhuir,  406 

Khian-lung,  the  Emperor,  338 

Khiva,  31,  33,  68,  81,  107,  108,  190, 
196,  360,  361,  382,  401;  ii.  265,  279, 
305,  306,  396,  400,  401  ;  attack  on 
walls  of,  ii.  349  ;  baggage  abandoned 
on  march  to,  ii.  339,  341 ;  bombard- 
ment of,  349,  350  ;  capture  of,  ii.  35  ; 
detachments  for  attacking,  ii.  337  ; 
difficulties  of  reaching,  ii.  335  ;  em- 
peror consents  to  expedition  against, 
n.  336  ;  General  Perofsky's  expedi- 
tion against,  ii.  330;  indemnity  to 
be  paid  by,  ii.  364 ;  intense  heat  on 
march  to,  ii.  344,  345  ;  production  of 
silk  at,  193;  route  for  trade  with, 
220;  Russian  embassies  to,  ii.  330; 
Russian  loss  at,  ii.  351 ;  Russian 
prisoners  from,  49,  50  ;  slave  trade 
at,  ii.  353 ;  stormed,  ii.  350 ;  sub- 
mits, ii.  350;  surveys  of  ii.  354; 
t  ade  of,  215;  treaty  with,  ii.  331, 
363 

Khiva,  Khan  of,  50;  ii.  144;  aska 
India  for  help,  ii.  424  ;  visits  Colonel 
Ivanof,  ii.  367 

Khivan  campaign,  the  camels  for,  ii. 
337,  341,  369  ;  change  of  route  of,  ii. 
339;  cost  of,  ii.  368;  intrigues  con- 
nected with,  ii.  354,  355,  422 ;  reasons 
for,  ii.  333;  talk  of,  15,  47 

Khivan  embassies  to  Fort  Alexandrof- 
sky  and  Orenburg,  ii.  332 

Khivan  envoys,  ii.  423 

Khivan  memorial,  the,  ii.  368 

Khivan  oasis,  the,  ii.  386 

Khivan  Yomuds.  ii.  383 

Khivans  abuse  Russian  mercy,  ii.  352, 
353 

Khivans.  false  accusations  of,  ii.  353 

Khiva  oder  Kharezm,  364 

Khludof,  207 

Khodrie,  138 

Khodzidjan,  338 

Khoja  Saleh,  ii.  267 

Khokand,  97,  85,  92,  93,  94,  95,  105, 
130,  132,  136,  337,  338,  361,  386, 
387,  388;  ii.  1-60,  266,  277,  280, 
297,  409  ;  agriculture  of,  ii.  56  ;  area 
of,   ii.    54:    bazaars  at,  ii.    14,    15} 


INDEX. 


443 


KHO 

birdseye  view  of,  ii.  12 ;  character 
of,  ii.  54,  55  ;  emperor  orders  annex- 
ation of,  ii.  300;  form  of,  ii.  10; 
from  1841  to  1864,  338;  garrison  of, 
ii.  15;  gate  of  Tashkent,  at,  114; 
government  of,  ii.  57  ;  Khan  of,  71, 
72  ;  Khanate  of.  ii.  54  ;  minerals  of, 
ii.  56  ;  mosques  at,  ii.  11  ;  population 
of,  ii.  11,  12,  56;  preseut  unsettled 
state  of,  ii.  301 ;  production  of  silk 
at,  193  ;  relations  of  Russia  with,  ii. 
274-302;  Eussian  advance  to,  ii. 
289  ;  taxes  of,  ii.  57-60  ;  topographi- 
cal situation  of,  ii.  12  ;  trade  of,  215, 
219 

Khokandian  spy  in  Tashkent,  a,  97 

Khokandians,  the,  338,  339  ;  defeated 
in  Kurama.  ii.  286  ;  occupy  the  village 
of  Ablvk,  ii.  284 

Khokhlof,  Ivan,  240 ;  ii.  273,  394 

Kho-no-kho-tsin  (Bator  Kun  taitsi),  ii. 
166,  167 

Khorasan,  361,  407,  409  ;  ii.  267 

Khorgos,  ii.  158,  178  ;  riot  at,  ii.  178 

Khorkhut,  62,  63 

Khoroshkin,  Colonel,  ii.  174,  288 

Khosh-Kupyr,  ii.  290 

Khotar,  190,  198 

Khudaidad,  374,  375 

Khudayar  JBek  of  Marghilan,  339,  340, 
341,  348 

Khudayar  Khan,  337,  341,  345,  347, 
348,  349,  350,  351,  352.  353,  357, 
358,  359,  387,  388;  ii.  24,  25,  35 
246,  274,  277,  278,  279,  280,  281, 
282,  284,  286,  320  ;  at  Orenburg,  ii. 
60 ;  excites  discontent,  ii.  278 ;  in- 
Tested  with  order  of  St.  Stanislas,  ii. 
276  ;  leaves  Khokand,  ii.  282  ;  quar- 
rels with  Jura  Bek,  85  ;  treasure  of 
ii.  285 

Khudayar  (son  of  Shir  Ali),  348 

Khudof,  ii.  317 

Khukhu-nor,  ii.  398 

Khulm,  ii.  267 

Khurram  Serai,  338 

Khutapai,  406 

Khutbe,  341,  385 

Khuzakh,  406 

Khuzar,  275,  293  ;  ii.  77 

Khvalym  Sea,  53 

Kiafsen,  304 

Kiakhta,  207;  ii.  193,  408 

Kiang-hi,  Emperor  of  China,  ii.  171 

Kibitka,  35 

Kibitka  tax,  ii.  206,  241 

Ebleh,  156 

Kie-choang-na,  392 

Kief,  400 

Kien-long,  ii.  402 


KIT 

Kien-lun,  Emperor  of  China,  ii.  168 

Kigin,  390 

Ki-li-ki-tsi,  399;  ii.  136 

Kinderli,  ii.  346,  367,  379 

Kingdom  of  Dogs,  409 

Kingdom  of  Kasimof,  ii.  392 

King  Hethum,  401,  405-409  ;  ii. 
138 

Kin-shan,  the,  394 

Kiptchak,  107 ;  ii.  371 

Kiptchaks,  the,  345,  350,  354,  355,  356, 
357,  387;  ii.  26,  27,  34,  57,  278, 
279  ;  ask  Russians  to  dethrone  Khu- 
dayar, ii.  279;  Bek  of,  ii.  372; 
butchery  of,  ii.  60 

Kirakoz,  408 

Kiranda,  150 

Kirei,  the,  372 

Kirghiz,  the,  6,  7,  8,  19,  21,  23,  28,  29, 
30,  37,  68,  70,  75,  107,  354,  355,  356, 
357,  377,  407  ;  ii.  135,  141, 197,  278, 
279,  305,  337,  342,  396,  398,  409, 
413;  agriculture  of,  37;  Bukaref 
horde  of,  134;  calender,  333-335; 
cemetery  of,   62 ;  changing  quarters, 

29  ;  contractors,  18,  19;  courts,  166, 
167;  difficulties  with,   ii.    186;    dis- 
orders among,  32,    33,  34 ;    division 
of  races  of,  ii.  136  ;  dress  and  occupa- 
tion, 35,  36  ;  ii.  137  ;  elective  govern- 
ment   of,    32  ;     expedition    against, 
ii.    40 ;    expeditions    of,    36  ;    nocks 
and  herds,    34  ;  food  and  drink   of, 
37  ;  forays  against,  341  ;  great  horde 
of,  30,  31,  34;  ii.   152,   154;  history 
under   Russian    protection,    31,   32 
inner  horde  of,   34  ;  insurrection   of, 
ii.    358  ;  join  the  Dungans,  ii.   180 
Kaisak,    30,    106  ;    Khans,    ii.    405 
kibitkas,   35  ;   language   and  origin 

30  ;  lesser  horde  of,  30,  31,  33,  34 
manners    and   customs    of,    ii.    137 
middle   horde   of,    30,  31,  34;  mis 
sionary  enterprise  among,  38  ;  mul 
lahs,  33;  musical  instruments,  132 
ravage  Kuldja,  ii.   183  ;  rebellion  of, 
ii.    46,    53,    54;    religion,    ii.     137 
scholars,  ii.  406  ;  schools  in  Perofsky 
and   Kazala,  ii.  235  ;   steppes,    366 
Sultans  regent  of,  32,  33  ;  taxes,  345 
taxes    on,    ii.    378 ;     their    different 
names,  30  ;  trade  with,  ii.  409;  type 
of  race,  34,  35  ;  visit  to  a  kibitka  of, 
61  ;  wealth  of,  34  ;  women,  40 

Kir-it  (grey  dog),  372 

Kirk,  107 

Kitab,  85  ;  ii.  64,  276,  277  ;  citadel  o£ 

ii.  65 
Kitai,  107 
Kitan,  399 


444 


INDEX. 


KIT 

Kitehik-Mohammed,  378 

Kitehkine,  ii.  374 

Kitchkine-ata,  ii.  373 

Ki-tse-li  ba-sze,  398 

Klaproth,  338,   362,  408,  409;  ii.  136, 

191 
Kliutcharef,  338,  349,  361 
Kly  river,  ii.  337 
Kljtch  Niaz  Bai,  ii.  348 
Knives,  manufacture  of,  177 
Knuckle-bones,  128 
Kohik,  239 
Kohistan,  history  of,  279,  280 ;  political 

division  of,  278  ;  Russian  occupation 

of,  281 
Koibyn,  ii.  157 
Koisi,  ii.  130 

Kok-bura,  game  of,  255,  268,  269 
Kokine-sai,  319 
Kok-moinak,  ii.  127 
Kokssarai,  251,  255 
Koksu  river,  ii.  150,  274 
Kok-tash,  the,  254,  255,  256 
Koktcha  river,  ii.  267 
Koktchi,  103 

Kolesnikof,  Mr.,  218;  ii.  17,  321 
Kolpakofsky,  General,  81 ;  ii.  5,  9,  130, 

143,    144,    183,    184,    186,   187,   279, 

300,  318  ;  in  Kuldja  campaign,  186, 

187,  188  ;  life  and  character  of,  ii. 

149,  150 
Komarof,  Lieut.-Col.,  ii.  376 
Kong-yu,  393 
Konigsgratz,  ii.  368 
Kon-kai  river,  321 
Konos-bai,  ii.  62 
Konstantin,  the  steamer,  57 
Konstantinofskaya,  ii.  142 
Kontche,  ii.  137 
Kopal,  405  ;  ii.  153,  205,  325;  climate 

of,  327 
Kopylof,  Mr.,  ii.  142 
Koran,  the,  70,  71,  154,   163,   164;  of 

Othman,  256 
Koroi-Saroi,  ii.  130  ;  origin  of,  153-155 
K'o-san,  395 
Kos-aral,  57 
Kosaref,  Col.,  46 
Kosh,  290 
Kosh-kupyo,  ii.  343 
Kosh  Medresse  Abdullah  Khan,  ii.  93 
Koshpul,  the,  305 
Kostakoz,  318 
Kotchkur,  ii.  134 
Kotlyarefsky,  ii.  401 
Kou-ken-bag,  ii.  131 
Kraiefsky,  Col.,  ii.  133 
Krasnovodsk,  ii.    335,    345,   353,    354, 

377,   378,  379,   380,  384,   385,   386, 

421,  423 


KUR 

Krasny  Yar,  2 

Kremlin,  153 

Krm;in,  407 

Kryzhanofsky,  General,  24,  46;  ii.  208, 
204,  263,  302,  335,  336;  plan  of 
attuck  on  Khiva,  ii.  336 

Kshtut.  87,  276,  277,  280,  282 

Kshtut  Darya,  275,  278 

Ktai,  ii.  137 

Kua-kishlak,  ii.  49 

Kuakky,  ii.  134 

Kua-tehou,  391 

Kudjan,  395 

Kufiristan,  ii.  257 

Kiihlewein,  361 

Kuhn,  Mr.,  ii.  294,  302 

Kuiluk,  102,  325;  ii.  286 

Kukan,  338 

Kukertli,  110;  ii.  311 

Kukhnar,  127  ;  ii.  22 

Kukoltash,  Medresse  of,  ii.  92 

Kul,  ii.  191 

Kulah,  343;  ii.  316 

Kuldja,  409;  ii.  147,  148,  152,  153, 
192,  396,  397,  415,  433  ;  absence  of 
Chinese  architecture  in,  ii.  193 ; 
campaign  against,  ii.  186-188;  cli- 
mate of,  ii.  327 ;  field  for  Russian 
labour,  ii.  198;  fiual  rupture  with, 
ii.  422;  history  of,  ii.  164-188,  326, 
334;  insurrection  at,  178-188;  na- 
tionalities of,  ii.  164-174;  occupied 
by  Russians,  ii.  319  ;  palace  in  citadel 
at,  ii.  193  ;  Russian  relations  with,  ii. 
184-186 

Kuli  Kalan,  fight  at,  283 

Kul-kalian,  277 

Kuiluk,  406 

Kul  Yomuds,  ii.  375,  376 

Kumakur,  409 

Kumalik,  ii.  31 

Kumys,  37,  126 

Kundash,  147 

Kunduz,  ii.  267 

Kungei,  ii.  131 

Kungis  river,  ii.  152,  170,  200 

Kungrad,  47,  48,  107;  ii.  331,  336,  346, 
348,  361 

Kungut,  181 

Kunik,  401 

Kunya  Urgentoh,  ii.  354,  355,  367,  375 

Kurama,  102;  ii.  205,  286;  live  stock 
in,  326 

Kurban  Bairam,  festival  of,  ii.  303 

Kurdiuks,  the,  326 

Kurds,  ii.  382 

Kuren,  ii.  192 

Kuren  Dag,  the,  ii.  382 

Kurgash,  ii.  158 

Kurgatz,  the,  393,  404 ;  ii.  148 


INDEX. 


445 


KUE 

Kurkan,  373 

Kur-kara-usu,  ii.  191 

Kurmenta  river,  51 

Kurtka,  Khokandian  fort  of,  ii.  317 

Kush  Begi,  Doulet,  the,  384 ;  Leshker, 
the,  344  ;  of  Bukhara,  the,  ii.  91 

Kushelef,  340 

Kutb  Eddin  Mohammed,  372 

Kutchambai,  5 

Kutche,  391 ;  ii.  133,  178,  180,  319 

Kutchkunji,  Sultan,  379,  380 

Kutebar,  388 

Kutebarof,  32 

Kuteibi-ibn-Muslim,  369 

Kutemaldy,  ii.  127,  128 

Kutf-i-Tcherdani,  254 

Kutuktchin,  406 

Kuvan  river,  the,  ii.  409,  417 

Kuvansh  Jar,  the,  ii.  370,  374 

Kuyuk  Khan,  400,  408 

Kuyuk  Mazor,  ii.  114 

Kuzebai,  3 

Kuznetzof,  ii.  142,  145,  147,  153 

Kyrk-ming,  ii.  288 

Kyzyl-arvat,  ii.  382 

Kyzyl  Bash,  Khan  of,  ii.  395 

Kyzyl  Bash,  Lake,  402,  405,  410 

Kyzyl  Kum,  68,  69  ;  ii.  339,  367  ;  ex- 
plored, ii.  332 

Kyzyl-Takyr,  ii.  357,  367,  375 


LABORATORY  at  Tashkent,  80 
Labours  of  the  Oriental  section  of 

the  Imperial  Archaeological  Society, 

337 
Ladak,  223 

Lake  Alakul,  ii.  155,  191 
Lake  Balkash,  ii.  152-155 
Like  Dal  Nor,  ii.  165 
LakeEbi  Nor,  ii.  190,  191 
Lake  Kyzyl  Bash,  402,  405,  410 
Lake  of  Heaven,  395;  ii.  191 
Lake  of  the  Spotted  Bull,  401 
Lake  Sairam  Nor,  ii.  154,  188,  192 
Lamas,  ii.  201 
Lamps,  127 

Landan  Canal,  the,  ii.  371 
Land  tenure  in  Central  Asia,  297-303 
Land,  prices  of,  297  ;  settlement,   298, 

300-303 ;  settlement,  298,  300-303 
Lands  of  the  Khan,  299 
Larkspur,  yellow,  182,  309 
La-tchu-yan,  ii.  160 
Lathes,  18S 

Latrodectes  lugubris,  ii.  123 
Laudan,  222 
Lavalet,  M.,  223 
Law  Courts,  166,  167 
Lead  ore,  321,  322 


MAC 
Leather,  183 
Leeches,  tax  on,  ii.  58 
Leeks,  ii.  196 

Lelimann,  36,  240;  ii.  115,  414 
Lemfinc,  401 

Lenormant,  Mr.  P.,  248,  249,  332 
Leprosy,  147 
Lepsa  river,  ii.  150,  154 
Lerch,  Mr.,  68,  75,  104,  312,  361,  364, 

384,  397,  400,  401  ;  ii.  121,  122,  130 
Lesseps,  M.  de,  222,  223,  224 
Lesser  Horde  of  Kirghiz,  the,  388,  401 ; 

ii.  407 
Lesur,  ii.  258 
Leuchtenberg,   Gromof  saves  Duke  of, 

ii.  362,  363 
Liabehaus  Divan  Begi  at  Bukhara,  the, 

ii.  92 
Liang-tehou,  391 
Library  of  Timur,  240  ;  ii.  97 
Library  at  Tashkent,  ii.  97 
Lice,  149 

Life,  Mussulman,  118-172 
Lilio,  Calender  of,  332 
Ling  tchau,  391 
Lin-yu,  398 
Liquors,  126,  127 
Lisofsky,  376 
Lisoftchiki,  376 
List  of  coins  of  Khokand,  337 
Li-tchuan,  ii.  178 
'  Literarisches  Centralblatt,'  389 
Litta,  Count,  ii.  90 
Little  Armenia,  408 
Liuli,  111  ;  ii.  41 
Lizards,  giant,  323 
Loftus,  Lord  Augustus,  ii.  267 
Lomakin,    Colonel    (General),    ii.    336, 

346,  347,  350,  357,   377,  378,  379, 

380,  381,  384,  385 
Losigun,  ii.  169,  172 
Lotteries  at  Tashkent,  80 
Love  chase,  42,  43 
Lower  Volga,  the,  ii.  398 
Lubb-ul-tevarikh,  381 
Lucerne,  290 
Lui  Yu,  188 
Lung-gu,  the  river,  398 
Lun-t'ai-hien,  394 
Lutherans,  2,  3 
Lu-tsun-han,  ii,  178,  187 
Lycosa-singoriensis,  ii.  123 


Tl/TA-A,  399 


MacGahan,  Mr.  J.  A.,  1,  15,  21, 
24,  64,  65,  66,  308,  309 ;  ii.  332,  359, 
363  ;  his  ride  across  the  Steppe,  65, 
66;  ii.  120 


446 


INDEX. 


MAD 

Madali  Khan,  342,  343,  344,  345,  347, 

355,  359;  ii.  13,  137 
Madamin  Bek,  272,  344,  359;  ii.  281 
Madder,  294 
JVIadrin  (future  successor  of  Buddha), 

407 
Magasin  Asiatiqne,  338 
Magian,  87,  276,  279,  280,  283 
Magpie,  ii.  30 
Mahmud,  371 

Mahmud  Khan,  341,  342,  380 
Mahmud,    Prince    of    the    Tchoros,    ii. 

165 
Mahmud  Shah,  ii.  316;  campaign  of, 

ii.  382 
Mahmud  Sultan,  ii.  44 
Mahmud  Tiura  sent  to  Siberia,  ii.  293 
Mahmud    Yakub    Khan,    Kashgarian 

Envoy,  100 
Mahsum  Hodja,  337,  339,  341  ;  report 

of,  338 
Mai-Bulak,  323 
Maidan  Yuldash,  341 
Maimatchen,  ii.  193 
Maimena,  ii.  267 
Maines,  village  communities,  303 
Maize,  291 
Mak-bul,  ii.  121 
Makhram,  ii.   54,  286,  290;  battle  of, 

ii.  288,  289;   Bek  of,    319;  fortress 

of,  ii.   2,   3,  287  ;  submission  of  in- 
habitants of,  ii.  289 
Makhram  Khudai  Nazar,  ii.  418 
Makhtab,  primary  school,  64,  65,  163 
Malar  Lake,  ii.  415 
Malcolm,  384,  386  ;  '  History  of  Persia,' 

385 
Malik,  156  ;  ii.  115;  ruins  of  castle  at, 

ii.   115;  sect,  156;  station  at,  227; 

wells  at,  227,  228 
Malik  Shah's  Calendar,  332 
Malla  Bek,  348,  350,  351,  388 
Malla  Khan,  136,  163,  352,  356,  359; 

ii.  73  ;  murder  of,  92 
Maltchet  Akhun,  ii.  183 
Mamun,  the  Jew,  259 
Management  of    municipal   and    com- 
munal affairs,  ii.  206 
Manaps,  368 

Manas,  ii.  138,  178,  185,  190 
Mandarins'  buttons,  ii.  193 
Mangere,  374 

Manghit,  384;  Biis  the,  384 
Manghit,  the,  106 
Mangu,  403 
Mangu  Khan,  398,  405,  406,  407,  408 ; 

court  of,  404 
Mangyshlak,    ii.   354.    357,    378,   379; 

(Fort    Alexandrofsky)    ii.    336  ;    co 

luran  of,  346  ;  ii.  351 


MED 

Mangyt,  ii.  372 ;  skirmish  at,  ii.  348 

Maniakh,  368,  390 

Manichsean  alphabet,  ii.  130 

Mantchu  Kuldja,  ii.  162 

Mantchus,  ii.  197,  399,  400,  401 

Maqrizi,  331 

Maracanda,  236 

Marali,  the,  ii.  135 

Marco  Polo,  138,  139,  238,  372,  391 

Mareri,  the  month,  406  ' 

Marghilan,  338,  347,  348,  349,  352, 
353 ;  ii.  49,  50,  281  ;  Baber's  de- 
scription of,  ii.  49  ;  Mir  Izet  Ullah's 
description  of,  ii.  50;  Nazarof's  de- 
scription of,  ii.  50 

Markham,  238,  374,  375 

Markozof,  Colonel,  ii.  334,  336,  344, 
345,  383,  423  ;  bad  management  of, 
ii.  346  ;  expedition  of,  ii.  346,  351, 
381 

Marriage,  142 ;  among  Kirghiz,  43 ; 
ceremonies  of,  144  ;  limitations  of, 
145;  obligations  of,  145;  presents, 
143;  restrictions  on,  145;  tempo- 
rary, 145 

Mashad,  111;  ii.  120,  312,  353,  883 
386 

Masjid,  ii.  381 

Masjid  Bali  and  Mosque,  ii.  91,  92 

Maskarabashes,  137;  ii.  66 

Massacre  of  Kiptchaks,  350 

Massacre  at  Kuldja,  ii.  187 

Masudi,  370 

Matcha,  279,  280,  281,  283 

Matchlock,  the,  128,  129 

Mat  Murad,  ii.  352 

Mat  Niaz,  ii.  369,  375 

Matthew,  St.,  bones  of,  ii.  130 

Maverannahr,  105,  337,  340,  363,  364, 
365,  366,  367,  368,  369,  370,  371, 
372,  373,  378,  379,  380,  381,  383 

Mayagur  Akhun,  ii.  182 

Mazam  Khan,  ii.  183 

Mazanderan,  407 

Mazang,  111 

Measures,  201,  203 

Measures  for  strengthening  the  union 
of  the  Kirghiz  steppes  with  Russia, 
ii.  411 

Mecca,  90,  355 

Mediaeval  travellers  in  Central  Asia, 
390,411 

Medicago  sativa,  290 

Medicines,  149,  150;  native,  149,  150 

Medresse,  Abdullah  Khan  at  Bukhara, 
ii.  93;  Ali,  ii.  13;  Barakhar,  163; 
Beklar  Bek  at  Tashkent,  101  ;  Bek- 
lar  Bek  at  Karshi,  ii.  79 ;  Bibi 
Khanym,  249,  250 ;  Hodja  Jelal,  ii. 
93 ;   Irnazar  Eltchi,  ii.  93  ;    Ju'oar, 


INDEX. 


447 


MED 

ii.  93  ;  Khan  at  Khokand,  ii.  5,  12, 
13  ;  Kukol  Tash,  163  ;  ii.  92  ;  Mir, 
ii.  13;  Miri  Horab,  ii.  92;  Kustam 
Bek  at  Uratepe,  310,  311  ;  Shirdar, 
310;  Tilla  Kari,  252;  Ullug  Bek, 
251 

Medynsky,  Colonel,  103 

Mekasim,  303 

Mekhter,  difficulties  with,  ii.  52,  53 ; 
its  meaning,  ii.  7  ;  of  Khokand,  the, 
ii.  5-9 ;  ordeal  of,  ii.  53  ;  poisoned, 
ii.  53 

Mekkeme,  ii.  236 

Melons,  297,  299  ;  mode  of  eating,  ii. 
29 

■  Memoires  du  Chevalier  d'Eon,'  ii.  259 

'Memoirs  of  Mirza  Shems,'  338,  343, 
367,  385 

'Memoirs  of  the  Imperial  Russian 
Geographical  Society,'  337,  382,  390 

'Memoirs  of  the  Imperial  University 
of  New  Russia,'  40] 

Menander,  Protector,  390 

Menshikof,  ii.  259 

Menz-linsk,  ii.  396 . 

Merakhor,  ii.  7 

Merchants,  ii.  17,  18;  attack  on,  ii. 
276  ;  prominent,  97 

Merke,  393,  40+;  ii.  123 

Mertvii  Kuituk  Bay,  the,  391 

Merv,  ii.  269,  370,  374,  382,  383,  384, 
385,  386  ;  colonisation  of,  109  ;  name 
given  former  inhabitants  of,  106 

Meshekli,  ii.  374,  311 

Meski,  404 

Messenger  of  Europe,  338 

Messenger  of  the  Imperial  Russian 
Geographical  Society,  339 

Mest-devran  (Mestorian),  ii.  381 

Metal- work,  177 

Meteorological  observations,  326,  328 

Metricke  land,  298 

Metropolitan  Crysanth,  361 

Mevat  land,  298,  299 

Mevquefe  land,  298 

Meyendorf,  361,  385  ;  ii.  409 

Miana,  407 

Miankal,  379;  the  district  of,  ii.  117 

Michailovsky,  Gulf,  the,  ii.  379 

Michell,  the  Messrs.,  387 

Middle  Horde,  the,  388 

Mikhail,  57 

Military  Journal,  ii.  288;  instruction  of 
troops  in  Turkistan,  ii.  231 

Milk-haradji,  299 

Milk-ushri,  299 

Milky  way,  335 

Millet,  291,  398 

Mills,  in  Central  Asia,  101  ;  at  Kuldja, 
ii.  193 


MOH 

Milutin,  ii.  Ill 

Minaret,  251  ;  in  Bukhara,  ii.  92 
Min-Bulak,  ii.  122,  332,  339,  347 
Mineral  springs,  ii.  153,  154 
Minerals,  ii.  197  ;  production  of,  ii.  56  ; 

wealth  of  Central  Asia  in,  319-323  ; 

on  the  Yagnan  and  Fan  Darya,  27S 
Ming,  106,  279 ;  tribe  of,  339 
Min^'amban,  the,    of  Tchugutchak,   ii. 

179 
Ming-Bashi,  ii.  7 

Ming-Basbi,  347  ;  Hakki  Kill,  the,  343 
Ming  Bulak  wells,  ii.  423 
Mingepe,  ii.  48  ;  engagement  at,  292 
Ming-uruk,  80,  81 
Mining    department   of   Turkistan,    ii, 

209 
Ministers,  262 
Mint  at  Kriokhand,  ii.  10 
Mir  Alim,  358 
Mir  Haidar,  ^79,  280,  287,  385,   386  ; 

at  Sharisabs,  ii.  72 
Mir  Izzet  Ullah,  338,  341  ;  ii.  42,  44  ; 

description  of  Marghilan,  ii.  50 
Mir  Said,  388 

Mir  Seid  Belki  Sheikh,  253 
Miri  Horab,  Medresse  of,  ii.  92 
Miriie  land,  298 
Mirkhond,  370,  373 
Mirky,  404 
Mirza,  ii.  271 

Mirza  Abdullah  Ba^ai,  95,  96 
Miiza  Abul  Talib,  386 
Mirza  Akhmet,  350,  353 
Mirza  Bashi,  ii.  7 
Mirza  Hakim,  246,  356;  ii.  1,  19,  275, 

276,  280,  290,  320 
Mirza  Iraddin  Divan  Begi,  ii.  77 
Mirza  Kashbar's  story,  95 
Mirza  Megdi,  383  ;  Shadi,  ii.  387 
Mirza  Yusuf,  139 
Missionaries,  English,  38 
Missionary  enterprises,  refusal  to  allow 

at  Tashkent,  1 62 
Mission  from  Khokand,  ii.  290 
Mission  of  Nazarof  in  1814  to  Khokand, 

ii.  410 
Missions  of  Putimtsef  to  Jungaria,  ii, 

410 
Mistaken  policj7,  ii.  405 
Mitchell,  John,  38 
Mizan,  329,  330 
Mogayan  Darya,  275,  278 
Mogul,  186 
Mogul  calendar,  333 
Mohammed  Ali,  71,  337,  342,  386,  387, 

388 
Mohammed    Amir,    or  Madramin  Bek, 

344,  357 
Mohammed Bii,  ii.  99,  109,  110,  111,  112 


448 


INDEX. 


MOH 

Mohammed  Farissakh,  ii.  303,  333,  418 
Mohammed  Eahim  Subankul  Mutevali 
of  the  Medresse  Hodja  Akkrar,  348; 
ii.  415 
Mohammed  Shakyr,  187 
Mohammed  Sheihani,  378 
Motammed  Sherif,  ii.  99 
Mohammed  Timur,  Sultan,  379 
Mohammed  Yar,  380 
Mohammedan  legislation,  169 
Mohammedanism  compared  with  Chris- 
tianity. 171;  among  Kirghiz,  37,  38; 
strengthened  by  Russians,  38 
Monetary  unit,  203 
Money  in  Central  Asia,  14,  203 
Mongol.  3,  4.  5  ;  barbarities,  237 
Mongol    domination,    influence    of    on 

Russia,  152,  153 
Mongolia,  372,  373,  400,  411  ;  ii.  399 
Mongols,  the,   375,   376.408,    410;   ii. 

189,  398  ;  attack  of,  340 
Mongols  of  Baty,  the,  ii.  398 
Months,  names  of  the,  329,   330;  Kir- 
ghiz, 334  ;  legends  of  the,  329,  330 
Monument  to  the  wife  of  Madali  Khan, 

ii.  13 
Morals,  124 

Morozofs  caravan,  ii.  323 
Mosaics,  70 
Moscow.  90,  380,  382  ;  ii.  392,  394,  397, 

399,  400 
Moscow  p>  riod,  ii.  399 
Moscow  Tsars,  the,  ii.  396 
Mosques,  Baliand  at  Bukhara,  ii.  91,  93  ; 
Dungan    at   Suidun,    ii.    160;  Shah 
Zindeh     at    SamarcaDd     235,    247, 
248;    Abdullaktif  at    Uratepe,  311 
Hazret    at    Turkistan,    70.    71,    72 
Hodja  Akharar,  T*sl>k-nt,  101,  256 
worship  at  the,  156, 157 
Mosquitoes,  ii.  158 
Mountain  deer,  ii.  135 
Mountains  in  Khokand,  ii.  55 
Mount  Arai,  405 
Mount  Taurus,  406 
Mourning  for  the  dead,  151 
Movement   for  formal  ion    of  new  line, 

ii.  203 
Mozaffar,    Eddin,    342,    353,    388;    ii. 
304,  308;  appearance  of,  ii.  83,   84; 
character  of,  ii.  84  ;  his  action  at  Shah- 
risabs,  85  ;  occupies  Khokand,  92,  93  ; 
his  executions,    95 ;    interview  with, 
ii.  83,  84 
Mozaffar  Khan,  355 
Mrmn,  407 
Mufti,  162,  167 

Mugojar  mountains,  the,  16    22 
Mukaneddin  Hodja,  a  visit  to,  166 
Mula  Kari,  ii.  379,  380 


NAG 

Mulberry  trees,  195;  ii.  192;  leaves  o£ 
speculation  in,  196  ;  culture  of,  196 

Mu!fuzat-i-Timury.  373 

Mulhids  (the  assassins i,  407 

Mullah  Bek  of  Makhram,  319 

Mubah  Hair  ullaD,  225;  on  amusementfl| 
127,  128 

Mullah  Iskak,  ii.  295 

Mullah  Issa  Aulie,  ii   282 

Mullah  Maaruf,  ii.  282 

Mull»h  Mir  Kamil,  357 

Mullah  Tarap  Hodja,  ii.  322 

Mullah  Turdali,  ii.  33 

Mullahs  in  the  Steppe,  33,  37 

Mull  ihs,  Tartar,  37 

Muller,  340,  360 

Mumyn,  358 

Munduz,  ii.  137 

Murad  Bek,  347,  348 

Murad  Bii,  343 

Murad  Khan,  359 

Muravief,  361  ;  ii.  409 

Muravin,  360 

Murdab,  ii.  385 

Muren,  397 

Murgha\  363,  364 

Murtaza  Bii,  ii.  343,  375,  422,  423 

Muruk,  ii.  100,  101 

Murza,    Rabat,  remains  of  caravan  of, 
ii.  283 

Muscovite  grand  princes,  thp,  ii.  392 

Muscovite  Tsars,  the,  ii.  393,  394 

Mushet,  187 

Music,  131  ;  ii.  196  ;  in  Khokand.  ii.  33 

Musical  instruments,  131, 132;  ii.  196; 

arnonj  the  Kirghiz,  39,  40 
Mussa  Mahomet  Bii,  Governor  of  Tash- 
kent, 89 
Mussulman    Kul.   346,   347,   348,   349, 
350.  351,  355,  358,  386  ;  ii.  60  ;  death 
of,  3:0 
Mussulmans,   birth   and   early    life  of, 
140;  Chinese,   ii.    159,  160;  circum- 
cision,    141.     142;    equality    of,     at 
prayers,     157;    fanaticism     of.     86; 
house,   a,  118;  life  of  in  Tashkert, 
118:  marriage    of.    142,    143,    14*; 
religious  rites  of,   160,  161;  ii.  159, 
160 
Mutchal,  the,  333 
Mutton,  366 
Muvui  Khan,  390 
Muyun-kum,  ii.  121,  143 
Muzart  Pass,  392,   410;   ii.  134,    319 J 

oceiip-ition  of,  ii.  186 
Myshenkof,  276 


N 


ADTR  Shah,  31.  341,  383  ;  ii.  409 
Nagasaki,  ii.  402,  41  n 


INDEX. 


449 


NAG 

Nagora,  132 

Naib,  385 

Naimans,  the,  106,  396,  400,   405,  406, 

410;   ii.  353 
Nakshhandi,  158 
Naman  (prayers),  106.  121,  122 
Namangan,  323,  339,  334,  356,  358;  ii. 

281  ;  annexation   of,    ii.    295 ;    bom- 
bardment of,  ii.  298  ;  revolts  at,  ii. 

298 ;    road    from    Aulieata    to,     ii. 

121  ;  tobacco  at,  249 
NamazDigar,  121,  122 
Namazga,  mosque  of,  ii.  85 
Nankin,  409 
Nanty,  125 

Naphtha  springs,  323  ;  ii.  56 
Napoleon's  Moscow  campaign,  ii.  258 
Narbuta  Bii,  339,  340,  343,  359,  386 
Nari-pai  Canal,  287,  288 
Narshaki,  363,  366,  369,  370 
Naryn  fort,  ii.  321 
Naryu  river,  51 ;  ii.  23,  319  ;  bridge  over 

the,  ii.  33 
Nasim  Toga,  357 
Nasreddin  Bek  of  Andijan,   ii.  39-41, 

278 
Nasreddin  Khan,  281,  282,  283,   289, 

292,  300,  359  ;  sent  to  Tashkent,  ii. 

300  ;  submission   of,  ii.  290  ;  treaty 

of  peace  with,  ii.  293 
Nasrullah,  85,  117,  166,  191,  280,  342, 

344—351,    388  ;    attacks  Shahrisabs, 

ii.    72,    73;    at   Shahrisabs,    ii.    73; 

conquers  Upper  Zarafshan,  297,  280; 

executes  Jskender  of  Shahrisabs,  95, 

97 
Native   courts,    ii.    206;  dishea,     125; 

house,    description     of,     119,     120; 

opinion  about  taxes,  ii.  243 
Natives,  influence  of,  98,99 
Native  view  of  Russian  advance,  ii.  225 
Nau,  312,  ii.  285  ;  fight  at,  318 
Naukut,  ii.  46,  47,  48 
Nauruz,  334 

Navigation  of  Syr  Darya,  55-57 
Nazar  Bek,  359  ;  ii.  305,  417 
Nazarof,  Lieutenant-Colonel,  245,  361  ; 

ii.  42,  44  ;  description  of  Marghilan, 

ii.  50 
Nectarines,  296 
Nefes-guli,  ii.  363 
Negotiations  with  England,  ii.  266 
Negri,  361,  387 

Nertchinsk,  treaty  of,  ii.  399,  400 
Nestorian  monastery,  ii.  130 
Nestorians,  403 
Neutral  zone,  ii.  266 
New  boundary  line  with   Bukhara,  ii. 

419 
New  Kuldja,  ii.  162 

TOL.    II.  G  G 


OLD 

New  lin^the,  ii.  172 

Niaz,  ii.  417 

Niasbash,  225 

Niazbek,    102,    113;    capture  of,    113 

fort  of,  349 
Nicholas,  the  Emperor,  ii.  412,  415 
Nicknames,  117 

Nicolai  Station,  burning  of  the,  ii.  421 
Nicolai  steamer,  57 
Nijni  Novgorod,  fair  at,  45,  209 
Nikiforof,  ii.  273  ;  at  Khiva  as  Russian 

envoy,  ii.  330 
Nikolai,  360 
Nikolaiefsk,  3 
Nil,  132 

Nilka  river,  ii.  172 
Noah's  ark,  ii.  120 
Nogai,  108 
Nogai  Kurgans,  102 
Nogais,  the,  ii.  394,  398 
Nolde,  Baron,  313,  316,  317,  318,  319 
Nomenclature,  Geographical,  274,  275 
Nor,  ii.  191 

Northern  courts,  the,  366 
Norzaisan  lake,  394,  410 
Nose-rings,  124 
Nosovitch,  Colonel,  ii.  307 
Nouruz  Aklimed,  380,  381 
Novgorod,  ii.  415 
Novpmlvnsky,  Colonel,  ii.  343 
Novosiltsof,  ii.  395 
Novotreshtshenof,  Colonel,  ii.  376 
Nukus,  222  ;  ii.  370,  371.  373,  374  ;  fort 

of,  ii.  372  ;  observations  at,  328 
Numi,  ii.  89 
Numijket,  ii.  89 
Nur,  379 
Nurali.  ii.  407 

Nurata,  148;  ii.  305,  306,  338 
Nurata  mountains,  241 
Nurekin,  the  Kirghiz  Sultan,  337,  349 
Nur  Mohammed,  349,  350 
Nur  Verdi  Khan,  ii.  383 
Nu-tch,  i-kien,  393 
Nystadt,  peace  of,  ii.  259 


OATH,    mode   of    administration   of 
170 
Obrutchef,  General,  32,  57 
Obrutchef,  the  steamer,  57 
Official  rank  in  Khokand,  ii.  7 
Officials,  Russian,  98 
Oils,  181 

Oil  wells  in  Khokand,  323 
Oirat,  the,  ii.  165-168,  398 
Oirat  League,  the,  ii.  399 
Old  Jungarians,  ii.  199 
Old  Kirghiz  Horde,  the,  ii.  412 
Old  Porsu,  ii.  372 


450 


INDEX. 


OLD 

Old  Tashkent,  remains  of,  226 

Omar  Bek,  88,  241 

Omar  Khalif,  155 

Omar  Khan,  339-343,  345,  348,  359; 
ii.  238,  318 

Omar  Sheikh  Mirza,  340 

Omar  Veli-n-neim,  341 

Omyl,  400,  402 

Onions,  ii.  161 

'  Open  leaf,'  ii.  236 

Opium,  127  ;  smoking,  ii.  147,  148 

Oppert,  Dr.  Augustus,  ii.  122 

Or,  the  river,  22,  23,  406,  409 

Orders,  religious,  158 

Orenhurg,  9,  11-16,  24,  29,  33,  34,  45, 
46,  47,  57,  58,  60,  75,  358,  409,  411 ; 
ii.  155,  335,  343,  347,  367,  378; 
Cossacks,  12,  15,  16;  column,  the,  ii. 
347  ;  detachment,  the,  ii.  351,  367  ; 
English  house  at,  38  ;  English  mis- 
sionaries at,  38  ;  foundation  of,  9  ; 
Kirghiz,  ii.  412;  trade  of,  34,  35 

Organa,  403,  405 

Organum,  403,  405 

Oriental  expedition  of  the  ambassadorial 
Frikaz,  389 

Oriental  Historical  MSS.,  360 

Orlandi,  Giovanni,  ii.  90 

Orlof,  General,  ii.  265 

Ormsk,  ii.  155,  184 

Ornas,  400,  401 

Orsk,  15,  17,  21-24,  386,  409  ;  ii.  367 

Ortakuya,  ii.  345,  363 

Oshi,  338 

Oshrusene,  312 

Osman,  376  ;  ii.  304 

Osmanlis,  376 

Osmanli  sultans,  ii.  394 

Osrushna,  364 

OstenSacken,  Baron,  ii.  133 

Ostermann,  ii.  259 

Otliman  Khalif,  154,  155  ;  Koran  of, 
256 

Otrar,  68,  361,  380,  395,  407 

Oxus,  the,  28,  50,  53,  88,  237,  361,  364, 
367,371,  391,394;  ii.  267;  ancient 
bed  of,  53  ;  exploration  of  ancient  bed 
of,  222  ;  see  Amu  Darya,  except  where 
mentioned  by  name 


PAALLADTI,  Father,  238 
Pacific  Ocean,  the,  ii.  399 
Padshah,  386 
Painting  eyebrows,  180 
Paisa,  201 
Paita,  ii.  36,  299 

Pi'ace  of  the  Khan  at  Khokand,  ii.  10 
Palorak,  275,  281 
Padu-kia,  391 


PET 

Pamir,  ii.  132 

Pansat  Bashi,  ii.  7 

Paper  manufacturing,  ii.  13,  i4 

Paper  mill,  ii.  193 

Parasites,  149 

Paris,  ii.  391 

Parmanatchi,  ii.  7 

Paropamisus,  the,  363 

Parsang.  203 

Partchin,  401,  407 

Pashadmrda  (Afghan  sore),  148 

Pass  of  Takhta  Karatchi,  ii.  62 

Passports,  ii.  236  ;  in  Khokand,  ii.  35 

Pasukhin,  Brothers,  ii.  273 

Patcha  Hodja,  280,  281 ;  ii.  124,  163 

'Paths,'  186 

Patkanof,  K.  P.,  408,  409 

Paul's  expedition,  the  Emperor,  ii.  265 

Pauthier,  238,  398 

Pavements  in  Tashkent,  101 

Payarof,  Lieut.-Colonel,  ii.  349 

Peaches,  296 

Pebrine,  198 

Pekin,   338,  339,  342,  343,  399,   410; 

ii.  402 
Penjakent,  274,  277,  278,  284,  286 
Pension,  of  Abdurrahman  Khan,  261 ; 
Baba  Bek,  86;   Jura  Bek,   86;  Said 
Khan,  88 
Peppers,  ii.  196 
Perfumes,  181 
Perm,  ii.  209,  155 
Perofsky,  ii.  205,   337,   367,  368,  369, 

417  ;  prefect  of,  ii.  369 
Perofsky,  Fort,   3-1,  52,  53,  51,  55,  57, 
58,  60-64,  65,  66,  67,  73  ;  climate  of, 
327. 
Perofsky,  General,  388  ;  ii.  330,  335 
Perofsky  steamer,  57,  58  ;  ii.  374 
Persia,   360,   372,  383,  384,  402,  407, 
409  ;    ii.    394,    409  ;    boundary  with, 
ii.  385 ;  correspondence  with,  ii.  385  ; 
connection  with  India,  ii.  385 
Persian,  government,  the,  ii    385 ;  his- 
torians, 109;  ins  -riptions,  231 ;  Kurds, 
the,  ii.  383,  384 ;  language,  84,  109 ; 
slaves.  50,  109;  ii.  102,  353 
Persian  Turkomans,  raids  of,  ii.  344 
Persians,  the,  109,   178,   179,  195,  391; 
ii.  374,  382  ;  freed  at  Khiva,  ii.  380  ; 
killed  by  Turkomans,  ii.  354;  at  As- 
trabad,  ii.  381  ;  in  Turkistan,  109 
Personal   audiences  with  the  emperor, 

ii.  262 
Pervvshin,  322 
Pe-shan,  390 
Peshawur,  97 
Peter  the  Great,  322.  377,  382  ;  ii.  959, 

302,  329.  391,  400,  403 
Peter. nann's  '  Mittheilungen,'  ii.  133 


INDEX. 


451 


PET 

Petro-AIexandrofsk,  Fort,  ii.  354,  367, 

370-375 
Petrof,  Mr.  P.  N.,  383 
Petrof,  Captain,  ii.  294 
Petrof  glacier,  50;  ii.  132 
Petrofsk,  ii.  367 
Petrofsky,  Mr.,  ii.  246,  310,  338,  346  ; 

on    Bukharan  trade,   ii.    95,   96  ;  on 

silk   culture,    193 ;    trade   statistics, 

213 
Petroftsi,  377 
Petroleum,  ii.  56 

Petropavlovsk,  34  ;  ii.  155,  409,  411 
Phalange,  ii.  124,  125 
Pheasants,  66 
Phulad,  395 
Physicians,  149,  150 
Picquet,  the  Swiss  traveller,  48 
Pigs,  ii.  383 
Pilaf,  125 
Pilau,  125 
'Piling  earth,'  170 
Pilmen,  125 
Ping,  399 

Pir  Mohammed,  380,  381 
Pishan,  ii.  133 
Pishpek,  351,  400;  ii.  9,  126 
Pi-shui,  or  White  Water,  393 
Piskent,  324,  348  ;  ii.  284 
Pistachio  trees,  327 
Pitniak,  ii.  374 
Plane  trees,  270 
Piano  Carpini,  400-402 
Plates  of  the  fountain  of  the  Dragon, 

338 
Pleiades,  334 
Ploughs,  ii.  306 
Plums,  296 
Poisonous  fish,  277 
Poisonous  spiders,  ii.  125 
Poland,  ii.  398 
Polar  Star,  335 
Polefsky-Koziel,  Mr.,  ii.  148 
Poles,  the,  377  ;  ii.  398 
Police  in  Tashkent,  103 
Polish  Uniates,  ii.  144 
'  Pologne  illustree,'  ii.  259 
Polovtsi,  ii.  57 
Poltaratzky,  Mr.,  ii.  134 
Poltava,  ii.  415 
Pomegranates,  399 
Pontoons,  ii.  342,  347 
Pope  Innocent  IV.,  400 
Poplars,  ii.  383 
Popof,  A.  N.,  382 
Poppies,  227,  294  ;  ii.  79 
Population    of   Central   Asia,    ii.    202 ; 

city  of  Kuldja,  ii.  197  ;  Khokand,  ii. 

11,  12  ;  Shahrisabs,  ii.  71  ;  Tashkent, 

77,  104:  Turkistan,  104 


QUI 

Porcelain,  187;  ii.  193 

Pospielof,  338,  361 

Post  roads,  18,  26 

Postures  in  worship,  15,  17 

Potanin,  361 

Pottery,  manufacture  of,  187 

Powers  of  General  Kaufmann,  ii.  209 

Prairies  of  Talas  and  Kentchak,  404 

Pratz,  27 

Prayers,  121,  122 

Prefect  of  Kurama,  ii.  247 

Presents,  ii.  271,  272;  custom  of  giving 

and  receiving,    ii.    7,   37,    66 ;    from 

Khan  of  Khokand,  ii.  35 
Prester  John,  ii.  122 
Pretensions  of  Khivan  khans  on  Kkir* 

ghiz,  ii.  4 1 3 
Primary  objects  leading  to  occupation 

of  Central  Asia,  ii.  218 
Prince  Bekovitch  Tcherkasski,  ii.  329 
Prince  Constantino,  406 
Prince  Gagarin,  ii.  329 
Prince  Gur,  ii.  201 
Prince  Izyur,  ii.  395 
Prince  Kurd,  406 
Proclamation    of    Khan    of  Khiva,    ii. 

417;    of  religious   war,  ii.    283;   of 

General  Tchernaief,  115,  116, 
Productiveness  of  soil,  291 
Project  of  Steppe  Commission,  ii.  203 ; 

for  forming  Steppe  region  into  a  mili- 
tary district,  ii.  377 
Protsenko,  Colonel,  ii.  203 
Province  of  Turk'stan,  ii.  209 
Provisions,  high  price  of,  ii.  257 
Pskent,  324  ;  ii.  316 
Ptolemy,  331 
Public  opinion  of  General  Kaufmann's 

administration,  ii.  251 
Pud  (Russian  weight),  197 
Pugatcheff,  9 
P'u-la,  395 
Pulad  (Pulat)  Bek,  359,  406;  ii.  295, 

297,  299,  300 
Pulndji,  375 
Pulat.  ii.  107 
Pultawa,  Battle  of,  ii.  259 
Punishment.  152 
Pupyshef,  Mr.,  ii.  5,  17,  322,  323  ;  cara- 

van  to  Kashgar,  ii.  322 
'Purchas,  His  Pilgrims,'  400 
Pustiak,  346 
P'u-su-man,  the,  396 


QUAILS,  130 
Quatremere,  375,  404 
Quinces,  297 
Quintus  Curtius,  236 


G    G    2 


452 


INDEX. 


KAB 

P  ABTGA-SULTAN-BEGIM,  71 

XL     Races  in  Turkistan,  105,  106 

Radish,  ii.  196 

Badlof,  Dr.  334;  ii.  136,  169,  174 

Bahim  Bek,  338.  359 

Rahim  Bii,  339,  383,  384,  386 ;  at 
Shahrisabs,  ii.  72 

Bahim  Khan,  280 

Bahim  Ku'li  Khan,  386 

Bahmet  Ulla  Bek  of  Balyktchi,  ii-  25. 352 

Railway,  a  Central  Asiatic.  222,  223  ; 
General  Beznosikof's  plan  for.  222 ; 
M.  dp.  Lesseps'  plan  for,  222,  223 

Bairn,  Fort,  44,  56  ;  ii.  413 

Ramangan,  157 

Bamdil  Khan,  ii.  315 

Barn-fighting-  at  Bukhara,  ii.  88 

Bashid  Eddin,  404 

Basti  resti,  374 

Bawlinson,  Sir  Henry,  367 

Recitations  or  lectures,  165 

Reconnoissanee  of  the  Attrek,  ii.  378 

Beconnoissances  in  the  Kyzyl-Kum,  ii. 
307 

'  Kecueil  des  Voyages  et  des  Memoires 
publie  par  la  Societe  de  Geographie,' 
400 

Befreshments,  121 

Begencies,  ii,  238 

Bei,  407 

Beinthal,  Captain  (Colonel),  ii.  181, 
318,  324,  3S7,  388 

Beis,  the,  161,  abolition  of  office  of,  161 

Beichenbach,  Dr.,  196 

Bejen  Khan  of  Bukhara,  255 

Belation  between  Tarantchi  and  Chi- 
nese Dungans,  ii.  198 

Relations  of  Russia  with  Afghanistan, 
ii.  312-316;  Bukhara,  ii.  302-312  ; 
Ka^hgar,  ii.  316-326;  Khokand,  ii. 
^74-302  ;  Kuldja  Tarbagatai,  ii. 
326,  327 

Religion,  ii.  235 

Religious  laxity,  161 ;  orders,  138  ;  tole- 
ration, 162 

Remusat.  362,  398 

Reshta,  147  ;  ii.  87 

Besidents,  diplomatic  and  commer- 
cial, ii.  19 

Besources  of  Kuldja,  ii.  197 

Besult  of  attempts  to  introduce  bene- 
fits of  high  civilisation,  ii.  210 

Bevas,  the  Swiss  traveller,  48 

Rheum,  398 

Bice,  398;  ii.  196 

Biding,  careless,  174 

Rifles,  ii.  6,  11 

Bigaya,  304 

Bighistan  at  Bukhara,  ii.  89  ;  at  Samar- 
kand, 251 


RUS 

Eiot  at  Hodjent,  316  ;  ii.  239 

Bitter,  337,  362,  360;  ii.  132,  133 

'Boad  for  guests,'  ii.  396 

Boad  mending,  ii.  36 

Boad  pass,  2,  6 

Boad  to  India  from  Pekin,  410 

Roads,  Chinese,  ii.  189-191 

Roads  through  Tian  Shan,  ii.  133,  134 

Robberies   on   Bukhan    mountains,    ii. 

420 
Robbery  by  Eman,  ii.  249 
Rock  inscriptions,  231 
Rodionof,  Captain,  65,  66 
Rodzanko,  Major,  ii.  298 
Rokastan,  407 
Bomanofsky,    General,    95,    117,    316, 

389  ;  ii.  202,  203,  236,  274,  302t 
Bossitzky,  General,  ii.  147 
Rouge,  181 

Royal  Geographical  Society,  ii.  373 
Royalty  descended,  405 
Rulile,  value  of.  197 
Rubruquis,  402-405,  408  ;  ii.  122,  191 
Rugs,  184 
Ruins,    Janikend,    68 ;    in    Kuldja,    ii. 

158,  162;  of  Sauran,  68 
Bukin.  Colonel,  ii.  421 
Bussia  and  Central  Asia,  trade  between, 

216 
Bussia    and  England  in  Central  Asia, 

ii.  388.  416 
Bussia  and  India,  ii.  264 
Bussia  and  Khiva,  416-424 
Bussia  and  the  Kirghiz,  404,  405,  406, 

407 
Bussian  administration,  ii.  211-217 
Russian  army  in  Central  Asia,  ii.  202 
Russian  Bible  Society,  38 
Bussian   envoys,  ii.  273  ;  action   of,  ii. 

281 
Bussian  expedition,  against  Shahrisabs, 

ii.  74;  in  Kyzylkum,  68 
Bussian    institutions   in    Central  Asia, 

ii.  236 
Bussian   mile  compared  with  Mussul- 
man mile,  ii.  245,  246 
Bussian  orders,  style  of,  ii.  357 
Bussian  policy,  with  Kirghiz,  311-334; 

regarding  Central  Asia,  ii.  391-415 
Bussian  reception   in  Central  Asia,  ii. 

233 
Bussian  slaves,  387;  ii.  413;  returned 

from  Khiva,  ii.  339 
Bussian   soldiers  in  Central  Asia,  25 ; 

food  of,   265  ;  habits   of,   266 ;    uni- 

form  of,  264 
Bussian  spies,  supposed  murder  of,  48 
Bussian  traders,  ii.  410 
Bussian  Tsars,  ii.  391,  399 
Bussian  weakness,  ii.  272 


INDEX. 


453 


EUS 

Russians,  Asiatic  influence  on,  151   153 
Russians    in   Central  Asia,   what   they 

have  done,  ii.  234 
Russians  leave  Khokand,  the,  ii.  294 
Russians  lose  weight  in  Khokand,  the, 

ii.  279 
'Russki  Mir,'  the,  ii.  331 
Bussophobist  party,  the,  ii.  269 
Rustam  Bek,  college  of,  311 
Rusti  rasti,  374 
Ruy  Gonzalez  de  Clavigo,  374 
Ryedkin,  Colonel,  25 


SABAD  or  Savat,  364 
Sabots,  311 
Saese  or  Scythians  in  Turkistan,  105 
Sacred  number,  143 
Saddles.  129 
Sadsk,  ii.  305,  347,  417 
Sadyk  Bek,  353 
Saffron,  ii.  196 
Saganak,  68 
Sahmi,  406 
Saholef,  Mr.,  ii.  312 
Said,  385 
Said     Azim,    ii.     238,    325 ;     at    the 

mosque,    157  ;    attempted    abduction 

of  a  girl,  99  ;  influence  and  intrigues 

of,  98,  99,  100 
Said  Bek  of  Farab,  87 
Said     Khan,     88  ;     claims    Bukharan 

throne,  88 
Said  Pulad  Khan,  358 
Sai-lan,  397,  399 
Sai-li-mu,  ii.  191 
St.  Anne*s  fever,  ii.  234 
St.  George,  cross  of,  ii.  282 
St.  Louis  of  France,  402 
St.     Petersburg,  21,  38;    ii.   155,  306, 

315,  400,  403 
Sairam,  188-192 
Sairam  Nor,  395,  396,  397,   398,   402, 

41)9,  410;  ii.  154,  191,  319 
Sairam  Nor,  the,  406 
Saksaul,  57,  58,  66  ;  ii.  371 ;  nature  of, 

57 
Salad,  ii.  196 
Salar,  ii.  173 
Sale  of  Persian  slaves  in  the  bazaar  at 

Bukhara,  ii.  310 
Salaicornia,  181 

Salim  Bek,  of  Tchiraktchi,  ii.  75 
Sallia-Khani  Gate,  the,  ii.  85 
Solovief  the  historian,  152 
Salt,  ii.  79  ;  mines,  323 ;  tax,  ii.  302 
Samanide,  Ismail,  370 
Samanides,  the,  364-365,  368,  370,  371 
Samantchi,  351 
Samara,  37  ;  ii.  155 


SCH 

Samarkand,  85,  87,  105,  106,  107,  108, 
109;  225-267,  279,  280,  337,  341, 
345,  348,  351,  360,  361,  365,  366, 
379,  381,  382,  388,  394,  395,  407, 
409,  410;  ii.  304,  305,  308,  312,  338; 
396,  417  ;  administration  of,  266, 
267  ;  Baber's  description  of,  239  ; 
capture  of,  by  Russians,  241,  242, 
243,  244,  245,  246,  247  ;  a  Christian 
See,  238 ;  meaning  of  name  of, 
236  ;  mosques  at,  254 ;  Russian  so- 
ciety in,  266  ;  steamer,  47,  48,  59, 
64  ;  subdmits  to  Tsevan  Rabdan,  ii. 
167;  traditions  of,  236,  237;  view 
from  the  citadel  of,  233 

Sanang  Setzen,  ii.  126 

Sanitary  measures,  ii.  235 

Sanjar,  Sultan,  263 

San-thsai-thou-hoe'i  (affairs  of  Man), 
409 

Saracens,  402 

Sarai,  377;  ii.  391 

Sarantchef,  Colonel,  ii.  349,  350,  357, 
358 

Saraskh,  407 

Saratan,  329,  330,  331 

Saratof,  1,  2,  7,  308;  ii.  155 

Sardoba  (cistern),  228 

Sarikul  (Wood's  Lake),  ii.  267 

Saripul,  407 

Sarkan  river,  ii.  150,  154 

Sarkhaba,  fight  at,  ii.  299 

Sarnack,  198 

Sartakh,  406,  407 

Sart,  Mr.  Lerch's  definition  of  the  word, 
104  ;  its  use,  105  ;  disease,  148 

Sarts,  the,  64,  78,  340,  345,  347.  348, 
350,  352,  387 ;  ii.  279  ;  origin  of, 
104,  105;  their  singing,  131 

Saru,  ii.  137 

Sarvada,  282,  364 

Sary-bagysh,  ii.  137,  138 

Sary  Kamysh,  ii.  367,  376,  379,  380, 
384,  423  ;  General  Glukhofsky's  ex- 
pedition to,  ii.  354,  355  :  Lake,  ii.  354 

Sary  Mazar,  Gate  of,  ii.  290 

Sarymsak,  348,  352,  359,  388 

Sarymsak  Udaitchi,  ii.  320 

Sary-su,  river,  54,  55 

Satara  Patcha,  ii.  324 

Sauces,  ii.  195 

Saumal  Kul,  54  ;  ii.  132,  142 

Saur,  329 

Sauran,  68,  69,  183 

Savings'  funds,  102 

Savran  (Sauran),  407 

Sayaks,  ii.  137,  138 

Schaufuss,  Colonel,  ii.  17 

Schiltberger,  238,  374,  401 

Schmidt,  Prof.,  27 


454 


INDEX. 


SCH 

Schools,  163-165;  for  the  benefit  of 
Russian  soldiers,  &c,  ii.  199  ;  in 
Samarkand,  ii.  235 ;  at  Yierny,  ii. 
146 

Schott,  Captain,  56 

Sch'iuvalof,  Count,  ii.  365 

Sebrenk,  401  ;  ii.  133 

Schwartz,  political  prisoner  at  Vierny, 
ii.  149 

Sclavonians,  ancestors  of,  105 

Scobelef,  General,  ii.  20,  280,  282,  288, 
290,  292,  297,  298,  350,  363 

Scorodosma  fcetidum,  228 

Scorpion  bite,  ii.  26 

Scorpions,  ii.  37  ;  bitten  by  a,  ii.  26 

Scotch  missionaries,  38 

Scull  caps,  once  worn  by  Russian 
nobles,  153 

Scythians,  the,  105,  236,  367  ;  ii.  153 

Sea  of  Aral,  411;  ii.  363,  366 

Seal,  used  on  death-warrants  in  Buk- 
hara, 95 

Scbuktekinide  Mahmud,  370 

Sects,  Mussulman,  155,  156 

SeiVvides,  379 

Segnakh  (Saganak),  406 

Seid  Abdul  Kasim,  visit  to  the  college 
of,  163 

Seid  Abdullah  Bek  of  Kermineh,  ii.  116 

S.  d  Abdullah  Fattah  Khan,  ii.  306 

Seid  Akhmed,  378 

Seid  Amir  Ul  Umar,  ii.  349 

Seid  Bek  of  Farab,  280,  283  ;  ii.  286 

Seid  Khan,  241  ;  ii.  74,  304 

Seid  Mahmud  Yakub  Khan,  ii.  325 

Seid  Mercekhor,  ii.  69  ;  the  house  of, 
ii.  69 

Seid  Mohammed  Rahim,  ii.  342,  352 

Seid  Sultan  Khan,  of  Khokand,  114, 
340,  352,  353,  354,  359 

Sekeljiket,  366 

Seldjuk,  371 

Seldjukides,  the,  365,  370,  371,  406 

Sembat,  408 

Sembat,  General,  405 

Semenof,  Mr.,  ii    127,  133 

Semipalatinsk,  ii.  155,  184.209,409,414 

Semiretch,  409;  ii.  150,  151,  184,  205, 
327 

Semiseant,  236 

Semitic  races,  105 

Sengakh  (var  Sengau,  Ongau),  407 

Senkofsky,  Prof.,  363  ;  ii.  166 

Sergiopol,  ii.  155,  205 

Seripul,  ii.  267 

Serkar,  304;  ii.  45,  47,  48 

Serpul,  389 

Sesame,  181,  182,  183;  at  Ura-tepe, 
ii.  242 

Setaria,  398 


SHE 

Settlement  of  the  Karategin  difficulty 

ii.  307  * 

Severtsof,  the  naturalist,  393  ;  ii.  373 
Seyid,  385 

Shaar,  ii.  67-71  ;  Akserai  at,  225  ;  ii. 
68 ;  bazaar  of,  ii.  70  ;  Bek  of,  ii.  68, 
75  ;  citadel  of,  ii.  67  ;  dances  at,  ii. 
69  ;  entry  into,  ii.  67  ;  jugglers  at, 
ii.  70  ;  mosques  at,  ii.  71  ;  population 
of.  ii.  71 ;  water  at,  ii.  69 
Shadi,   347 

Shadi  Bek  of  Kshtut,  87,  2S0,  282,  283 
Shadi  Mirza,  ii.  317,  318 
Shadi  Mulk.  374 
Shadiman  Hodja,  351,  352 
Shadman  Malik,  bridge  of,  233 
Shafi,  the,  156 
Shagreen  leather,  183 
Sbahmulk,  375 

Shah  Murad  Khan,  190,  351.  352,  359, 
385.    388;    Bek    of    Khokand,     92; 
elevation  to  the  throne,  92,  93 
Shah-nameh,  the,  105 
Shah  of  Persia,  the,  ii.  385 
Shahrikhana,    343,    358  :    submits,    ii. 

299  ;  surrenders,  ii.  292 
Sbahrisabs,  85,  342,  347,  348  ;  ii.  277, 
30S,  334  ;  Baber's  description  of,  ii. 
71  ;  delivered  to  Amir  of  Bukhara,  ii. 
307  ;  history  of,  ii.  72-74  ;  inhabitants 
of,  ii.  72;  meaning  of  name,  ii.  71  ; 
palace  at,  ii.  71  ;  punishment  at,  ii. 
71 ;  Russian  conquest  of,  ii.  74  ;  sub- 
mits, ii.  306 
Shahrukh,   339,   353,  359,   375 ;    Bek, 

337,  339 
Shah  Zindeh.  mosque  of,  at  Samarkand, 
148,  235,  247  ;  offerings  at  the  shriue 
of,  249  ;  prophecy  relating  to,  247 
Shaikantaur,  103 
Shakespeare,  361 
Shakmunia  (Shakya  Munya,  or  Buddha), 

407 
Sham,  ii.  76 

Shammanism,  38:  ii.  137,  138,  405 
Shamsiya,  the,  329,  332 
Shansi,  371 
Shariat,  the,  169 
Sharmitan,  ii.  75 
Shash,  ii.  236 
Shauju,  ii.  196 
Shav'ing,  180 
Shaw,  Mr.,  104;  ii.  388 
Sheep  in  Central  Asia,  326 
Sheep-bones,  ii.  31 
Sheep-dung,  ii.  31 
Sheep-ticks,  ii.  91 
Sh^hab-Eddin,  401 

Sheibani  Khan,  112,  340,  377,  378,  379, 
380,  3S1 


INDEX. 


455 


SHE 

Sheibani  Nameh,  363,  378 

Sheibanide,  the,  379,  380 

Sheikh-aryk,  ii.  351  ;  ferry  of,  ii.  342 

Sheikh-Nur-Eddin,  375 

Sheikh-ul-Islam,  72 

Shemakha,  ruler,  the,  ii.  395 

Shenkal,  ruler,  the,  ii.  395 

Shen-si,  ii.  173,  178,  319 

Shepelef,  Captain,  ii.  135 

Sheraffei,  97,  98 

Sheref-eddin,  373 

Shibberjan,  ii.  267 

Shiite,  91 

Shikarpur,  111,  184 

Shin-sui-ho-dzi,  172;  ii.  169 

Shir  Ali,  343,  345,  346,  347,  348,  388; 
ii.  268,  276,  277,  313,  314,  315,  316 

Shir  Ali  Khan,  260,  359 

Shirabad,  ii.  313 

Shirash,  11-14 

Shiraz,  7<»,  370 

Shirin-hatun,  ii.  117 

Shirin  and  Ferbat,  story  of,  108,  109 

Shir-Naib,  117 

Shmelef,  ii.  94,  99 

Shoemakers  in  Tashkent,  183 

Shooting  on  the  Steppe,  23-24 

Shopkeepers'  tax,  ii.  241 

Shugnan,  343  ;  ii.  316 

Shukur-Daitehin,  ambassadors  of  the, 
ii.  399 

Shurakhana,  54 ;  ii.  339,  342,  354,  367, 
369  ;  submits,  ii.  342 

Sianghi  Muiad,  ii.  113 

Siberia,  34,  75,  77,  100,  358;  ii.  154, 
394,  397,  398,  399,  402;  conquest 
of,  8 

Siberian  Cossacks,  the,  ii.  399  ;  houses, 
ii.  153  ;  Kirghiz,  the,  ii.  412  ;  mes- 
senger, 382,  408  ;  trade,  46 

Sibos,  ii.  170  ;  dialect  of  the,  ii.  170 

Sibyar,  103 

Sie-mi-sze-kan,  236 

Siganak,  364 

Sihun,  50 

Si-liao,  the,  395 

Silk,  366;  culture,  school  of,  201 
filatures,  199  ;  goods  at  Tashkent, 
190;  legend  on  origin  of,  191  ;  pro- 
duction of,  193,  194;  statistics  of, 
216  ;  trade,  the,  216  ;  trade  of  Cen- 
tral Asia,  the,  190-201,  216;  wind- 
ing, 198, 199 

Silkworms,  194  :  ii.  382  ;  diseases  of, 
197,  198;  ?ggs,  194;  speculations 
in,  199 

Sillau,  practice  of  giving,  h.  37 

Silver  in  Zaraphan,  279 

Silver  on  the  Fan,  279 

Sinioda,  ii.  415 


SOL 

Sin  Eater,  the,  ii.  28 

Siren  (i.e.  Sairam),  364 

Si-shu  ki,  398 

Sisian,  407 

Sitard,  131 

Sitting  postures,  119 

Siundj  Hodja,  379,  380 

Si-yu-lu,  394 

Sketch  of  the  history  of  Khokand  in 
recent  times,  337 

Sketches  of  the  Khanate  of  Khokand, 
338 

Skin  diseases,  148 

Slave,  purchase  of,  at  Bukhara,  ii.  101, 
109,  310 

Slavery,  ii.  309 ;  in  Khiva,  the  Khan 
abolishes,  ii.  3.53 ;  not  allowed  in 
Sharisabs,  ii.  72 

Slaves  from  Tashkent  sold  in  Khokand, 
97 

Slave-trade,  ii.  309,  310;  increase  of, 
ii.  311  ;  in  Bukhara,  ii.  100-109 

Slippers,  ii.  193 

Sluzhenko,  Lieutenant,  ii.  302 

Smoking,  126,  127 

Snow,  in  Buam  Pass,  ii.  134;  melting, 
52  ;  sold  in  bazaars,  73 

Snow-storms.  5  ;  ii.  337 

Snuff,  127 

Soap,  181 

Sol>olef,  Colonel,  ii.  54,  374  ;  the  ethno- 
logist, ii.  373 

Society,  Central  Asiatic,  84  ;  its  diffi- 
culties, 84 

Society  for  encouragement  of  Bussian 
trade,  84  ;  Bussian,  in  Samarkand, 
226;  native,  of  Tashkent,  85-100 

Society  in  Tashke^,  83 

Society,  Imperial  Bussian  Geographical 
81;  its  lack  of  interest  in  country, 
84 

Society  of  \atural  History  and  Anthro- 
pology, 84 

Society  of  the  lovers  of  natural  history 
at  Moscow,  ii.  374 

Sofi  Khan,  ii.  384 

Sofora.  182 

Sogd,  379 

Sogdia,  390 

Sogdiana,  236,  237 ;  ii.  164 

Sokh,  ii.  282 

Soldier,  the  Bussian,  his  position  in 
Turkistan,  ii.  230 

Soldiers,  accusations  against,  ii.  353  ; 
•hardships  of,  ii.  353;  Bussian,  in 
Central  Asia,  264,  266 

Solomon's  throne,  353 ;  ii.  43,  45 ; 
traditions  of,  ii.  43 

Solons,  the,  ii.  170;  massacred  by 
Dungans,  ii.  183 


456 


INDEX. 


SOL 

Solpuga  araneoides,  ii.  123 

Solpuga  intrepida,  ii.  123 

Somof,  ii.  322  ;  caravan  of,  ii.  323 

Songs  of  the  Batchas,  135  ;  of  the 
Dervishes,  258 

Son  Kul,  Lake,  ii.  132 

Sorghum,  291 

Sori,  407 

Sorokin,  Ivan,  382 

Sosnofsky,  Captain,  390 

Sotnia  of  Cossacks,  45 

Spaski,  G.  J.,  382 

Special  commissions,  ii.  262 

Special  Steppe  Commission,  ii.  203 

Spectacles,  ii.  193 

Spiders,  228  ;  ii.  123 

Spies,  supposed  murder  of  Russian,  48 

Sport,  66 

Stags,  393 

Stanislas,  Julien,  M.,  394 

State  of  Transoxania,  378 

Statues  found  in  Steppe,  ii.  153;  near 
Dsyk  Kul,  ii.  130 

Staunton,  ii    171 

Stchedrin,  207 

Steamers  on  Aral  Sea,  47 

Stebnitzky,  expedition  of  Colonel,  ii. 
381 

Stellio  Lehmanni,  323 

Stempel,  Major,  his  advance  on  Samar- 
kand, 21-5 

Steppe,  the,  1, 13,  15,  17,  18,  20,  21,  22, 
23,  24,  25,  26,  32,  102  ;  acceptation  of, 
ii.  204  ;  animals  of,  23  ;  appointment 
of  General  Kryzhonfsky,  ii.  204 ; 
birds  of,  23  ;  character  of,  22  ;  com- 
mission, ii.  201,  233;  crossing  the, 
22  ;  famished,  227,  228  ;  flowers  of, 
227,  228  ;  Golodnaya,  226  ;  imagi- 
nary dangers  of,  21  ;  main  features 
of,  ii.  204,  205  ;  rivers  of,  23  ;  vege- 
tation of,  67,  227,  228 

Stewart,  373,  374 

Stoddnrt,  259,  361,  387 

Stoletof,  Colonel,  ii.  373,  374,  383,  421 

Stone  bridge,  232 

Storks,  71 

Strabo,  50 

Strashny-Senukovitch,  Colonel,  24 

Stremovukhof,  Mr.  ii.  313 

Struve,  Mr.,  ii.  19,  270,  272,  277,  278, 
302,  310 

Stud  at  Kaplan-Bek,  ii.  284 

Suan-tuan,  the,  396 

Sub-divisions  of  populations,  ii.  205 

Submission  of  the  numerous  Horde  of 
Kirghiz,  ii.  403 

Su,  dynasty  of,  366 

Sufi,  the,  157,  348  ;  Bek,  359 

Sufi  Badal,  ii.  254 


Suidun,   ii.    159-161,    169,    172,    188 

192;  attack  on  Dungans  at,  ii.  180  i 

bazaar  at,  ii.  161  ;  houses  of,  ii.  1601 

walls  of,  i>.  159 
Sui  Lun,  ii.  131 
Suiones,  the,  ii.  164 
Suk,  355 
Sukulkhan,  406 
Suleiman  Bii,  339 
Sulhuk,  158 
Su-li,  392 
Suit,  ii.  137,  138 

Sultan  Abil  Ogla,  ii.  183,  185,  188 
Sultan  Ali  Mirza,  ii.  97 
Sultan  Baber,  ii.  394 
Sultan  Bek,  279 
Sultan  Daulet  Bushaef,  ii.  419 
Sultan  Hazert  mountains,  276 
Sultan  Kenisar  Kasimof,  ii.  412 
Sultan,  Kirghiz,  32,  33 
Sultan  Mahmud,  342,  359,  379 
Sultan  Murad,  348  ;  ii.  281 
Sultan  Murad  Bek,  353,  359 
Sultan  Murad  Bek  of  Marcjhilan,  ii.  49, 

291 
Sultan  Tezak,  ii.  250 
Sultans  of  Egypt,  408 
Sumach,  183 
Sum  bar,  the  river,  ii.  381  ;  the  upper, 

ii.  382 
Sumbul,  181,  276 
Sumbula,  329,  330 
Summons  to  the  Russians  to  become 

Mussulmans,  ii.  283 
Sumuls,  ii.  170,  200 
Stin-Sze  Kan,  236 
Suna  Ami,  349,  359 
Sunday  Bazaar,  the,  175 
Sunnites,  91,  155,  156 
Sunstrokes,  ii.  345 
Superstitions,  ii.  29,  30,  31,  32 
'  Supplement  a   l'histoire  generale   dea 

Huns,  des  Turks,  et  des  Mogols,'  363 
Surkhab,  275 
Surma,  180 
Surnai,  132 

Survey,  Book  of  the  Great,  50,  53 
Survey  of  the  Aral  Sea,  ii.  412 
Sut  Kul  or  Milky  Lake,  ii.  191 
Su-ye,  392,  393 
Suzak,  356 
Sweden,  ii.  398,  415 
Swedes,  ii.  398 
Sweetmeats,  121 
Swiss  travellers,  48 

Sword-blades,  manufacture  of,  177,  178 
Sybi  Khan,  393 
Synagogue  at  Samarkand,  260 
Syr  Dayra,  the,  28,  30,  51,  52,  53,  54, 

102,   105,    106,   236,  363,  368,   386, 


INDEX. 


457 


SYR 

387,  391,  401,  407,  411  ;  ii.  335, 
337,  416,  417  ;  course  of,  ii.  54,  55  ; 
attempts  to  improve  it,  55,  56  ;  ferry 
over,  226 ;  tolls  on,  ii.  59  ;  ice  on, 
327,  328 

Syr  river,  ii.  409 

Syrtlanof,  Captain,  267 

Syrym,  32 

Sy  shekku  Khan,  393 


TABARI,  369 
Tabriz,  72 

Tabushin,  275 

Tad,  106 

Tadjik  dialect,  the,  109,  367 

Tadjiks,  102,  104,  105,  106,  108,  109, 
278;  ii.  56;  language,  109,  110; 
origin  of,  105,  106  ;  their  character- 
istics, 108  ;  villages  of,  102,  106 

Taftazani,  374 

Taganrog,  ii.  265 

Taitsi,  ii.  165 

Takhta  Karatchi,  pass  of,  ii.  62 

Takht-i-Suleiman,  ii.  43,  45 

Taksaba,  ii.  7,  82,  101-111 

Talas,  391,  395,  398,  401,  404,  406, 
410  ;  ii.  120,  121  ;  the  river,  397 

Ta-la-su-mo-lien,  396,  397 

Ta-la-sze,  395,  399 

Talgar,  ii.  145 

Talkhnameh,  ii.  236 

Talki  defile,  the,  395,  397 

Talki  pass,  the,  410  ;  ravine,  the,  ii.  189 

Talki  river,  the,  ii.  189 

Ta-lo-sse,  393 

Talus  Hakim,  192 

Tambourine,  131 

Tamdy,  68 

Tamerlane,  231,  238,  239,  369.  73; 
legends  of,  277  ;  the  army  of,  340 

Tana,  401 

Tan  dynasty,  ii.  131 

Tanais,  236 

Tanap,  103,  303,  305;  ii.  206,  241, 
302 

Tangut,  ii.  167 

Tanning,  183 

Taragai  river,  50 

Taran,  200,  276 

Tarautas,  18 

Tarantchi  shops,  ii.  193 ;  women,  ii. 
195 

Taranchis,  ii.  197,  199,  319  ;  calamities 
of,  ii.  174  ;  defeat  the  Dungans,  ii. 
182;  defeated  by  Russians,  ii.  184- 
186;  language  of,  ii.  169;  origin  of, 
ii.  1 69  ;  relations  with  Russians,  ii. 
181-186  ;  rule  Kuldja,  ii.  183 


TCH 

Tarantulas,  ii.  123  ;  legends  of,  250,  311 

Taraz,  395,  404;  ii.  120 

Tarbagatai,  ii.  326  ;  insurrection  in,  ii. 
180 

Tarikhi  Mukhim  Khan,  363,  381 

Tartardom  in  Russia,  ii.  391 

Tartars,  12,  14,  102,  104,  108,  48,  the, 
376,  405;  of  Nogai  Kurgan,  102; 
Turkish  langunge  used  by,  3,  8 ; 
women,  veiling  of,  124 

Taryk,  291 

Tash,  203 

Tashanr,  ii.  354 

Tashi  Lin-va,  396 

Tashkent,  45,  66,  67,  338,  339,  340, 
341,  349,  350,  352,  353,  354,  358, 
360,  361,  375,  379,  388,  389,  410; 
ii.  193,  313.  335,  337,  343,  377,  388 
404,  409,  423  ;  alarm  at,  ii.  285  ; 
capture  of,  112,  113;  different  races 
among  the  inhabitants  of,  104;  dis- 
traction of  trees  for  luel  at,  102  ; 
divisions  of  the  town  of,  103  •  failure 
of  irrigation  canal,  103  ;  its  history, 
111,112;  its  streets,  buildings,  walls 
and  gardens,  101  ;  origin  aud  meaning 
of  the  name,  111;  population,  104; 
proclamation  of  General  Tchernaief, 
115,  116;  taxes.  103,  104 

Tashkentians,  59,  207,  338 

Tash  Kupriuk,  232 

Tash  Kurgan,  ii.  121 

Tatarinof  coal  field,  the,  320 

Tatarmof,  Colonel,  319  ;  Mr.,  ii.  302 

Tataristan,  406 

Taurus,  407 

Ta-wan,  ii.  54 

Taxation,  amount  of,  305,  306 

Taxes,  ii.  211 

Tax  for  the  salaries  of  the  Aksakals, 
&c.,ii.  242 

Taxes  in  Khokand,  ii.  57,  60  ;  in  Kuldja 
under  Chinese,  ii.  169  ;  Tashkent, 
103,  104;  native,  in  Tashkent,  204, 
in  Zarafshan,  306  ;  of  Orenburg  Kair- 
ghiz,  34 

Tchagan  Khagan,  ii.  143 

Tchaikofsky,  Colonel,  theory  of  course 
of  Amu  Darya,  53 

Tchaikofskv,  Colonel,  ii.  135 

Tchairdy,  i'i.  380,  382 

Tchakhars,  the,  ii.  170,  171 

Tchaksa,  201 

Tchalkar  lake,  23 

Tehampans,  ii.  173 

Tchanaktchik,  ii.  348 

Teh'ang-ba-la.  395 

Tch'ang  Tch'un,  372,  395-398,  406  ;  ii. 
121,  122,  191 


458 


INDEX. 


TCH 

Tch'ang,  Governor  General,  ii.  179,  182 

Tch'ang  Te,  395,  398-400,  401,  402, 
410 

Tch'ang  Tchun,  the  Chinese  traveller, 
188,  132.  227,  237,  240 

Tchao-hoei.  the  Chinese  General,  338 

Tchapan,  122,  123 

Tchar,  fortress  of,  406 

Tchardara,  68 

Tchardjui,  184,  279;  ii.  73,  308;  permis- 
sion to  visit,  ii.  84  ;  visit  forbidden, 
ii.  109-112 

Tcharik,  201,  202 

Tcharishli,  ii.  380 

Tcharku,  ii.  13 

Tchar-su  bazaar  at  Bukhara,  ii.  94 

Tcharu  tribe,  the,  ii.  420 

Teharva,  ii.  382  ;  grounds,  the,  ii.  381, 
382 

Tchat,  ii.  380,  381 

Tchatch,  111,  112,  365,  367 

Tchatch  mountains,  ii.  12 

Tehatkal  mountains  and  valley,  102 

Tchatyr  Kul,  ii.  132 

Tchaudurs,  the,  ii.  372,  375 

Tehaudyr,  the,  382 

Tcheka,  value  of,  203 ;  ii.  303 

Tcheleken,  ii.  343,  423 

Tcherik,  ii.  137 

Tcherkess,  8 

Tehernaief,  General,  75,  103,  112,  113, 
114,  115,  116,  117,  124,  175.  353, 
388,  389  ;  ii.  120,  302,  331,  333,  401  ; 
campaign  of,  ii.  274  ;  his  behaviour, 
116;  his  capture  of  Tashkent,  1 12— 
115;  his  proclamation,  115,  116; 
men,  266  ;  receives  deputation  from 
Tashkent,  89  ;  title  among  the  na- 
tives, 117 

Tche-shi,  393 

Tchi-gu,  ii.  130 

Tchikishlar,  ii.  335,  336,  344,  380 

Tchilek,  241-243 

Tchilim,  126 

Tchillya,  198 

Tchilmanda,  131 

Tchil-petch,  123 

Tchim,  ii.  64 

Tchimbar,  ii.  369,  371,  373 

Tchimkent,  51,  73,  74,  75,  112,  349, 
350,  357,  398,  41 1  ;  ii.  120,  250  ;  cap- 
ture of,  75  ;  derivation  of,  75 

Tchimpantzi,  ii.  158,  169,  172 

Tchimur,  399 

Tehinars,  270 

Tchinaz,  68,  113,  114,  226;  ii.  337 

Tchinaz  fort,  occupation  of,  113,  114 

Tchinghiz,  ii.  398 ;  army  of,  ii.  398  ; 
dynasty  of,  238 

Tchinghiz  Khan,   106,  112,   188,  236, 


TEU 

238,  337,    365,  372,    373,  394,  395, 
410  ;  ii.  165,  372 ;  Prince,  1,  2,  3,  34 

Tchinghizides,  the,  372 

Tchini,  manufacture  of,  187,  188 

Tchin-tcha-ho-dzi,  ii.  159,  169,  186 

Tchiraktchi,  ii.  75,  244,  305 

Tchirtchik,  51,  113,  115,  182,  349; 
river,  51,  102,  226,  324 

Tchjan-Tsiang,  237,  366 

Tchomura,  ii.  382 

Tchon-bagysh,  ii.  137 

Tchoros,  the,  ii.  165,  398 

Tchu,  54,  55,  292,  392,  393,  402,  404, 
405,  410  ;  ii.  126,  127,  142  ;  naviga- 
tion of,  ii.  143  ;  its  rise  and  connec- 
tion with  lake  Issy-kul.  54  ;  former 
course,  54,  55  ;  scenery  from  bridge 
over  the,  ii.  127 

Tchudar  Sary  Lshan,  ii.  343 

Tchugutchak,  400,  405,  410;  ii.  166, 
191,  326,  414,  415  ;  captured,  ii.  180; 
fairs  at,  ii.  184,  185 

Tchumatch  Bii,  339,  359 

Tchumtchu  Khan,  95 

Tchupan-ata,  hill  of,  233,  239  ;  fight  at, 
242,  245  ;  legend  of,  233 

Tchurnak,  71 

Tehushvara,  125 

Teh ust,  ii.  297 

Tchusta,  344 

Tea,  37  ;  houses  in  Tashkent,  179, 180 
trade  of  Bukhara,  ii.  95,  96  ;  statis- 
tics of,  216,  217 

Teaching,  method  of,  165 

Teich,  Mr.,  27 

Tekes,  the  river,  ii.  137,  152 

Tekke  ad,  a,  ii.  383 

Tekke  oasis,  the,  ii.  383 

Tekke  Turkomans,  ii.  346,  380,  382 
attack  by,  ii.  345;  attacks  of,  ii.  370 
route  of  the,  ii.  370 

T.  kkes,  the,  ii.  374,  381 

Telegraphs  at  Tashkent,  204 

Tele  Kul,  54 

Temur-khan-shura,  ii.  423 

Temurtu-No!',  ii.  131 

Temyr  Kabuk,  ii.  338 

Tenga,  153  ;  ii.  303 

Tenghis,  ii.  154 

Terek  Divan,  ii.  280  ;  pass  the,  51 ;  ii. 
321 

Terek,  the,  ii.  396 

Terekli,  18,  26 

Teremai,  287,  288 

Tereutief,  ii.  385,  388,  416;  M.  A.,  ii. 
272,  273 

Ters,  valley  of  the,  393 

Terskei,  ii.  131 

Teutonic  race,  ancestors  of  in  Jungaria, 
ii.  164 


INDEX. 


459 


TEV 

Tevvekel,  30 

Thaethsing  y  thoung  tchi,  or  Great  Geo- 
graphy of  Chinese  empires,  338 
Thang,   dynasty  of,  366 ;  dynasty,  the, 

393,  410 

Thibet,  410;  ii.  398,  399 
Thilo,  Colonel,  28  ;  ii.  374 
Thompson,  George,  360 
Thomson,  Mr.  E.,  361  ;  ii.  385 
Thousand   sources,  ii.    122,  123;  390, 

392, 393 
Throne  of  Solomon,  the,  ii.  43-45 
Thsian  Thsionen,  393 
Thsing-tchi  lake,  392 
Tian  Shan,  the,  50,  54,   274,    278,  390, 

394,  395,  409 ;  ii.  132-135,  325; 
inhabitants  of  the  neighbourhood  of, 
ii.  135,  136;  mountains  of,  ii.  132; 
133;  roads  through,  ii.  133,  134; 
135 

Tie-mu-r-ts'an-ch'a,  399 

Tienstin,  massacre  at,  ii.  177 

Tigers,  227 

Tilan,  ii.  284,  286 

Tiles,  187  ;  enamelled,  70 

Tilla,  analysis  of,  204  ;  value  of,  203 

Timi  at  Samarkand,  "257 

Timis  at  Bukhara,  ii.  94 

Timur,  238,  247,  249;  ii.  68,  71,  97; 
coins  of,  ii.  97  ;  at  Khokand,  con- 
structions of,  ii.  71 ;  library  of,  240; 
ii.  97  ;  the  name,  375  ;  the  tomb  of 
70,  71,  72,  110,  252-255;  throne 
of,  254,  255 

Timur's  wife,  249,  250,  256 

Timurides.  the,  340,  374,  375,  378 

Tingabalekh,  406 

Tish-kari,  118 

Tiume-Kent,  Euins  of,  ii.  121 

Tiura-Bek-Yiura,  342 

Tiura  Jan,  the,  ii,  306,  307 

Tiura  Kurgan,  358,  ii.  297;  fort  of, 
356 

Tobacco,  294;  use  of,  127 

Tobaeva,  5 

Tobol,  the,  ii.  398 

Tobolsk,  ii.  401 

Togai,  ii.  138 

Togon  Timur,  ii.  165 

Toins,  the,  407 

Tokan,  19 

Tokhfil,  198 

Tokhta  Nazar,  348,  359 

Tokhtamish,  340,  374,  383,  384 

Tokhtamysh,  ii.  308 

Tokhtamysh,  Bek  of  Shahrisabs,  ii.  280 

Tokmak,  54,  351,  392,  400;  ii.  126, 
150,  205 

Tokran  river,  ii.  154 

Tokto  Mohammed,  of  Andijan,  338 


TUH 

Tokus-tara-osten  canal,  ii.  174 

Tomasha,  136,  137 

Tomb  of  Saint  Khala-ata,  the,  ii.  240 

Tomsk,  ii.  209 

Topographical  survey  of  the  Kirghiz 
Steppes,  ii.  401 

Topography  of  Khokand,  ii.  54-56 

Torgot,  ii,  398  ;  Khan,  ii.  201 

Torgots,  ii.  165, 172,  197,  199,  200,  201, 
519 

Tornau,  Baron,  155 

Tozai  Khan,  342 

Trade  between  Eussia  and  Khokand, 
ii.  17;  at  Bukhara,  ii.  94-96;  of 
Bukhara,  ii.  214;  with  Bukhara, 
ii.  410  ;  Central  Asiatic,  45,  56  ; 
in  Tashkent,  212;  Kazala,  43;  Kir- 
ghiz, 34;  of  Khiva,  215;  of  Kho- 
kand, 215  ;  of  province  of  Khuldja, 
ii.  198 

Trade  routes,  219  ;  Bukhara,  219 ;  Kho- 
kand, 219 

Trades  depot  at  Kazala,  45 

Trades  in  Tashkent,  174 

Trading,  indifference  of  natives,  to,  176 

Trans-Caspian  district,  ii.  378  ;  boxui- 
daries  of,  ii.  378 

Trans-Ili  region,  ii.  145 

Transoxiana,  366,  368,  380 

Transport,  means  of,  218  ;  cost  of,  219, 
220 

Trans-Volga  coimtry,  the,  393 

Travellers  murdered  at  Balkh,  48 

Travelling,  amusements  of.  20  ;  dangers 
and  difficulties  of,  21,  26,  29;  ii.  14, 
15,  18 

Travels  of  Pospielof  and  Buruashof  to 
Tashkent,  339 

Treachery  of  a  jigit,  ii.  47,  48 

Treaty,  of  Kuldja,  ii.  414;  of  Nert- 
chinsk,  the,  ii.  403,  415;  with  Buk- 
hara, ii.  310,  421  ;  stipulations  of.  ii. 
311;  with  Japan,  ii.  415;  with 
Khiva,  ii.  417;  with  Khokand,  ii. 
275,  276 

Trebizond,  391 

Trees,  destruction  of,  102;  veneration 
of,  138 

Troitsk,  12,  34 

Trotzky,  General,  ii.  295,  296,  339, 
347' 

Trumpets,  132 

Tsanma  river,  ii.  200 

Tsar  Alexis,  ii.  273 

Tsar  of  Moscow,  the,  ii.  395 

Tsar,  White,  115,  117 

Tsevan  Eabdan,  ii.  167 

Tsin-Shi-Hwang,  ii.  143 

Tub,  river,  ii.  130 

Tu-hiu,  390 


460 


INDEX. 


TIU 

Tiumen-aryk,  52 

Tukhmak,  182 

Tu-kue,  the,  392,  393 

Tuli  Khorason,  372 

Tulips,  60  ;  wild,  26 

Tuli-shen,  ii.  171 

Turan  and  Iran,  105 

Turanian,  neighbours  of  Transoxiana, 
the,  367 

Turanians,  105 

Turbans.  123,  189 

Turfan,  369;  ii.  133,  319 

Turgai  district,  12,  33 

Turki.  dialect,  109  ;  language,  52,  84, 
language  of  the  Uzbeks,  103,  109; 
princes,  237  ;  races,  105 

Turkish  names,  389  ;  race,  34 

Turkistan,  31,  51,  102,  342,  360;  ii. 
205  ;  city,  70,  75,  91 ;  detachment, 
the,  351,367;  Gazette,  226;  ii.  210, 
288,  388 ;  population,  100 ;  Tsar,  ii. 
395 

Turkoman  campaign,  account  of  an 
eye-witness,  ii.  359-363;  a  '  wagen- 
burg'  ordered,  ii.  360;  confusion  in 
camp,  ii.  361;  Gromof's  account  of, 
ii.  359-363 ;  no  quarter  shown  in 
the,  ii   360  ;  reasons  for,  ii.  355 

Turkoman  country  ravaged  by  Bus- 
sians,  ii.  371 

Turkomans,  the,  48,  106,  107,  369;  ii. 
305,  340,  344,  345,  347,  348,  351,  355, 
356,  357,  358,  369,  371  ;  beginning 
of  friendly  relations  with  ii. 
384 ;  butchery  of,  ii.  358 ;  danger 
from,  ii.  81  ;  disorders  of,  ii.  374  ; 
horses  of,  129;  hostages  of,  ii.  359;  in 
Mangyshtak,  ii.  398 ;  inhabiting 
the  Steppe  eastward  of  the  Caspian, 
ii.  381 ;  Khan  of,  imposes  tax  on  the, 
ii.  377  ;  Khan  of  Khiva  visits  the, 
ii.  377  ;  ornaments  of,  ii.  359  ;  pay  in- 
demnities, ii.  377 ;  proposed  cam- 
paign against,  ii.  355 ;  punished, 
ii.  375,  376  ;  sui prise  Eussian 
camp,  ii.  362  ;  taxes  on,  ii.  378 

Turks,  the,  367,  405 

Turquoise,  322 ;  ii.  56 

Turu-aigyr,  ii.  128 

Tus,  407 

Tuya-Tartar  canal,  227,  286 

Tuz,  347 

Tuzgul,  ii.  131 

Tver,  201 

Typhus  at  Hi,  ii.  181 

Tyranny  of  Khudayar  Khan,  ii.  60 


UBEIDULLAH,  379,  380,  381,  383 
Udjan,  364 


TIST 
I   Ufa,  3,  162;  ii.  407 

'  Uigurische  Sprachmonumente,'  370 

Uigurs,  the,  365,  369,  370,  371,  391; 
ii.  136,  164,  173 

Ulama,  374 

Ulanburn,  395 

Ulkun,  the,  ii.  374 

Ulkun  Darya,  ii.  347 

Ulug  Bek,  71,  231,  375;  astronomi- 
cal papers  of,  332 ;  observatory  of, 
233 

Uhmgur,  the  river,  398,  405 

Unkofskv,  Captain,  ii.  401 

Unnecessary  diplomatic  relations,  ii, 
270 

Unran,  ii.  178 

Upa,  181 

Upper  Irtysh,  410 

Upper  Oxus,  391 

Upper  Zarafshan,  ii.  277 

Ural  Cossacks,  7,  HI 

Ural  mountains,  16,  33 

Ural  river,  5,  8,  9,  10,  11,  13,  16,  17. 
22,  31,  34,  129 

Uralsk.  6,  33  ;  ii.  347,  367 ;  Cossack 
labour  market  at,  7 

Uralsk  Kirghiz,  33 

Uralskoe,  24,  25 

Ura-tepe,  88,  92,  113,  148,  278,  284, 
310,  311,  312,  339,  340,  341,  342, 
349;  ii.  249;  climate  of,  327;  his- 
tory of,  312 

Urda,  ii.  10 

Urda  bazaar,  158,  175 

Urgentch,  401;  ii.  312,  328;  Tsar  of, 
ii.  395 

Urgut.  279,  280,  283  ;  ii.  305  ;  bazaar 
of,  271  ;  capture  of,  242  ;  dancing 
at,  271,  272  ;  Hindoos  at,  273 

Urman  Bek,  359  ;  ii.  282 

Urmitau,  281,  342 

Ursturt,  the,  ii.  422 

Ush,  339,  353,  354,  356  ;  ii.  43-48, 
281  ;  Baber's  description  of,  ii.  44  ; 
Solomon's  throne  at,  ii.  43,  45  ;  sur- 
render of,  ii.  292 

Urumtse,  342,  409,  410;  ii.  133,  174, 
180,  199;  capture  of,  by  Dungansj 
ii.  178 

Urungan  river,  the,  410 

Urunkhai  embassies,  ii.  397 

Urush  Kishlak,  ii.  63 

Urusuf,  Prince,  ii.  74 

Urusokhan,  406 

Usek  rixer,  ii.  157 

Ush  Turfan,  343 

Usma,  180 

Usrushna,  312,  394 

Usta  Kasim,  187 

Usturt,  the,  ii.  335,  363,  374 


INDEX. 


461 


TJST 

Ustyk,  ii.  119 

Usuk  river,  ii.  170 

Usurers  in  Tashkent,  186 

Usury  forbidden  by  Mussulman  law  186 

Usun,  the,  ii.  164 

Utamish,  the,  ii.  386 

Utbi,  370 

Utch  Kurgan,    356;    ii.   23-35,    370; 

life  in,  ii.  27 
Utch-Utchak,   349  ;  ii.  339,  340,   347, 

351,  370 
Uyezds,  the,  ii.  205 
Uzbek,  377,  379  ;  Khan,  377  ;  invasion, 

the,  362 
Uzbeks,  the,  30, 106-109,  129,  338,  340, 

345,  347,  352,  362,  369  ;  ii.  56,  329  ; 

characteristics  of  the,  106,  107  ;  clans 

of  the,   106,    108;    language   of  the, 

108,  109  ;  origin  of  name  of,  106 
•Uzbek   state   of  Khokan,'  by  W.  H. 

Wathen,  the,  338 
Uzboi,  the,  ii.  379,  382  ;  exploration  of, 

ii.  344,  379,  380 
Uzgent,  355  ;  ruins  at,  ii.  46 
Uzunagatch,    ii.    149 ;   Khanyat   Shah, 

at.  ii.  144  ;  Kolpakoftky  at,  ii.  144  ; 

Eussian  victory  at,  ii.  143 


T7ADJAN,  364 
>       Vakhan,  364  ;  ii.  267 

Valide,  Sultana,  the,  ii.  324 

Valikhanof,  ii.  138 

Valley  of  Fergana,  337;  of  Kash.ii.  199  ; 
of  Kunges,  ii.  199  :  of  Zarafshan  an- 
nexed to  Russia,  ii.  304 

Vambery,  Mr.  360  ;  '  History  of  Buk- 
hara,' review  of,  360-389 

Van,  372 

Vang,  ii.  143 

Vaqf  lands,  163,  298-300 

Vardan,  369 

Vardenis,  405 

Varganzi,  ii.  114 

Variations  in  level  of  Isyk  Kul,  ii.  131 

Varsaminor,  277,  281,  282 

Vashan,  river,  ii.  150 

Vasilief,  ii.  179 

Vassili  III.  ii.  394 

Vegetables  in  Kuldja,  ii.  196 

Vegetation  of  the  Steppe,  67  ;  quickness 
of  growth  of,  76 

Veils,  124 

Veliaminof  Zernof,  Mr.  337,  349,382 

Veli-n-niem,  385  ;  ii.  72,  73 

Venality,  ii.  247 

Veniukof,  Colonel,  ii.  174 

Verestchagin,  Captain,  46,  47,  48  ;  pro- 
hibits going  to  Khiva,  47,  48 

Verevkin,    Colonel    (General),    48 ;   ii. 


WHE 

343,  347,  348,  349,  350,  353  ;  wound- 
ed, ii.  349 

Verkh,  origin  and  use  of  word,  152 

Vermicelli,  ii.  193 

Vise  Regnorum  Auctore  al-Istakhri, 
364 

Viatka,  ii.  209 

Viceroy  of  India,  ii.  315 

Viernoe,  ii.  412,  413 

Vierny,  81,  327,  351,  397.  404;  ii.  305, 
325,  388  ;  character  of,  ii.  146  ;  Chi- 
nese at,  ii.  147;  name  of,  ii.  145; 
personages  at,  ii.  147-149  ;  position 
of,  ii.  145  ;  road  from,  ii.  152 

View  from  Pass  Takhta  Karatchi,  ii.  62 

View  of  Ministry  of  Finance  of  expenses 
of  administration  in  Turkistan,  ii. 
209 

Views  of  Indian  Government,  ii.  266 

Vihara,  368  ;  ii.  89 

Vitkevitch,  361,  387 

Vizir,  ii.  312 

Vladimir,  Grand  Duke,  41 

Vladimir,  Monomakh,  cap  of,  153 

Vodka,  ii.  283  ;  in  Khokand,  ii.  40,  41 

Volcanoes  in  Central  Asia,  ii.  133 

Volga,  the,  2,  371,  377,  402;  ii.  265, 
391,  393,  396,  397  ;  German  colonies 
on  2  ;  region  of  the,  337 

Volga  Tartars,  ii.  404 

Volosts,  ii.  205 

Von  Gutschmidt,  Prof.,  389 

Vorontsof-Dashkof,  Count,  389 

'  Voyages  des  Pelerines  Bouddhistes,' 
394 


WAHABI  sect,  the,  156,  172 
Wakh,  the,  391 

Walls  of  Khokand,  ii.  4 ;  of  Tashkent, 
101 

Wartmann,  Colonel,  ii.  192,  199 

Watches  in  Bukhara,  176 

Water,  ii.  92  ;  communications  in  Cen- 
tral Asia,  221,  222 

Waterfalls,  277 

Water-melons,  297 

Water-mills,  101 ;  ii.  383 

Week  days,  332 

Weights  and  measures,  201,  202  ;  veri- 
fication of,  202 

Weil,  368 

Weinberg,  Mr.,  ii.  20,  271,  280,  281,  282 

Wells  in  Kyzyl-kum,  69 

Wells,  poisoned,  ii.  419 

Western  Asia,  366 

Western  China,  trade  with,  ii.  414 

Western  Jungaria,  371 

Wheat,    398,    ii.     338 ;  production    of 
291,  292 


462 


INDEX. 


WHI 

Whips,  ii.  15 

Whirlwinds  of  snow,  5 

Whistling,  ii.  30 

'  White  bone,'  32  ;  ii.  405 

White  mountains,  the,  390 

White  Tsar,  115,  117  ;  ii.  238,  294,  312, 
314,  420;  origin  of  title,  ii.  143 

Will  of  Peter  the  Great,  ii.  258 

Wines  of  Central  Asia,  297 

Wives,  influence  of,  146,  147  ;  numbers 
of,  145,  146  ;  position  of,  146  :  privi- 
leges of,  145;  rights  of,  145,  146 

Wolff,  Dr.,  259,  361 

Women,  dancing  of,  136,  137,  140 
dress  of,  123,  124;  Kirghiz,  40 
morals  of,  124;  seclusion  of,  152 
unveiling  of,  124 

Wood,  Major  H.,  ii.  373;  theory  of 
course  of  the  Oxus,  54 

Wood  turning,  188 

Words  of  command,  ii.  16 

Words,  eastern,  in  Russian  language, 
152,153 

Wrestling,  128 

Wu-duan,  894 

Wu-sun,  398 


yENOPHON,  128 

YAGNAU   DARYA,   275,   276,   278 
279,  280 
Yaik,  the,  8,  9,  400,  401  ;  ii.  396,  398, 

404 
Yaik  Cossacks,  ii.  328 
Y'ailaks  of  the  Uzbeks,  309 
Yaka-tut,  ii.  49 
Yakobak,  ii.  306 
Yakub  Bek,  353  ;  ii.  183,  186,  278,  320, 

423  ;  attempts   to  abduct  his    niece, 

99,  100, 
Yakub   Khan,   64,  91,  92,  95,  99,  324, 

350;  ii.  278,  316-325,  334;  opposes 

Russian  trade,  ii.  318,  319;  titles  of, 

ii.  316,  317 
Yalantash  Bahadur,  251,  252 
Y'ambs,  ii.  322 
Y'anhai,  ii.  131 

Yangy-Hissar,  342,  343  ;  ii.  306 
Yangy-Kishlak,  269,  270,  272 
Y"angy-Urda,  fortress  of,  ii.  41,  42 
Y'anikent,  401 
Yanitski,  M.  223 
Yany  Darya,  the,  52,  287  ;  ii.  417 
Y'any  Kurgan,  232,  243,  389 
Yany-sabak  pass,  275,  281 
Yany-su,  the,  ii.  374 
Yarim  Padshah  (half  king),  81 
Yarkand,  75,  322  ;  ii.  266 


ZAR 

Yarmaks,  ii.  176 

YTarra-Afgani  (Afghan  sore).    48 

Yassy,  70,  72 

Y'axardes,  371 

Yaxartes,  the,  365,  386 

Yazub  Bek,  ii.  387 

Yazykof,  53 

Yeframof,  Philip,  240,  318,  360 

Yeliu-Tashi,  371,  372  ;  ii.  122 

Yellow  river,  399 

Ye-lu-Tch'u-ts'ai,  236,  394,  395  ;  ii.  3 

Yreman,  398,  400,  402 

Yeneseisk,  ii.  209 

Yenissi,  ii.  136 

Yermak,  8 

Yevgraf,  ii.  19,  144 

Yinshan  mountains,  394,  395,  396 

l'i-tchou,  394 

Yi-t'ien,  394 

Yi-tu,  399,  400 

Yi-Yiin  river,  399 

Yomuds,the,  ii.  349,  355,  356,  357,  370, 

380,  381,  385  ;  of  the  Attrek,  ii.  380  ; 

of  Bairam-Shaly,  ii.  359  :  of  Hazavat, 

ii.  372  ;  contributions  placed  upon,  ii. 

356 
Yucca,  309 
Yulbars  Khan,  340 
Yuldash  Parnamatohi,  279,  280 
Yulduz,  the  river,  ii.  200,  319,  334 
Yule,    Colonel,     404,    405;     ii.     122; 

'Cathay  and  the  Way  Thither'  of, 

391 
Yultchi,  237 
Yuniisk,  28 

Y'unus  Hodja,  339,  340,  341 
Yunus  Khan,  378 
Yus  Ming  Kysh,  106 
Yus  Uzbek,  tribe  of,  107 
Yusuf  Hodja,  342,  347 
Yuzbashi,  ii.  7 


ZAGOSKIN,  28 
Zagyr  Bii,  ii.  343 

Zakharof,  Mr.  (Russian  Consul  at 
Kuldja),  402;  ii.  177,  191 

Zamin,  88,  309,  364 

Zang-ata,  feast  of,  138,  139,  140; 
shrine  of,  138 ;  women's  dance  at, 
140 

Zarafshan  district,  annexation  of  the 
upper,  283  ;  arable  land  in,  284  ; 
disturbances  in,  283  ;  expedition  to 
the  upper,  281,  283  ;  irrigation  of, 
286,  289  ;  productiveness  of  Valley 
of,  291,  292  ;  regulation  of  water  in 
Upprr,  288,  289 

Zarafshan    Mountains,    102,    188,    191, 


INDEX. 


463 


ZAR 

195,  274,  275,  310;  passes  in  the, 

275,  276 
Zarafshan  river,  276,  277  ;  tributaries 

of  the,  277 
Zekat,    the,    204,    205,    206  ;    ii.    206, 

241,  302  ;  abolition  of,  206  ;  receipts, 

213 
Zekat  Serai,  5,  11,  14,  16  ;  ii.  5 
Zemarchus,  368,  390,  391 ;  ii.  122 
Zemsky  Tax,  305,  306 ;  ii.  206 
Zemtchuzhnikoff,  Mr  ,  227,  228 
Zenga,  ii.  167 
Zerabulak,  battle  at,  245 
Zera  Bulak,  battle  of,  ii.  304  ;  heights 

of,  389 
Zernof  Veliaminof,  363,  381 
Zhe-hai,  ii.  131 
Zflung  (the  Dzian-Dziun),  ii.  185 


ZUR 

Zianeddin,  ii.  338 

Zianeddin,  288,  289;  ii.  117 

Zimmerman,  Colonel,  ii.  9,  126 

Zodiacal  months,  the,  330 

Zone,  the   apricot,   327 ;    fourth,    328 ; 

northern,   326 ;    peach   and   almond, 

327 
Zikr,  158 
Zil,  132 

Zinet-et-Tavarikh,  370 
Zodiak,  329,  330,  331  ;  months  of  the, 

322-329 
Zongian,  407 

Zulfukar  Bek,  ii.  286,  293 
Zultchi,  the,  ii.  164 
Zumkshir,  ii.  344,  345,  363 
Zungaria,  ii.  166 
Zurnukh,  407 


THE   END. 


